This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project
to make the world's books discoverable online.
It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject
to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books
are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover.
Marks, notations and other marginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the
publisher to a library and finally to you.
Usage guidelines
Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing this resource, we have taken steps to
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying.
We also ask that you:
+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for
personal, non-commercial purposes.
+ Refrain from automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help.
+ Maintain attribution The Google "watermark" you see on each file is essential for informing people about this project and helping them find
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it.
+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liability can be quite severe.
About Google Book Search
Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web
at |http : //books . google . com/
I «
%i*'H!?3pj2^,
-fipi.*- 4:r
'£^^^S
Digitized by
Google
J) 7
J
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
THE
MASTER, WARDENS, AND ASSISTANTS
OF THE WORSHIPFUL
COMPANY OF DRAPERS
1913-1914
Master.
Colonel Starling Meux Benson, LL.D.
Wardens.
Lieut.-Goljdin Lewis Rutley^V.D. Arthur Geoi]ge Ashby.
Webster Glynes. Sir John Aird, Bart.
Assistants.
Frederick William Harris. John Barrow.
Rev. Henry Boyd, D.D. His Hon. Judge William Denman
Charles Hales. Benson^ LL.D.
Sir Cornelius Neale Dalton, Bernard Francis Harris.
K.C.M.G.^ C.B., D.C.L. Arthur Stewart Daniell.
Ernest Gardner, MP. Gerald Walton Williams.
Charles Fellows Pearson. George Gardner.
Henry Haync. Sydney Shorter.
Sebastian Edward Shorter. The Rt. Hon. Sir William Grey
Heniy Trood Mason. Fllison Macartney, K.C.M.G.
Arthur Warren Williams. Rev. JohnNeale Dalton, K.C.V.O.,
Walter Silvester Gardner. C.M.G.
Clbr^.
Ernest Henry Pooley.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
HE History of The
Worshipful Company
of the Drapers of
London : preceded by
an Introduction on London
and her Gilds up to the close of the XVth
Century. By the Rev. A. H. Johnson,
Fellow and Chaplain of All Souls College
Initial from Cliaiter No. I
Vol. I
Oxford
At the Clarendon Press
1914
Digitized by
Google
Oxford University Press
London £dinbargh GUsgpw New York
Toronto Melbourne Bombay
Humphrey Milford M.A.
Ptiblisher to the University
Digitized by
Google
5v.
PREFACE
T is the play of economic interests
and social forces which chiefly deter-
mines the movements of history and
gives it its true meaning, and of all
the outward forms, which these in-
terests and forces assumed, few are
more important than the mediaeval
Gilds,
The Gild belongs to the period
which has been called that of < Town
Economy V when each city and its
neighbourhood was looked upon as
a self-containing and economical unit, based on a jealous
protertive spirit. As long as this lasted the influence of
the Gilds was all-pervading. They did not confine them-
selves exclusively to their industrial functions. They
influenced the social environment and the civic structure
of the town to which they belonged j they formed as it
were the warp of its social and economic structure. They
took part in its public burdens, they shared in its civic
joys and griefs, in its fortunes good and evil.
' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book, p. 75.
' The classification is that of BUcher, Die Entstehnng der Volkswirtschaft ^
cf. translation by Wickett, especially pp. 1 14 fT.
A?
Digitized by
Google
iv Treface
But by the close of the fifteenth century the wider
system of ^ national Economy ' began to be developed,
to be followed by that of an < international ' or ^ world
Economy^, and the industrial conditions grew too complex
to be satisfactorily organized by the Gild system. The
market now became far wider than that of the town,
while the capitalist entrepreneur who rose to meet the new
developments refused to submit to the old Gild restrictions.
From that moment the usefulness of the Gilds declined,
and by the end of the seventeenth century they had
altogether ceased to control the industrial world. Never-
theless they still remained as interesting relics of the past,
and, of late, by their renewed activities in the promotion
of philanthropic work, and of education, both theoretical
and technical, have gone far to satisfy all but the most
extravagant
Of the Gilds of London, that of the Worshipful
Company of Drapers is one of the most important.
I have been entrusted with the valued privilege of writing
its history, which is long overdue.
Although Herbert in his work on the Livery Companies
of London has already seized on the more salient points,
his account is based on a somewhat superficial study of
the original documents in the possession of the Company,
and is unfortunately very inaccurate. And no other
history of the Drapers has been attempted.
If the interest taken by the author in his work were
the measure of his success, I should feel no quahns.
Unfortunately much more is required. It is therefore
with some trepidation that I &ce my readers.
Digitized by
Google
Treface v
Whatever success I may have attained is certainly
largely due to the generous assistance I have received on
all hands.
The earlier part of my work, up to the end of the
reign of Elizabeth, has been much facilitated by the
transcripts of the Company's Documents, which had been
already executed by Mr. Welch and his son.
I owe my thanks to Mr. Pooley, the Clerk of the
Worshipful Company, and to Miss Greenwood for help
most imgrudgingly and generously given. I have also'
to thank Miss Greenwood for the Index. Without the
loyal co-operation of Miss Watkins, my Secretary, and
the assiduous attention of Mr. Whitaker, the Sub-
Librarian of All Souls College, and his staff, the
publication of this first instalment would have been
long delayed.
Bodley's Librarian as well as the staff have often
helped me in elucidating difScult questions. M. Pirenne, the
eminent Historian of the Low Countries, has generously
given me much valuable information on the early history
of the cloth industry in its original home.
Among others, I owe to Miss M. Sellers and Mr. Heaton
much instruction with regard to the Yorkshire cloth in-
dustry; to Professor Oman, assistance in heraldry; and
to the Rev. Dr. P. H. Aitken, great help with regard
to the earliest paper used for the Drapers' documents.
Finally I have to thank Mr. Leys, of University College,
Oxford, and Professor Unwin, of the Victoria University,
Manchester, for their careful reading of the proofs, and
the latter for many invaluable criticisms and suggestions.
Digitized by
Google
vi Treface
The first two volumes, which are now offered to the
public, bring the History of the Drapers' Company up to
the close of the reign of Elizabeth. How many more
volumes may be required to complete the work, I am not
as yet in a position to state. The material in the possession
of the Company is very voluminous and has been as yet
untouched by me. But the Court has kindly acceded to
my wish that I should no longer delay to publish the
History of the Company during the period when, in
conmion with the other Gilds of London, it most pro-
foundly influenced not only the industrial but the civic
life of our metropolis.
I have prefaced the history of the Company by an
Introduction on the relations of the Gilds to the govern-
ment of the City up to the close of the fifteenth century,
in the hope that the exact position of the Company in
the development of London would thereby be made more
clear.
Au Souls College,
Oxford,
Jufy 1914.
Digitized by
Google
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I
PAGE
INTRODUCTION
London and her Gilds from the Norman C!onquesc to the
Close of the Middle Ages i
CHAPTER I
The Early History of the Cloth Trade up to the End of the
Thirteenth Century. The first appearance of the
Draper 6i
CHAPTER II
The History of the Drapers firom the Opening of the Four-
teenth Century to the Letters Patent of Edward III,
1364 81
CHAPTER III
The History of the Gild or Fraternity of the Drapers fi-om
the Letters Patent of Edward III (ig^+J to the
year 1479 ss)
CHAPTER IV
The Relations of the Drapers' Gild or Fraternity to the
Political Events of the Reigns of Henry V, Henry VI,
Edward IV, Richard III, and Henry VII . .127
CHAPTER V
Changes in the Organization of the Fellowship of Drapers
between 1441 and ij-op 147
Digitized by
Google
viii Contents
APPENDICES
PAGE
I. An Account of the chief original Documents up to
1603 in the possession of the Drapers' Company • 173
II A. Drapers in the Thirteenth Century . i8x
II B. Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the
Thirteenth Century 184
III A. Drapers in the Fourteenth Century up to the date
01 the first Charter, 1364 i8y
III B. Evidences as to the functions of the Drapers in the
Fourteenth Century ipi
IV. Ordinances of the Brotherhood of Our Lady of
Bethlehem, 1371 ip5
V. Stat. 37 Edward III, cc. Sy 6- That Merchants and
Artificers shall keep to their own Merchandise
and Mystery, Stat. 38 Edward III, c. x, repeal-
ing same 102
VI. Letters Patent of July i;-, 38 Edward III, 1354 . 204
VII. Petition of the Mystery of Drapers against the
election of Nicholas Brembre as Mayor in 1384 . 208
VIII. Grant of a Quit-rent by Fitzalwyn, paid by the
Drapers' Fraternity. September 30, 7 Henry VI,
1428 211
IX. Letters Patent of Henry VI. Charter of Incor-
poration. November 30, 17 Henry VI, 1438 . 214
X. The Grant of the Farm of Aulnage. February i5,
17 Henry VI, 143P, new style .... 2i5
XL Grant of Arms. March 10, 17 Henry VI, 143P,
new style 221
Digitized by
Google
Contents ix
PAGE
XII. Inspezimus Charter of July 25, 6 Edward IV
{i^66\ confirming and expanding that of
17 Henry VI 229
XIII. C!onfirmation of the Drapers' Right of Search.
Oaober 5, 25 Henry VI, 14+7 . .232
XIV. Ordinance of the Mayor confirming the Right of
Search of Woollen Cloths, October 5, x6
Henry VI, 1447 253
XV. Letters Patent of Edward IV, promising that
shearmen shall have no Corporation. April p,
ip Edward IV, 1479 237
XVI. Letters Patent of Richard III releasing the Drapers
from all forfeitures for offences committed before
February 21, 14.84. May 21, i Richard III, 1484. 236
XVII. The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances, originally
drawn up in 14.0^ and entered in the book in
14/^0, with later additions up to 1^31 • . 242
XVIII. Transcript of the earliest Wardens' Accounts from
14.14. to 1442 ....... 282
XIX. The First Drapers' Hall. Grant of site . . 34.8
XX A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year
1481-2 3x1
XX B. Transcript of the earliest Renters* Accounts for .
the year 148 1-2 3^5
XXI. List of Members of the Drapers' C!ompany in 1493 364
XXIIa. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year
iyo8-p 3^7
XXII B. Transcript of the Renters' Accounts for the year
1X08-P 374
Digitized by
Google
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
IN VOLUME I
PAGE
The Original Arms of the Drapers, i+jp . . facing page x-lx
Seal of lif 3p. From a cast in the British Museum . . 22^
Sacramental Pyx 226
The Arms of July ij-di facing page -vl^
The Arms of idi J 227
Present-day Seal 228
Arms of To-day 228-
Digitized by
Google
INTRODUCTION
LONDON AND HER GILDS FROM THE NORMAN
CONQUEST TO THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE
AGES
HE theory that the dvic struc- London at
ture of London grew out of, or ^^^ date of
was originally based on the Gild, '^^ ^^^ .
r iij ji quest and in
has now been abandoned by most ^^^ reign of
historians. Gilds, indeed, as we Heniy I.
shall see, existed in London be-
fore the Norman Conquest. But
it was not till much later that
the voluntary association of the
Gild and municipal Government
began to influence one another
and to coalesce."
From the scanty Charter ^ of
the Conqueror to London we
learn little except that the City
' The initial comes from Charter No. I.
" The suggestion of Mr. Loftie that the Cnighten Gild formed a part of the
government of the City in Anglo-Saxon or Norman times is refuted by
Mr. Round. Loftie, London, i. 98 ; Round, Commune of London, pp. 10},
111. Mr. Loftie makes much of the £ict that Leofoan, who had been Portreeve
in the Confessor's day, was head of the Cnighten Gild in the reign of Henry I.
But this proves nothing ; the same man might be Portreeve and head of the
Gild at the same time, without there being any connexion between these two
offices, just as we know that several of the members of the Gild were Aldermen
at the time of its dissolution. Nor ag^ had London then or at any time
a Merchant Gild. Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 10^. For an account of the
Cnighten Gild and Merchant Gilds cf. pp. 15^ 16 of this volume. Cf. also Petit
Dotaillis, Studies Supplementary to Stubbs, p. 67 5 Maitland, Township and
Borough ; Bateson, Mediaeval England, Borough Customs. So too, abroad, the
origin of the civic 20vemment is to be looked for not in the Gild system but in
the rural organizatx>n of the Manor. The Merchant Gild abroad had even less
^ Cf. Stubbs, Charters, 8th ed, p. io8.
itos*i B
Digitized by
Google
X Introduction
had 'a certain unity under its portreeve and its Bishop', and that the
Tfcc Charter burghers were to be held ' Law worthy '. The Charter of Henry I
of Henry I. is much more explicit, but, although it makes some changes, it
probably did not alter materially the basis of the dvic constitution.
The City at that date is organized on the analogy of a rural
shire. It is independent of any other county ; and Middlesex,
the county in which it lies, is held of the Crown at a * ferm '
of 300 pounds. It is given the privilege of electing a Sheriff and
a Justiciar of its own, who have the sole jurisdiction over the
burghers. The folk moot of London, answering to the shiremoot
of a shire, is recognized as well as the * Husting Court \ which was
a general meeting of the citizens for judicial purposes.*
Although the charter does not appear to mention the Wards,"
there can be little doubt that they already existed.^
connexion with the mnnidpal organization than in England; and the Craft
Gilds, although they seriously modmed the later development and in some cases,
as in London, became subsequently an integral part of the town administration,
were not so at first. On the Foreign Gilds generally, c£ Gross, Gild Merchant,
181 ; Pirenne, Bel^ique, i. 1^9 if., %%% if., ^66ff. ^ Revue historique, 53, 1S93,
57i 1895, Les Origmes des institutions urbaines ; Lavisse, Histoire de France, iv.
341 if., V. 397 if., tL 7^; Luchaire, Communes fran^aises; Gity, («) Histoire
dc la ville St. Omer, (b) Etudes sur les origines de la commune de St. Quentin ;
Flach, Origines de Pancienne France j Lecaron, Lcs Origines de la mumcipalit6
parisiennc (M6moires de la Soci6t6 de Thistoire de Paris, vii, viii, 1 880-1 )j
Fagniez, Etudes sur Tindustrie a Paris aux xiii® et xiv® si^cles ; Heeel, Stadte und
GiQen der germanischen Volker im Mittelalter; Gierke, Das deutsche
Genossenschansrecht ; Below und Keutgen, Urkunden zur stadtischen Ver£usungs-
^eschichtej Schanz, Gesellenveibande. For the Hanseatic League cf. article
m Encyclopaedia Brit, and authorities quoted j Doren, Entwickelung und Organisa-
don der ilorentiner Ziinfte im xiii.-xiv. Jahrhunder^ in Schmoller, Forschungen,
p. 59. Ashley, Surveys Historic and Economic, p. ^7, gives a useful survey of
the most important writers on the subject.
' On the Husdngs Court, cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wilb, i, p. 11.
^ The word ' wardemotum ' in the passage should probably be read ' vadi-
monium' (debts owing). Cf. Round, Commune of London, Appendix P,
p. 370. He shows that the word ^' vadimonium ' occurs in the Charter of
Henry II, which was framed on the model of that of Henry I, and points out that
the singular, ^ wardemotum ', is meaningless, since there were many Wardmoots,
not one Wardmoot.
^ The most ancient list of the Wards that has been found is in Liber L MSS.,
Library of St. Paul's, and is probably of the date of a.d. i i 1 T or thereabouts.
The number there recorded is twenty. Of these one is called the Bishop's
Ward. Three have Ipcal names — Warda Fori (Cheap), Alegate (Aldgate),
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 3
Thus the municipal unity granted by the Charter is ^ of the
same sort as that ot the county and hundred '. But, as in the
shire, the churches, the barons, the citizens, retain their * sokes '
or jurisdictions' and their privileges ; and the City is only as yet
* a bundle of communities, townships or villages, parishes and
lordships '.'
Brocesganee (Walbrook or Dowgate). Sixteen are called by the names of
citizens who, though not yet called Aldermen, evidently enjoy that position.
Two at least of these are among the fifteen members of the Anglo-Saxon
Cnighten Gild who surrendered their lands and their soke of Poitsoken to the
Prior of Holy Trinity in 1125 (cf. p. i^). This would make twenty-one.
Three more were added at some date previous to 1117-8, when we find twenty-
four Wards. In 1393 Farringdon Ward, previously called Warde de Lodgate
et Neugate, was divided into two. Within and Without. This broueht up the
number to twenty-five. No further increase was made till the middle of the
seventeenth century, when Cnpplegate was divided, although the same Alderman
to this day presides over the two Wards.
The heads of the Ward, who become known as Aldermen in the thirteenth
century, in all probability originally held their position by hereditary right as
being the possessors of estates and courts, like the rural manorial courts m the
City. They held views of frankpledge in their Wardmoots, set the watch and
kept the gates of the City, and their jurisdictions were specially safeguarded in
the Charter of Henry I, which promised that ^ all churches^ barons, and citizens
should enjoy their '^ sokes " and customs in peace '.
This hereditary position was, however, soon changed for an elective one. The
first notice of an Alderman bein? elected is in 1199^ when Alexander Le Ferrun
was chosen by the Ward of Walbrook. By the close of the thirteenth century
the Wards are all known by local names. See Beaven, Aldermen, i. 3^3, il
p. XV} Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplcgate, p. 113 j Letter Book A, p. 109 j C,
pp. II, 11} Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, ii. 186. Pirenne, Belgique, i 184,
ii 44, note, shows the same change with regard to the Echevins.
^ Cf. Selea Charters, 8th ed., p. 108} Stubbs, Constitutional History, ed.
1874, i 405. Three points have been much disputed :
(i) The grant of the 'ferm' of Middlesex.
(i\ The relation of the Sheriff to the earlier Portreeve.
(3) The meaning of the Justiciar.
Mr. Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, L 41, holds that the grant made the shire
subject to the City. But Mr. Round (Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 140, and
Appendix F, p. 347) argues with ereat force that Middlesex included London as
it had before. They had been held by Geoffrey de Mandeville. Henry granted
them to the citizens of London. But Stephen revoked this ^rant and bestowed
the 'ferm ' of Middlesex and London on the grandson of Geonrey. It was not till
1 1 ^^ that London regained the ' ferm ' as well as the right of appointing the
Sheriff. Henceforth Middlesex and London are united and the ' ferm ' paid to the
King is sometimes called that of London, sometimes of Middlesex, sometimes of
Digitized by
Google
4- Introduction
Nevertheless the privileges which the City had obtained by the
Charter of Henry I were great, and on his death we find them
Thereignsof even claiming the special right of electing the new King/ At
Stephen and ^ i^ter date in Stephen's reign, according to some authorities, they
^"'^ • even arrogated to themselves the corporate unity of a French
* commune '.
But the fortunes of the day were a^nst them. Their nominee
Stephen was but the shuttlecock of rival factions ; Geoffrey de
Mandeville, who was Constable of the Tower and had been
created Earl of Essex by Stephen, proved faithless, and only
returned to his allegiance when bribed by being appointed to the
offices of Sheriff and Justiciar of London and of Middlesex, the
*ferm ' of which was also granted to him. Though de Mandeville
died in 1 143, Henry II did not restore the right of election to the
citizens," but nominated the Sheriff himself. Such exceptional
powers as had been granted by Henry I were distasteful to the
first Angevin King, and the same policy was at first continued by
Richard L
Grant of the When, however, that knight-errant King had gone on his
Commune
y J^**"' both. Mr. Round also maintains that the Sheriff represents the Portreeve, a title
''^'* which henceforth disappears. The number of the SheriiFs varied fix>m rime to
rime, until finally in the reign of Richard I two became the regular number.
Though the Charter of Henry I allowed them to be elected by the citizens, they
were nominated by the King during the reigns of Henry II and Richard I.
John in 1 1 99 restored the right of eleaion to the cirizens. By that date,
however, London had its Mayor and the Sheriffs had become subordinate officers.
The grant of the Jusriciar, whether new or not, may be compared to the policy
adopted by Norman kings of sometimes allowing the Sheriff to be justice m his
own county. ^It represents ', says Mr. Roun<C ' the transitional stage between
the localization of justice under the sheriff and the centralization under the future
jusrices of the central Court.* During the reign of Stephen the office was granted
to Geoffrey de Mandeville. But with the more centralizing policy of Henry II,
who forbad Sheriffs to be justices in their own county, the London Jusriciar
disappears. It may be, as is stated by the Liber Albus (p. 1 1), that the future
Mayor represents the Justiciar, as well as the Portreeve, and that \t was in
virtue of this and not by royal commission that he was one of the Justices for
gaol delivery in London.
' Gcsta Stephani, Rolls Series, iii. f-^.
" Most writers say that Henry II confirmed the Charter of Henry I. But
Mr. Round has shown that the clause with regard to the Sheriff finds no place
in Henry IPs Charter. Round, Mandeville, p. 3^8,
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds s
Crusade, and William Lonechamp Bishop of Ely, and the King's
brother John, were rivals for the control of the Government, the
Londoners once more had their opportunity. John, having suc-
ceeded in driving the Bishop from power, and being anxious to obtain
the support of me Londoners, granted them, with the consent ot
the other Bishops, Earls, and Barons, ' their ^^Communa" and swore
to preserve it and all other dignities of the City as long as it should
please the King ; the citizens on their part declaring their willing-
ness to recognize John as King should his brother die childless'/
The exact meaning of the word * Communa ' has indeed been
disputed. But the best authorities agree that, whether the grant
was a new one, or the confirmation of an old claim, made as early
as the reign of Stephen,** or whether again the idea was borrowed
from Rouen or some other foreign town,^ it at least gave to
London a 'communal unity \ *a corporate unity of the munici-
rality \ which took the place of the previous shire organization.^
Further, there is every probability that the concession was accom-
panied by the establishment of the Mayoralty,^ while Mr. Round
' Benedictns Abbas, iL 113.
' As mentioned above. In 1141 the Londoners, when demanding the
release of Stephen, then in the hands of the Empress Matilda, declared that
they were sent ^ a commtmione quam vocant Londoniariam * (Malmesbary, Hist.
Nov., iiL s. 4^). This, according to some, shows that they had then formed
a ' commmia ', and even the caatioas Bishop Stubbs allows that, if the municipal
organization represented by the French 'Commune ' did not yet exist in London,
the ^ communal idea ' seems to have been there. Constit. Hist., L 407 5 Sharpe,
London and the Kingdom, i. 49.
^ Round, Commune of London, pp. ii^ fF., argues that the idea of the
commune was borrowed directly from Rouen and other French towns. This is,
however, disputed by Miss Bateson, and is very questionable. Cf. Adams,
London and the Commune, £n^. Hist. Review, xix. 701 ; Bateson, £ng. Hist.
Review, xvi. (1901), 480, 707 5 Petit Dutaillis, Studies Supplementary to Stubbs,
p. 98.
* It should, however, be understood that this grant of a commune did not go
so £ir as to recognize the City as a legal ^ persona '. This only came with
Edward IVs Charter.
^ The Liber de Antiquis Legibus says that Fitzaylwin was the first Mayor ol
London in 1 1 89. In tne Chronicles of London, i xo^ is given as the date of the
first Mayor. It seems, however, more probable that the office originated with
the grant of the Communa. A Mayor is first mentioned in an official document
in 1 1 94, when he was treasurer for Richard I*s ransom. Cf. Sharpe, London
and the Kingdom, i, 66 1 Archaeol. Journal, i. 1^9.
Digitized by
Google
6 Introduction
quotes a document to show that the Mayor was assisted by
* ichevins ' who were probably Aldermen.'
The establishment of the G>mmuna must not, however, be
looked upon as a move in the direction of democracy. The
government was evidently in the hands of the powerful and the
rich. The majority of the Aldermen of the Wards were still in
all probability men of old descent, who held their Wards as
Erivate franchises." That the lower classes were not benefited
y this concession of autonomous rule is indicated by the rebellion
of William Fitzosbert five years subsequently ; a rebellion caused
by the heavy and unequal taxation imposed upon the citizens by
those in authority, taxation necessary to raise the ransom for
King Richard.3
Nevertheless, London had in iipi made a very distinct ad-
vance in the direction of self government, and it seemed as if
she was going to rival some of the great towns of Germany or of
Flanders in establishing a very large measure of municipal indepen-
dence. This, however, was prevented by the might of the
£nglish Crown, and by the strong centralization which had
already been established by earlier Kings, notably by Henry I
and Henry H.
The ministerial opinion as to the danger of this communal
organization is well expressed by the royalist chronicler who
declares that a commune ^puSs up the people, threatens the
kingdom, and enervates the priesthood ', and that * neither
Richard I nor his father Henry II would ever have conceded
it, even for a million marks of silver '. ^
The Com- John had made the concession to win support, but after the
mune dis- return of Richard we hear no more of the Communa, although
a]^ars, bat apparently Henry Fitzaylwin remained Mayor for the rest of
allowed to < Roand, Commune, p. 13 f^ contrary to the general opinion, would have us
elect their believe that the Skivim were borrowed from the ' ^chevins ' of Rouen* Cf.
Mayors. Petit Dutaillis, p. 99.
* The first mention of Aldermen being elected \s In 1193, Letter Book C,*
pp. 1 1, II.
^ ^ Imponebantur eis auxilia non modica, et divites, propnis parcentes marsupiis,
▼olebant nt pauperes soWerent uni^ersa.' Hoveden, i?. 5. Cf. Stubbs, Charters,
cd. Da^is, 191 3, p* »47.
^ Ric. I>i?is., p* n* ^ Stubbs, Charters, p. x^i.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 7
his life. John, however, after his brother's death, restored to
the citizens the * ferm ' of Middlesex and London and the right
of electing their Sheriff at the price of 3,000 marks,' and finally
in 1215- the King, in his vain endeavours to win their support
ag^nst his rebellious Barons, granted them the right of annually
electing their Mayor.
Meanwhile, shortly after the accession of King John we hear
of two bodies, one oftwenty-five(i2oo-i) and another of twenty-
four (i2o5'-6), which have been by some considered to be the
origin of the Court of Aldermen and of the Common Qouncil.*
* English Hist. Review, July 1901, p. 508.
* The Liber de Antiqnis Legibus mentions a body of twenty-five elected in
I loo- 1 'de discretioribos civitads ', and sworn to take counsel on behalf of the
City with the Mayor. In the Additional MS. British Museum, 14151, £>. no,
we find under date 110 5-^ an oath taken by a body of twenty*four that they
will exercise justice impartially and honestly. Mr. Sharpe (London and the
Kingdom, i. 71), neglecting the second body of twenty-four, holds that the
twenty-five are the origin of the Court of Aldermen. Mr. Round (Commune
of London, p. 1^9), apparently neglecting the twenty-five, holds that the body
of twenty-four are the origin of the Court of Common Council. He shows
that at Rouen there was a similar body of twenty-four who acted as the
Mayor's Council, and points out that ' the powers possessed by the Mayor and his
Council ' over the whole town 'were quite distinct from the local power of each
Alderman in his district or ward '.
The difficulty of coming to a decision on the matter is considerable.
I. The body of twenty-five can scarcely be the Court of the Aldermen of
Wards, since there were at that time certainly not twenty-five Wards.
1. The actual writ ordering the election of the twenty-four is to be found
in the Close Rolls, Feb. 4, 1105-^, p. ^4. They are to be elected to
amend the evils caused by the misgovemment of those in power
whereby the City has suffered damage and the King has lost his proper
tallages and forfeitures. The passage, which has been pointed out to me
by Mr. Unwin, seems to dispose of Mr. Round's suggestion that they
were borrowed from Rouen in 1191, when the Commune was started.
Moreover, the twenty-four evidently have to exercise judicial functions
which were enjoyed by the future Court of Aldermen, not by the Common
Council
A possible explanation mi^ht be found in considering the eleaed twenty-five
with their deliberarive functions as the origin of the Q>mmon Council, and the
twenty-four with their judicial functions as being a recognition of the Court of
Aldermen, since we know that it was somewhere about this date that the
number of Wards was twenty-four. C£ on the whole question Round, Commune
of London, p. 139; Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, u 7^9 Bateson, Hist.
Review, 1901, p. ^07$ Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 137} Beaven,
Digitized by
Google
8 Introduction
London sop- These concessions of John did not pacify the Londoners. They
ports the still supponed the Barons. Fiawalter, the owner * of Baynard's
su^a^ Kine Castlc and its soke or Ward, was one of the most prominent
John, i»x57 leaders of the rebellious Barons, and the importance of London
is conclusively proved by the fact that the Mayor (Serlo le
Mercer) stands on the list of the twenty-five Guardians of the
Great Charter.
So violent, indeed, was the hostility of the City to the King
that, when supponed by the Pope he annulled the Great Chaner,
they joined the extremists in calling in the French Prince Louis,
and only tardily came to terms with the young King Henry on
condition that their liberties should be acknowledged, and that
citizens captured in the late hostilities should be set at liberty.'
Henry ill, however, did not keep his promises. He interfered
with their right to elect their Sheriffs ; ne extorted money from
them ; he bid for the support of the lower classes against the City
magnates, depriving the Aldermen of their Wards, though offer-
ing to restore some of them if they were elected by the Common
Council, and on more than one occasion ^ took the City into his
own hands \^
London and It is not, therefore, surprising that, when the quarrel finally
the Barons' broke out between Henry and Simon de Mont&rt, tne Londoners
War, IX J 8. ^^j^^ found on the side of the Barons. At first, however, as
in the reign of Richard I, the City was not of one mind. All
were indeed united in resisting the exactions of the King, but in
many ways the interests of the ruling aldermanic class were not
those of the lower.^ The King had attempted to take advantage
Aldermen, ii, p. xi j Petit Dutaillis, Studies, 99. CL also the Coria Scawagerioram
of Edward Fs reign, the meaning of which is disputed. Letter Book C, pp. 1 5 1,
19^; English Hist. Review, 1901, p. 511.
' On Fitzwalter cf. Sharpe, London, i. 74, and authorities quoted there.
' Treaty of Lambeth.
^ The authority for part of the reign of John and fi>r the struggle under
Henry III is Fitz Thedmar, an Alderman, author of the Chronicles of Mayors
and Sheriffs of London. He himself had suffered from the royal tyranny in
11^8, but nevertheless became a violent royalist partisan. Much is to be learnt
from his account, but it is unfortunate that the popular party has no chronicler.
C£ Beaven, Aldermen, p. 3^8.
^ An attempt has been made to trace the conflict between the two parties in
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 9
of these divisions with some success, and in I2(fi, shortly before
the outbreak of the Barons' War, Fitz Thomas was elected Mayor,
apparently with the temporary approval of the King, against
Fitz Richard, the representative of the aristocratic burghers.
In any case Fitz Thomas soon broke with the King and voiced
the cause of the lower people. To the indignation of the Alder-
man chronicler Fitz Thedraar, Fitz Thomas encouraged them to
style themselves the commons of the people, and followed their
will without consulting the Aldermen or chief citizens. He
acquiesced in an attack made on the French merchants, to whom
Henry III had shown favour, and in still more questionable deeds.
* The people leagued themselves together by oath by the hundred
and by the thousand under colour of keeping the peace, and went
about reclaiming public land and rights of way which had been
encroached upon. *
In i2()3 Fitz Thomas was again elected by popular vote,
the votes of the Aldermen being excluded, but in 1 264- j^ the
King refused to confirm his third election, an act to which
Fitz Thomas responded by siding with de Montfort on the
outbreak of war."
The victory of Lewes (May 1164^ made Fitz Thomas and his
party complete masters of London.^ Nevertheless, according to
Fitz Thedmar, instead of strengthening the City government
against the King, as the Aldermen would have done, he * told
the men of each Craft to make such provision as should be to
their own advantage, and that he himself would have the same
proclaimed and observed '. Accordingly, * individuals of every
Craft made new statutes and provisions, or rather what might be
styled abominations, and that solely for their own advantage, and
London from the accession of Henry III from the names of the Mayors and
Sheriffs. Loftie, i. 119.
' Riley, Chronicles of Mayors^ p. ^9.
' C£ Beaven, Aldermen, p. 3^9. On the King's side there were two
ex-Mayors, six Aldermen, one of them Fitz Thedmar, and two who became
Aldermen shortly after. On the side of de Montfort were three Aldermen and
the Mayor Fitz Thomas.
^ It should be remembered that in i %6% two burghers fiom each town were
£>r the first time summoned to attend Parliament. Unfortunately the names of
the representatives for London are not given.
1C08.1 c
Digitized by
Google
lO
Introduction
Right of
electing the
Mayor re-
stored to the
citizens,
1170.
A disputed
election,
1x72.
The Mayor
Hervi sap*
ports the
Crafts, bat
his policy is
reversed by
his successor.
to the intolerable loss of all merchants coining to London and
visiung the fairs of England, and the exceeding injury of all
persons in the realm '. '
The death of Simon de Montfbrt at the fatal battle of Evesham,
on August 4, 1 26 J', was followed by the immediate overthrow of
Fitz Thomas, only just in time to prevent a massacre of the best
and foremost of the City which, if we may believe Fitz Thedmar,
was being prepared by the revolutionary Mayor. That Fitz
Thomas, however, found some support among the upper classes is
proved by the fact that among tliose proscribed after his fall are
found two or three of the oldest names in the City. The truth is
that the old oligarchy was breaking up, and the City, deprived of
its head, was once more taken into the King's hands.
Five years afterwards, in the year 1270, owing to the good
offices of the young Prince Edward, the aged King restored to the
Londoners their right of electing their Mayor and their Sheriffs
and confirmed their privileges, although, as usual, the King's
favour had to be bought with money. The first two elections
following this concession appear to have passed quietly, but in
1272, when the ex-Mayor, Walter Hervi, sought re-election, the
old contentions between the more ^discreet' citizens and the
commoners broke out once more. The more * discreet * were in
favour of Philip le TaiUeur, but the * commons ' or mob of the
City cried out, * Nay, nay, we will have no one for Mayor than
Walter Hervi '.' The Aldermen at first asked for arbitration,^
but as the King died at this moment they gave way and Hervi
was elected.
Hervi pursued the policy of Fitz Thomas. Fresh ordinances
for various crafts were drawn up, and the position of the Craft
' Liber de Andqais Legibos^ translated Riley, pp. 58, ^o, 6^.
' Fitz Thedmar, Chron. of Mayors and Shenfts, in Riley, p. 153.
^ On the side of Hervi we find: Robert Gratefige, Robert Haateyn,
a Mercer (?), Alland le Hurer (Cap-maker), Barthobmew le Spicer (Grocer ?p,
Henry de Wyncestre. Two apparently were members of Craft Gilds, and aU,
except perhaps the last, men apparently of the middle class \ while those on the
side of the Aldermen were apparently men of higher sundine — ^John Adrian,
late Mayor ; Henry le Waleys, subsequently Mayor $ Walter le Poter $ Henry
de Coventre 3 Thomas de Basinge. Riley, Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs,
p. IJ7.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds ii
Gilds was improved. Yet Hervi did not succeed in getting
re-elected again, and no sooner was his successor in power than
the Charters he had granted were revoked as being solely for the
benefit of the wealthy men of the trades to which they were
granted, as also to the loss and undoing of all the other citizens,
and the members of the crafts were ordered to pursue their crafts
as before.'
It is unfortunate that the actual trades to which Charters had
been given are not mentioned, and it is somewhat confusing to
find that Hervi was accused of favouring the wealthy men ofthe
trades. We must, however, remember that the only account we
have is firom an avowed enemy, FitzThedmar, and his own
statement that Hervi * had, when accused, appealed ' to a great
multitude of those trades to which he had granted Charters and to
the populace,' as well as the popular support which he evidently
secured, fiarnishes the best answer to the charge that he fevoured
the rich.3
From the date of Edward I's return to England till the year
iiSj' we know nothing of the internal politics of London. Our
interesting though partial chronicler, Fitz Thedmar, fails us, and
there is no one to take his place adequately.*
In that year, however, owing to the reftisal ofthe then Mayor, TheGovem-
Gregory de Rokesly, to appear, as Mayor, before the King's mcntof
Justices,^ then sitting at the Tower, he was deposed, and tor J^ ^Mitb^of
a Gustos,
' Rile/, Chronicles of Mayors, pp. 170, 171. Ii8f-g8
» Ibid., p. 170. .
^ Herri declared that his object in becoming Mayor had been that he might
support the poor against the rich, who wished to oppress them in the matter of
tallages and expenditure of the City, Cf. Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs,
p. \%6.
* Our authorities now are mainly: i. The Chronicles of Ed. I-II, Rolls
Series, ed, W. Stubbs. 1. The series of Letter Books, now published under the
title Letter Books, A to K : these are of especial value. 3. Sharpe, Calendar of
Wills in the Court of Husting. 4. Liber Albus, translated by Riley. 5. Liber
Custumamm, Rolls Series.
^ Rokesly held that he was not bound to appear for judgement beyond the
Liberties ofthe City, unless he had received folly forty days* notice. Apparently
the City wall passed through the precinas of the Tower, and all the part which
lay to the west ofthe wall was therefore in Tower Ward, all to the east bebnged
to the special jurisdiction of the King. The Ward of Portsoken, however, lay
Digitized by
Google
IX
Introduction
True mean-
ing of the
pistoon-
troversy.
thirteen years the City was in the hands of a * Gustos ', * whilst the
Sheriffs were sometimes appointed by the Exchequer, sometimes
chosen by the citizens.'* It was not till I2p8 that the right
of election was again restored to the City, when Henry de
Waleys was chosen Mayor by the Aldermen and twelve men
selected by them from each Ward ' — * an important departure from
the old dose system,' says Dr. Stubbs, although, since the selection
of the twelve lay in the hands of the Aldermen, this can scarcely
be called a triumph of the elective principle.
The exact meaning of the struggle that had been going on
in London since the reign of Richard I is difficult to unravel.
Some would represent it merely as one between the richer and
outside the Tower to the east, and thus was also part of the Gty. C£ Map in
Kingsfbtd's ed. of Stow, vol. ii$ Coke, Institutes, iii. 13^.
It should, however, be understood that the privileges of Londoners to be tried
in their own courts did not, since the disappearance of the 'Justiciar', extend to
criminal cases. The Charter of 1 1 £dwatd II promised that the King should
tK>t, except in cases of grave emereenc/, assign Justices to sit in any part of the
Liberty of the Qty, except the Justices Itinerant who sat in the Tower, the
Justices for gaol delivery who sat at Newgate, and for correction of errors at
^t. Martin's le Grand. By the Charter of Edward III the Mayor was consdtuted,
€x officio^ one of the Justices of ^aol delivery at Newgate. In criminal cases the
preliminary inquest of recognition was held before the Sheriffs or Coroner by
a Jury of the Watd in whicn the offence had been committed, and the accused
was either acquitted or presented for final trial to the Justices sitting in the
Tower. Febns arrested in the City were committed to Newgate by the Sheriff
to await the next gaol delivery at Newgate.
No freeman could be arrested or punished except by the officers of the City,
and no fireeman could be impleaded before the King's Marshal.
Of civil cases the Sheriffs also had coenizance in their court. Appeals <in
error' were returnable from that court to the Hustings Court of Common Pleas,
and thence to the Jusuces or Commissioners sitting at St. Martin's le Grand.
(This was a liberty originally bebnging to the Dean and Chapter of Westminster,
who in early days possessed a Court of Record, distina fiom the City of London.)
From these Jusdces the final appeal lay to the House of Lords. Since Heniy VIII
the Justices have sat at the Guildhall.
No citizens could plead outside the City walls except in pleas of outside tenure.
Pleas of ^ escheats' of tenements within the City were to be pleaded before the
Jusuces Itinerant at the Tower. Cf. Pulling, Laws and Customs of the City of
London, pp. 170 ff. j Norton, Commentaries; Liber Albus, translated Riley,L 44 ff.;
Letter Books, ed. Sharpe, D, p. iv, 190 ; £, 41, 5^, 102, 144, 340 ; F, xxxv, ^4.
' Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i. 1x2 ; Riley, Liber Albus, pp. 1^ ff.
^ Norton, Commentaries, p. 87 5 Letter Book B, 11 1.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 13
poorer citizens, or of the members of the Wards against their
aristocratic Aldermen, who by this time often held some of the
minor royal offices, such as Chamberlain, farmer of taxes, and the
like ; * others look upon it as the first move on the part of
the Craft Gilds to gain control of the municipal government. It
is not without significance that it is about this time that the
Wards are no longer called by the names of their Aldermen, and
that the Aldermen become in all cases, except in the case of
Portsoken, where the office was held by the Prior of Holy Trinity,
elected officers. Further, it is in 1285- that we find the Aldermen
acting with the aid of an elected council in each Ward, and, as just
mentioned, twelve men selected by the Aldermen from each
of their Wards taking part in the election of the Mayor in iap8/
All these indications might lead one to infer that the quarrel
was nothing more than one between the ^ magnates and the com*
moners ', as Bishop Stubbs is inclined to think.^ Yet, on the
other hand, the firequent mention of the Craft Gilds as the
supporters of Fitz Thomas and of Hervi leads one to the con-
clusion that these two men were attempting to organize the
Crafts more thoroughly against the patrician party as represented
by the Aldermen of the Wards, and, if so, we here see the begin-
ning of the movement which before the end of the fourteenth
century was to end in the triumph of the Gilds. Mr. Loftie,*
indeed, would have us believe that Henry, by his policy of grant-
ing charters to the Gilds, first gave them the idea of corporate
unity, which many of them were eventually to gain from the
Crown. In any case it must be remembered that, though the
distinction between the masters and the journeymen was not
as yet so marked as it became in the fifteenth century, yet
the real control of the Crafts always lay in the hands of the
masters, and that the journeymen and apprentices had little
power,
' Cf. note on Wards, p. %y note 3.
' It is of course true that, as the Aldermen selected the twelve, they call
scarcely be called elected.
3 Stubbs, Constitutional History, ill. ^71 ; Unwin, Gilds and Companies of
London, p. ^5.
^ Loftie, London, i. ^o.
Digitized by
Google
14- Introduction
Probably the real solution of the controversy is that we have
here two aspects of the same question. The members of the
Craft Gilds, whether rich or poor, were perforce residents in the
Wards. They would therefore be eaually interested in wresting
the control of their Wards from the nands of the Aldermen, and
at the same time of having a voice in the election of the Mayor,
the Sheriffs, and the Common Council, while there are many
indications which show that the Crafts were increasing in power.
Dr. Stubbs says ^that municipal independence so far as it was
based on the Gild must be regarded as the result of a series of
infringements on the ancient rights of the free inhabitants '.
This, though no doubt true of later times, would scarcely apply to
this date. Even if the Craft Gilds were really at this time in the
hands of the more well to do, they would at least represent more
popular interests than the Aldermen, and the struggle may be
called one of the mercantile and industrial against the aristocratic
element. Moreover, the Gilds were then in the stage when,
as Dr. Stubbs himself says in the same sentence, * they stood
for the protection of the weak '.*
EarlyHistory It is Upon the Gilds that we must now concentrate our atten-
of the GiUf . tion. Here, therefore, will be a good opportunity for a brief
review of their previous history and of the position they now
held in London.
The Gild was a universal institution in Mediaeval Western
Europe, and indeed, under different forms, is to be found even
in the East.* It is, in fact, a natural social development in
the direction of association, which followed or accompanied the
weakening of the family tie, and was rendered all the more neces-
sary because of the absence of a strong central government and of
a uniform system of justice at that early date.
In no country is the history of these Gilds more interesting
and more enduring than in England, based as they were on the
^ Smbbs, Constitational History, i. 419. We find an interesting parallel in
the straggle in Flanders between the rich 'poorters ' (^viri hereditarii ', *ledi-
gansers ^, who had abandoned trade, and the smaller craftsmen, especially those
of the woollen trade. C£ Pirenne, Bel^i<]ue, i. 184.
^ For Eastern forms of Gilds, cf. Unwin, The Gilds and Companies of London,
p. 1, and aathorities there quoted.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds \^
English love of local association, of seltgovernment and self help,
and yet ^ the English dislike to abrupt constitutional change
obscures their rise and fall, while on the Continent the rule of
the Crafts frequently corresponds to a definite period in the con-
stitutional history of the towns '.'
When we meet with the Gild in the twelfth century it has
many aspects, social, religious, and economical, and it is unwise to
look for any single origin for so complex an institution.
The earliest Gilds ofwhich we have any knowledge in England
are the so-called Frith Gilds, of which one existed in London in
the reign of Athelstane. This was an association partly for the
purpose of maintaining the peace and for the suppression of theft,
partly fi>r mutual help, to which was attached the duty of pro-
viding masses for the departed members of the Fraternity.
Although its ordinances were enforced by the public authorities,
it was probably not the creation of Law, but was originally
a voluntary association which came to be used as a part of the police
organization,' and in this respect it resembles the later Gilds
which are constantly, often unconsciously, 'crossing the line
which separates public from private functions, compulsory from
voluntary association '.
As no more is heard of this London Frith Gild it can scarcely
have had any lasting influence on the municipal constitution.
The same may be said of the Cnighten Gilds, of which the most
interesting is that of London. This Gild, which held a charter
from Edward the Confessor and claimed to have existed as early
as the days of Cnut, was partly a religious and partly a social
Gild. It was granted land and the soke of what became subse-
quently the Ward of Portsoken, and was apparently composed of
lesser Thanes, although at the time of its dissolution most of
its fifteen members were Aldermen or relations of Aldermen.
Possibly the Gild undertook the duty of defending the City, but
there is no evidence to show that it formed any part of the
' Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 15.
* C£ Stnbbs's Charters, Jndicia CiTttaris Landonne, p. 67 $ Liebermann,
Geschichte der Angelsachsen, i. 173 $ Gross, Gild Merchant, i. 178 $ Unwin,
Gilds and Companies of London, pi 19. For other Anglo-Saxon Gilds, which
were mostly voluntary religious Fraternities;, cf. Stnbbs,. Constit. Hist., L 413.
Digitized by
Google
i6 Introduction
government of the town, as Mr. Loftie would have us believe.
It received Charters from William I, William II, and Henry I,
and then in 1 12 j*, with his consent, surrendered its land, its soke,
and the church of St. Botolph to the Prior of Holy Trinity.
Henceforth the Prior became the ex officio Alderman ot the Ward
and remained so until the Reformation.'
Earliest The idea, therefore, of association in Fraternities or Gilds was
rM^^S ^^^ known in London, as elsewhere, before the Norman Con-
Craft Gilds 4^^^ -^"^ ^^ Anglo-Saxon Gild had not extended its functions
much beyond the sphere of mutual help and protection. Of
trading Gilds or Craft Gilds we have no mention' until the
' Cf. Letter Book C, xriii, and pp. xirfT. $ Round, Commune, p, 104;
Geoffrey de Manderille, Appendices K, P ; Loftie, i 98.
* We hare already stated that there is no eridence to show that London erer
had a Gild Merchant* This, which in other towns was a department of the town
organization, more or less connected with the manidpal government, was perhaps
onnecessaiy in London, where the more rapid extension of Crafts and of trade
led to an earlier development of Cxaft Gilds than ebewhere,and where the more
highly developed constitution could do all that the Gild Merchant did ebe where.
Nor had the Cinone Ports any such Gild, possibly because, owing to their
dependence on foreign trade, they were less exclusive.
The Gild Merchant, of which the earliest mentioned are those of Burfocd and
Canterbury at the close of the eleventh century, was probably of foreign origin.
The number of towns in England, which had such a Gild in the twelfth and
thirteenth centuries, was veiy large. Although not originally, at least, a definite
part of the municipal constitution, but rather an associarion of the chief traders
and business men of the City, it soon became ^ an important, if subsidiary
part of the municipal machineiy subordinated to the civic magistrates, though
with greater autonomy than any department of the town government enjoys
to-day '. The Gild concerned itself mainly with the regularion of trade. Its
judicial authority was at first very limited. It formed a tribunal before which
Drethren were expected to appear before carrying their quarreb to the ordinary
Courts, and in some cases in the thirteenth century also exercised jurisdiction in
pleas relating to trade matten. Thus, while the Gild Merchant was not the
origin of munidpal government it influenced its devebpment. The Gild
Merchant was not definitely confined to the wealthy, although the entrance or
iniriation fee, which in many cases was high, would be a serious bar in the way
of the poor. Craftsmen were admitted, but in those days the distinction between
a Merchant and a Craftsman was not strandy emphasized, since most traders
made the goods they sold. Nor, in spite ot much jeabusy between the richer
and poorer traders and masters, is there evidence for Brentano*s theory, that
those jealousies took the form of a struggle between the Gild Merchant and the
Craft Gilds^ ending in the victory of the latter. When, however, th« Crafts
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 17
twelfth century, if we accept the doubtful case of the Saddlers,
whose claim rests upon tradition alone.'
In the year ii^-^-, however, the Bakers of London are recorded
in the Pipe Roll of the Exchequer as paying £6 a year for the
privilege of having a Gild, and are suosequently found holding
their Hall-moots,* while the Fishmongers claim a very early
origin as well as the right to have their Hall-moot.^ But the
earliest and by far the most important Charter is that of Henry I
to the Weavers, which gave them the control of their trade and
thereby, as was subsequently maintained, the right to hold a court
with jurisdiction over their members * in a plea of debt, contract
or small transgression \^
Perhaps the success of those Crafts in gaining privileges may
have excited others to organize themselves, especially during the
weakness of Stephen's rule, since we learn that in ii7p-8p
eighteen Gilds were declared to be * adulterine ' and fined because
increased in number, and oreanized themselves uider their separate Gilds, there
was no farther use for the Gild Merchant. It therefore disappeared, or, in the few
cases where it survived, it had in the fifteenth century either been transformed
into a simple religious Fraternity, or had become completely merged in the
municipal organization. Borough and Gild, Bureess and Gildsman oecame, as
they had not been before, identical terms, and the head of the town was the
head of the Gild.
Abroad the Merchant Gilds are not mentioned before the middle of the
eleventh century, and when, in the twelfth century, they became important,
they are less connected with the civic government than they are in England.
The concession of a Gild Merchant, or rather of a Merchant Gild, is rarely
mentioned among the privileges granted to a town. More often these Gilds
receive Charters of their own, and resemble the later English mercantile Gilds
or Companies, such as the Merchants of the Staple, the Merchant Adventurers,
and the Mercers' Company, organized either for foreign trade or to regulate
some part of a local monopoly. In some cases Craftsmen were still admitted as
members, and in a few cases the Merchant Gilds controlled the Crafts. Cf.
Gross, Gild Merchant j Ashley, Surveys Historic and Economic, p. 113 $ Maitland,
Collected Papers, iL 112.
' This is made in a document which is certainly not earlier than the reign of
John, and at that date they seem to have been only a religious Fraternity.
Loftie, London, i. 175 \ Unwin, Gilds, p. 53.
' Liber Custum., Rolls Series, i 410-1.
^ Liber Albus, p. 313.
^ Unwin, p. 44. The Charter itself does not exist, but it is recited in one of
Henry IL
Digitized by
Google
i8 Introduction
they had not obtained the royal licence.' It should, however, be
noted that only four of those are connected with the names of trades
or Crafts, the Goldsmiths, the Pepperers, the Cloth-finishers, and
the Butchers." The others appear to have been either religious
or social Gilds, and Mr. Unwin is inclined to believe that even
those connected with the names of trades or Crafts were rather
religious or social Fraternities than trade Gilds in the strict sense,
and that the Goldsmiths' Gild of 1180 is very possibly the same as
* the Fraternity of St. Dunstan ' which we find in existence in
1272, and which supplied the basis for the later Livery Company.
It is also possible that some, if not all, of these adulterine uilds,
more especially those bearing the name of their Aldermen,^ as
well as the richer Gilds of the Goldsmiths and Pepperers, whose
fine is very high, represented the political aims which had ap-
peared in the attempted organization of the Commune in Stephen's
reign and were to triumph in the grant of the Commune and the
Mayor in the reign of Richard I ; aims which we know were
distasteful to Henry II. However that may be, there can be no doubt
that the number or religious Fraternities increased rapidly* and that,
whether the Fraternity was the original association or not, all the
greater and most of the lesser Gilds were finally connected with one.^
? C£ Pipe Roll of 1 179-89. Subsequently the City authorities had the power
to aathorize the formation of Gilds.
' Of the other fourteen : seven are alluded to by the name of their Aldermen $
five are called Gilds of Bridge, which may mean that the levying of contributions
for the rebuilding of London Bridge, wluch was eoing on at tiut time, was part
of the objects of the Gilds ; two are called the Gild of St. Lazarus and the Gild
of Haliwell ^Holywell ?) respectively.
^ N.B. The Alderman of the Gild must be distinguished from the Alderman
of a Ward.
* From the evidence to be derived from the Wills in Sharpens Calendar of Wills
and from the Gild Certificates of 1389, it is pretty clear that the majority of the
Gilds of London up to the end of the fourteenth century were solely religious
and social, and not connected with any particular trade.
5 Thus the Saddlers' Fraternity was connected with St. Martin's le Grand ; the
Fraternity of St. Dunstan, which may be the same as the Goldsmiths* adulterine
Gild of 11809 was connected with the Goldsmiths* Company; the Skinners*
Company with the Fraternity of Corpus Christi; the Grocers' 0>mpany with the
Fraternity of St. Antonin 5 the Taylors* Company with the Fraternity of St. John
the Baptist j the Drapers* Company with the Fraternity of St. Mary of
Bethlehem.
Mr. Unwin holds that in most cases the religious Fraternity was the earlier
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 19
One motive at least for thus connectine Crafts with religious
Fraternities was that they thereby gained; not only the senti-
mental bond which religion gave, but also a religious sanction for
the enforcement of the oaths administered to the members before
they had obtained the legal authority so to do. They thereby ob-
tained the support of the Church, and some were in the habit of
registering their ordinances in the Court of the Commissary of
London in order to secure the assistance of the Spiritual arm,
since those who broke the rules could be summoned before the
Spiritual Courts.*
The thirteenth century is marked by the rise of what has been The rise of
called the system of Town Economy.* It is the period when the Town
earlier family or Manorial system is breaking down; when ^^^^^^ow-
industry is no longer a mere by-employment subservient to agri-
culture, but has become more specialized, and when each town
with its surrounding country was looked upon as a self-supporting
economic unit. The principles on which this system was worked
were, that everything that could be produced within the town or
its district should be there produced, and should be sold directly
by the producer without any intermediary or any 'forestalling'
or * regrating \ while the imported goods should only be offered
in the open market and sold in gross not by retail. These were
the essential principles of the Gilds, whose aims, moreover, were to
meet at a *just price* the wants of the home consumers, while
full satisfection was given to foreign customers of local industries.^
associadon, and chat it was the cohesion of the Fraternities, and the religious
element in them, which gave them influence in the City, and enabled them to
secure their trading privileges from the Crown. The reason, he thinks, why we
hear so little of them before is to be found in the secrecy which is a characteristic
of all religious societies. C£ Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London.
In Flanders we find religious brotherhoods — ' confr^ries ' — being formed
among craftsmen in the twelfth century, while in the thirteenth century they
become 'Metiers' or Mysteries. Pirenne, Belgiqne, i 371 j and so in Paris,
Lavisse, Histoire de France, v. 402.
A good many of the customs of the Gilds with regard to Feasts, elections, and
religions observances seem to have been borrowed from those of the Society of
Le Pny, of which there were branches in England* Cf. Liber Cust., Rolls
Series, lu. xi6. ^ Unwin, Gilds of London, p. 108.
' Bttcher, Industrial Evolution, English translation, Wickett, p. 114.
^ C£ Liber Albns, Rolls Series, i. 173.
Digitized by
Google
xo
Introduction
Relation of
the Gilds of
the ^r-
teenth cen-
tury to the
Municipal
Govern-
ment.
It is not surprising, therefore, to find that, as the century
advanced, the Craft Gilds were organizing themselves for the
purpose of local industry or trade, and that the first Pageant in
which every citizen took part according to his Craft, belongs to
the early years of Edward L'
The Gild system was, however, closely protective. Not only
was the * foreigner ' vigorously excluded, but no one within the
town was allowed to work at any trade or Craft unless he belonged
to the Gild that controlled his particular industry. Their rise,
therefore, was not only viewed with jealousy by those who were
excluded, but led to quarrels between Gild and Gild.
Already in the year iao2 we find the Mayor and the citizens
paying King John sixty marks to suppress the Gild of the
Weavers." Fitz Thomas was accused of urging the various trades
to organize themselves in Craft Gilds, and Hervi of actually giving
them Charters when he was Mayor,^ while in 1268 the Gold-
smiths and Taylors had a violent quarrel in which the Cloth-
workers and the Cordwainers joined. Over soo persons are said
to have taken part in it, and many to have been killed.*
Nevertheless the fourteenth century saw a remarkable advance
in the position and powers of the Gilds. In dealing with this
period we must, as Mr. Unwin has reminded us, distinguish between
two different aspects of the Gild. * It is one of the main agencies
in the transformation of the civic constitution ' and yet * exercises
a subordinate authority delegated to it' by that constitution.*
Thus, on the one hand, we find the reforming Mayor, Richer de
Reffham, (1310-11) granting powers of self-regulation to many
Crafts with the suppon of the Aldermen,^ and in 1321 the City
authorities claiming, and in 1 328 exercising, the right to authorize
' Herbert, Livery Companies, quoting Stow.
^ They gave him sixty marks ' pro gilda tebria delenda et quod de cetero
non suscitetur'. Letter Book C, p. jj. The attempt was repeated in 1311,
when the Weavers produced their Charter, and though the Gild was not
dissolved, it was held that they had gone beyond their Charter. Riley, Lib.
Cust., i. 41^.
3 Cf. pp. 9, 1 1. * Riley, Chronicle of Mayors, p. 6^.
^ Unwin, Gilds of London, p. ^5.
* The Tanners, Dyers, Whittawyers, Ironmongers, Cappers, and others. Cf.
Unwin, p. 68.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds ii
their government.' On the other hand, under the next Mayor,
John de Gisors (ijii-ij), the good men of the commonalty of
every Mystery demanded that, * since the City ought to be governed
by aid of the men engaged in trades and handicrafts, no stranger,
native or foreign,* be admitted to the freedom of the City until
the merchants and craftsmen, whose business he wished to enter,
had certified the Mayor and Alderman of his condition and trust-
worthiness, and prayed that such observance may be strictly kept
for the future as regards the wholesale trades and the handicrafts '
(* grossiora officia et operabilia '\^ Finally, in the Charter which
the City obtained from Edward II in 1 3 ip, it was ordained * that
no man of English birth, and especially no English merchant,
who followed any Craft or Mystery, should be admitted to the
freedom of the City, except on security of six reputable men of
that Mystery V while a complementary article, which each
Craft subsequently got inserted in its own ordinances, ordered
that no one should exercise his Craft unless he were free of
the City.
By the same Charter of Edward II it was also enacted that the
Mayor and Aldermen should be annually elected, and should not
hold office for two years running. By an ordinance of 1346
it was, indeed, ordered that the Common Council should be
elected by the Wards, each Ward sending from four to eight
representatives according to its size, but, inasmuch as the
freedom of the City was a qualification for membership, and
freedom could only be enjoyed by those who belonged to some
' Letter Book £, p. 143. In 1328 the names of those sworn to govern
twenty-foar Mysteries are approved by the Mayor. Ibid. 231.
^ The ' foreigner ' who was not an alien meant one who was not a London man.
^ Letter Book E, p. 134. John Simeon — a 'foreign* Draper, who had been
admitted to the freedom by favoar of certain great men without the goodwill of
the Drapers — and his valet were accordingly ousted from the freedom.
* Liber Albus, i. 1 27. Of course, this would not refer to exceptional cases
where the freedom was conferred as an honour, though in many cases the
recipient of the freedom became the member of a Gild. Stubbs, Const. Hist.,
ed. 1878, p. 573, says : ' This may mean either that trades were gaining a hold
on the City or that the governing body were so jealous of admittmg any
tradesman to the freedom that it reqiured six sureties for his good behaviour.'
Taken, however, with the other evidences there can be little dom>t that Stubbs's
first interpretation is the true one.
Digitized by
Google
11 Introduction
Craft, this ordinance practically secured that Gildsmen alone
should compose the Common Council.
We are here dealing no longer with a struggle between the
commons of the City, represented by the Crafts, as yet ill-
organized, and the old semi-hereditary Aldermen of the Wards,
but with a movement of well-organized Crafts, who, with the
support of the Aldermen, now for the most part members of
the more important Gilds, are seeking to wrest the municipal
government rrom the hands of the Wards, as well as to gain
control of those pursuing their respective industries.'
Mr. Sharpe hmds this to be a triumph of the Craft and manu-
facturing element over the mercantile ; " but the evidence seems
scarcely to support this view. The trading Gilds seem to have
taken at least an equal interest in the question. The movement
was led by wealthy merchants like John de Gisors, a Pepperer,
and Hamo de Chigwell, a Fishmonger, who frequently filled the
office of Mayor in the early part of the fourteenth century,^ and
by the richer traders and employers. The truth seems to be, as
Mr. Unwin says, that the victory was not one * of one class over
another, but of a new form of social and political organization
(that of the Gilds) over an old one, and one of the main causes of
the victory was that the ruling class (the Aldermen) had gradually
transferred itself from the old form to the new'.*
Divisions Nevertheless, the interests of the various classes which had
within the thus won the victory were not identical, and, the victory once
^^^' won, divisions arose. The organization of a Craft under the
Gild would always benefit the master rather than the journeyman
or apprentice, but in earlier days, when little capital was required,
the master himself worked at his Craft, and the journeyman who
had passed his apprenticeship could rapidly become a master. But
with the widening of the market more capital was required; the
' Cf. Unwin, Gilds, p. 70 \ Loftie, London, i. 1 1 8 ; Beaven, Aldermen of
London, p. 142.. After 1340 almost all the Mayors and SheriiTs and Aldermen
belong to some Craft.
^ Snarpe, London, i. no.
^ John de Gisors was Mayor in 131 1, '31 19 I3i4> Chigwell in 13 19, 13^19
1311, 1324, 1315, 1317.
^ Unwin, Gilds, p. 75.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds ig
industry became more specialized, and the business of management
more elaborate. Thus the dividing line between master and
journeyman was more clearly defined and less easy to cross,
and the master began, like the modern entrepreneur, to be
a wealthy employer of labour if not a trader. Already in the
time of Hervi complaint had been made that the charters he
had granted had benefited the wealthy men of the trade to the
loss of the poor. As the fourteenth century advanced, this
cleavage of classes within the Gilds became daily wider, and the
Craftsmen proper, under the name of Bachelors or Yeomen, fell into
a position of independence, or broke away and organized another
Gild of Craftsmen, although this was often ferbidden by the Mayor.'
This, added to the specialization of industry, led to a great increase in
increase in the number of the Crafts, while the widening of the the nnmber
market gave growing importance to the trading as against the ^^.^"r^;
handicraft Gilds, or to those Gilds in which the trading element j^^^g ^ ^
was predominant.^ element and
Thus, during the reign of Edward III, the number of Crafts struggle
which obtained the right from the Mayor and Common Council ^ secure
to elect officers and to publish ordinances increased from twenty- b^ji^^ss ^
five to eighty-eight, and most of them represented the humbler
trades,^ and in 14.22 the number of the Crafts is given as one
hundred and eleven, although not all had received powers of
selfgovernment.
' Of. Riley, Memorials, p. ^41, where in 139^ the Saddlers complain that
their serving men hare infiaenced the joarneymen under cobar of sanctity to
form a Fraternity with the object of raising their wages. C£ also Letter Book H,
p. 431-
In 141 f. The Yeomen taylors attempt to consort together in ▼arious houses,
and become insolent. The^Mayor and Aldermen, on being appealed to, enjoin them
to submit to the rule of their wardens and forbid them to live together or to
wear a livery. Letter Book I, p. 13^.
' Cf. Liber Albus^ p. 495, where Gilds are already in the reign of Edward II
divided into ' Officia mercatoria ' and ' OfHcia manuoperalia '. C£ the struggle
abroad — the Arti Maegiori and Minori in Fbrencej the privileged Corps de
Metiers in Paris $ the lower and higher Zttnfte in Germany and in Ghent. The
reason why the conflict between tae trading and handicraft interest came at
a later date in England than abroad is because England was in early days an
agricultural not a manu£icturing country, and its chief export was wool. Cf.
ifnwin. Industrial Organization, pp. 17 ff.
^ For a list c£ Unwin, Gilds, p. 88 \ Letter Book E, p. 13 z.
Digitized by
Google
X4 Introduction
Meanwhile a tendency appears fer the smaller handicrafts to
fell into groups under the leadership, or rather the tutelage, of
the more powerful Gild, that is, the Gild which represented those
who finished the article and sold it. Thus the Cutlers uke the
lead over the Bladesmiths and the Sheathers, the Skinners over
the Whittawyers and the Curriers. In other cases there was
a struggle between the several Gilds connected with a particular
industry to secure the profitable trading business. This was the
case, as we shall see, with the Drapers, the Tailors, the Fullers
and others, while again some, like the Grocers, were attempting
to deal in all vendible kinds of merchandise. To prevent this the
Stat. 37 Ed. Ill, c. s^ ordained that, whereas, by the conseouent
engrossing the price was enhanced, all artificers and people of
Mysteries were in future to choose their own Mystery and abide
by it, and the subsequent increase in the number of Craft Gilds
was probably a result of this Statute.
The demand But the more successful Gilds were not content with the some-
^ru^^^} ^^^ limited povrers of autonomy which they could obtain from
"'**'' the Mayor. They wished for royal authorization and for those
more extensive privileges which the Crown alone could give, more
especially that monopoly of their business which the Statute just
mentioned granted.
In I J 27 four Gilds or Crafts, those of the Goldsmiths, the
Skinners, the Taylors, and the Girdlers, succeeded in their aim, to
be followed by three others in 1363-4, the Drapers, the Vintners,
and the Fishmongers.*
Although these earlier Royal Charters did not grant full in-
corporation, they gave the monopoly of the Craft or trade, and
with it the right to see that the proper standards or measures
were adhered to, a duty which hitherto had been discharged by
the Mayors and Sheriffs by fits and starts ; ' as well as the power
to punish any infraction of their privileges, and complete autnority
^ These Charters, as well as those granted at later dates, must not be con-
sidered as the origin of the Gilds. They are, in most cases, obTioasly founded
on the ' ordinances ' which the Gilds had already drawn np with the consent of
the Mayor, and in any case they recognize the Gilds as existing organizations.
Indeed, the ordinances themselres are generally confirmations of an organization
which had previously existed.
^ Cf. Letters Patent, 38 Edward III, to the Drapers.
Charters.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds xy
over their members. Thereby the chartered Gilds gained a posi-
tion of supremacy and prestige which every other Craft envied
and tried to win. Hence the constant jealousy between Gild and
Gild, which on occasion broke out in violent conflicts.
At the same time the growing importance of the Gilds is
illustrated by the fact that kings and nobles became Honorary
Members. Thus of the Skinners six Kings (Edward III,
Richard II, Henry IV, V, VI, and Edward IV), nine Dukes,
two Earls, and one Baron were members before the time of
Elizabeth, while the Merchant Taylors in the reign of Richard II
counted four Dukes, ten Earls, ten Barons, and five Bishops
among their Fraternity.'
All this was accompanied by increased antagonism to the
* foreigner \ The smaller craftsmen had always been jealous of
foreign workers, whether they were Englishmen who were not
Londoners, or men of alien race. Hitherto, however, there had
been little English capital and many of the Crafts, more espe-
cially the mercantile ones, had been largely dependent on the
foreign capitalist. But from the middle of the fourteenth century
English bejgan to replace foreign capital, and as a result the
members of the mercantile Crafts, the Drapers, the Grocers, the
Vintners, and others, began to engage in foreign trade with their
own capital and therefore wished to exclude the foreign merchant."
* Stow, ed. Kingsferd, L 130 ; Herbert, Lireiy Companies, L 29, note.
' No stranser was aUowed to stay more than forty days in the City. No
stranger was allowed to sell by retail. They were to sell in gross within forty
days after their arrival and to sell all before they left. They were to sell in
London itself, and no freeman was aUowed to ^ to meet merchandise coming
to the City by land or water. They were neither to bay from nor sell to
foreigners except at fairs on certain market days. Sometimes, as by 5 Henry IV,
they were ordered to expend the money they gained by sale on commodities of the
realm. They paid ^ Scavage ', a dafy payable on ' showing ' their eoods to official
examiners (Scaragers, Scavageators). No stranger was to exercise any calling
'to citizens pertaining '.
Exceptions to these regnlarions were from time to dme made by the Crown in
£iTODr of certain merchants, as for instance to the Hanse of Almaine or Teutonic
Hanse, the Hanse of London, the merchants of Gascony then in English hands,
and others. Cf. Letter Book B^ p. 77, In the reign of Edward III a long
straggle began, in which the City opposed the free-trade proclivities of the King,
who was generally supported by Parliament, representing as it did the interests
of the consumer and ci the landed classes. In 1335 the Statute passed at York
Digitized by
Google
z6 Introduction
Cbmplcx These new features mark the commencement of that evolution
lutore of which was eventually to overthrow the mediaeval organization
the contro- ^f industry based on the Gilds, and at the same time help us to
London at unravel the complicated and confused events which close the
the close of reign of Edward III and embrace that of Richard 11. Not that
Edward Ill's the issues were solely municipal The rural revolution which
""^^g"- had been accompanying the industrial changes in the tow^ns, both
of which were affected by the Great Plague;' the religious sdr
caused by the WyclilEte controversy ; ■ the political crisis which
was eventually to lead to the fell of*^ Richard II and the accession
of the Lancastrian house under Henry IV ;— all play their part.
Even in the reigns of John and Henry III London had felt the
influence of the wider national questions. But now she was really
the Capital of England, and, as it were, the very storm-centre.
It cannot, therefore, be a matter of surprise that the civic
allowed Merchant Strangers to trade freely throashont the realm. Two years
later, 1337} Letters Patent were issued confirming the City's rights notwithstand-
ing the Act. From the year 1337 to X383 the whole qnesticm of Strangers
became involved in the straggle between the Victualling and non- Victualling
Gilds. C£ p. 31^ note i. In 135 1 the Statute of 1335 was again confirmed.
But finally the towns were victorious. In 1393 by i^ Ric. II, c. i, the old
restrictionswere confirmed. No alien was allowed to deal with another,or to enea£e
in retail trade, except in common victuals. These restrictions continued till the
close of the Middle Ages.
The Hanse of London was a union of various Gilds started in Flemish towns
in the twelfth century. To this Hansa Bruges fiimished the Hansgrave. It
subsequently became, like the Hanseatic League, a federation of towns. It
disappeared at the close of the thirteenth century. The Teutonic Hanse
originated mjk Gild of merchants of Cbbgne who received privileges from
Henry II and Richard I, and expanded into the Hanseatic League with its
Steelyard in London. The memben of both these Hansas imported foreign cloth
to England and bought English wool. C£ British Museum, Additional MSS.
14152, fo. 99 b, loi, 105 a s Liebermann, Leges Aug., saec. xiii ineunte Lond*
coUectae; Liber Custum., Rolb Series, xxxiv. ^1, 6^\ Liber Albus, Riley's
translation^ Chartersof Edward I,II,III, pp. ii^, 118, 131, 58^, 587; Letter
Books— C,p.ix} D,j)p. 181,183 J I, 30,38, 39,40,545 F,iii, 14, 11 1, 190,119,
141, 141, 148; G, iv; H, xiii, 53 ; K, 1^7, 174; Ashley, Ec<Miomic History,
Bk. 1. ii, pp. 104 fF., II. i, p. 13 ; Stow, Survey tai London, ed. Xingsfbrd, ii. 3 19 ;
Pirenne, Bielgique, i. 1^7 $ La Hanse de Londres, Bruxelles, 1899.
' Cf. Johnson, Disappearance of Small Landowner, p. 17, and authorities
quoted there.
* Trevelyan, Age of Wycli£
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds ^ri
history during this troubled period should be diificult to explain.
The notable advance in the position of the Gilds or Mysteries
during the reign of Edward III, and the fact that the Mayors,
the SherifFs, and the Aldermen were now practically, though not
necessarily, members of the more important Mysteries, had in-
creased the pretensions of the Gilds.
Accordingly, they now make an attempt to wrest from the Premature
Wards the right to elect the Common Council,' a body which by attempt on
this time had definitely assumed the legislative and executive J?^ Crafb
authority over the City. ^o ^\^^^ jhe
Thus in 135-1 and again in 135^2 the thirteen greater Mysteries Common
were summoned to elect members of their Crafts to act as a Com- Council of
mon Council." The attempt was premature. In 135-3 the right ^^^ ^^*
of electing the Common Council was temporarily restored to the
Wards, a triumph which was very possibly due to the increase in
the number of the parish Fraternities not connected with any
Craft.3 The claim of the Gilds to elect the Common Council
was, however, soon to be renewed.
' The first list of Common Council men that exists is that of 1347. They
were then 133 in number. Riley, Memorials, p. liii
* Letter Book F, pp. 237, 238.
The Grocers \
The Mercers I- elect six Representatives each.
The Fishmongers (Pessoners) )
The Drapers
The Goldsmiths
The Woolmongers (Laners)
The Vintners .
The Skinners (Pelleters) /elect four Representatives each.
The Saddlers (Celers)
The Taylors
The Cordwainers
The Butchers
The Ironmongers (Ismonsers) two Representatives.
Of these, three Tthe Goldmiths, the Skinners, the Tailors) had obtained Royal
Charters, three (tne Drapers, the Vintners, the Fishmongers) were shortly to
obtain them, and nine were subsequently counted among the twelve Greater Livery
Companies.
3 On Parish Fraternities c£ Unwin. The struggle of the Gilds to get the
election of the municipal officers and the Common Council is paralleled by that
which was going on about this time in Flanders, Brabant, and Lidge, only with
these differences: (i) Abroad, the richer Merchants appear to have been
Digitized by
Google
x8
Introduction
London wr
TolTed in
political
issaes of the
day.
Renewed at-
tempt of the
Crafts to
elect the
Common
Council.
At this moment the municipal history of London became
involved in the wider political history of England. The dis-
content, which had been gaining strength during the declining
years of Edward III, came to a climax in the ^Good Parliament '
of 1376. Lord Latimer and three Aldermen' were impeached
for malversation of the finances ; and one of them. Alderman
Peche, was also accused of obtaining, with the connivance of the
Mayor and other Aldermen, a monopoly in sweet wines.* This
gave an excuse for attacking the system under which the members
of the Common Council were elected by the Wards, and for
demanding that they should once more be elected by the Crafts as
they had been in ijj^i and igj^a.
The Mayor, John Warde, a Grocer, in virtue of the powers
§iven to the citizens by the late charter to remedy *hard or
efective customs V acceded to the demand. At a gathering
of the representatives of forty-one Crafts, which met on August i,
1 376, it was decided that in mture the Common Council should be
formed of six, four, or two representatives elected for a year from
the * sufficient ' Mysteries according to their size ; that the Mayor
and Sheriffs should be elected by this Council; and that no
member of the Common Council should hold the office of collector
or assessor of talliages. In accordance with this resolution, on
August p, 1376, a Council was forthwith formed of isi members,
returned by forty-seven Mysteries, who bound themselves by
oath to preserve for each Mystery its reasonable customs. The
King also confirmed the rule of 131P insisting on the annual
election of Aldermen.*
Mr. Unwin is of opinion that John of Northampton and the
organized in a Gild Merchant. In London there was no Gild Merchant, (i)
The distinction between the trading Gilds and artisan Gilds is not so marked in
England as abroad. Indeed, many of the English Gilds included men who were
at once traders and makers of goods. Cf. Pirenne, Belgique, iL 43, n fF.
' Richard Lyons, a Vintner, Adam de Baty, a Skinner (he had been removed
from the Mayoralty ten years before by the King's orders. Letter Book G,
p. 1 99), and John Peche, a Fishmonger.
» Letter Book, p. 318. ^ i^ Edward III.
* Letter Book H, p. v and pp. 39, 41, 58. For the number of the members
of the Common Council from this time undl 1838, c£ Printed Minutes, Common
Council, Jan. 13, 1840.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 19
non- Victualling Gilds were the chief movers in this change,
which gave the election of the Common Council to the Mysteries.
No doubt he was subsequently accused of it, but the evidence
seems scarcely to bear out the charge. John of Northampton
was not Mayor at this moment as his accusers alleged, but John
Warde the Grocer, while Walwonh and Brembre, both of them
also members of the Victualling Gilds, were among the deputation
who informed the King that the change had been decided upon
* to prevent the tumult arising from large gatherings'.' It is true
that the subsequent restoration of the right of electing the
Common Council to the Wards in 1384 was effected when
Brembre was Mayor; but there was good reason for a return
to the old custom, since it was found that, as long as the election
was in the hands of the Mysteries, their quarrels had been intensi-
fied. Nor again does it seem likely that the system of election by
the Gilds was more favourable to the popular party. No doubt
a number of the smaller Mysteries shared the privilege, yet it
must be remembered that the situation had changed since the
thirteenth century. In the Gilds themselves the real power had
now fallen to the richer masters or employers, and the journeymen
and apprentices had no voice in the election, while, on the other
hand, the Aldermen were no longer semi-hereditary magnates
but the elected representatives of tneir Wards. It may, indeed,
be said that, inasmuch as membership of a Gild was now a neces-
sary condition of ' freedom of the City ', all the members of
the Wardmoots would be Gildsmen, but the excuse given for
taking the right of election from the Wards, that it led *to
tumults arising from large gatherings ', would seem to show that
the meetings of the Wards for the purpose were not confined to
the rich, which would be practically the case when only the
representatives of the Gilds attended. Dr. Stubbs would there-
fore seem to be right when he says that the change excluded
' Unwin, Gilds, p. 131 5 Sharpe, Letter Book H, xxviii, p. 3^. Mr. Unwin
has, howerer, kindly pointed out to me that, although Northampton was not
Mayor, yet his party may have been strong enough to get the alteration made,
especially as his ' Jubile Book * of Reform seems to have appeared at this time.
The parties were evidently pretty evenly balanced. Thus Warde was succeeded
as Mayor by Adam Stable, a Mercer, in 137^3 and Northampton was Sheriff in
that year.
Digitized by
Google
30
Introduction
Wyclif and
Lancaster.
Quarrel be-
tween the
Victualling
and other
Crafts.
a considerable body of citizens from municipal power,' and that
the growth of the Gilds, from this date onwards at least, was
accompanied by an invasion of the rights of the free citizen.
If this be so, it seems unlikely that Northampton, who posed
as a reformer, would have specially associated himself with their
cause. All these arguments tend to show that all the Gilds,
though they were jealous enough of each other, were interested
in controlling the election to the Common Council as well as that
of the Mayor and Sheriffs. Finally, there is some reason to
believe that the quarrel between Northampton and his rivals did
not arise on this question, and that the close association of John
of Northampton and the non- Victualling Gilds with John of
Gaunt had not been formed in 1375.
In the spring of 1377, however, the peace of the City was
disturbed by the controversy concerning Wyclif Lancaster, who
had now regained power, had, owing to his opposition to William
of Wykeham, made himself the champion of the reformer, and
when, in February, Wyclif appeared in St. Paul's to answer
his accusers, the Duke, accompanied by Earl Percy the Marshal,
stood by him. The matter ended in a riot, which was increased
by the rumour that a Bill had been, or was about to be, introduced
into Parliament to place the government of the City in the
Marshal's hands, and that he had imprisoned a citizen. In
consequence of this riot the Mayor, Adam Staple, a Mercer, was
deposed and Brembre, a Grocer, was elected in his place, apparently
at the instigation of John of Gaunt (March 1377).
So far the City appears to have been of one mind. All the
Crafts, it would seem, had been concerned in getting the election
of the Common Council into their hands ; the majority of the
citizens were on the side of the Church against Wyclif, probably
because of their hostility to Lancaster ; and all were indignant at
the attempted infringement of their rights of self government.
But now a question arose which divided the City into two
camps. Edward III had by Letters Patent (December 1 576), in
answer to a petition of the City, confirmed its privileges and
forbidden strangers to sell goods to other foreigners to be sold
again, until the question had been settled by the next Parliament,
» Stabbs, Const. Hist., iil 57 ^
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 31
saving always that Lx)rcls of the realm might buy wholesale of
any one for their own use, and saving the liberties of the
merchants of the Hanse.*
Though all the Crafts were more or less interested in securing
the monopoly of their own particular trade,' that of the Victualling
Gilds, which supplied the City with its daily food, was more
severely and generally felt by the consumer. Especially was this
the case with regard to fish, which, either fresh or salted, was the
ordinary food of the poor throughout the year,* and of all classes
during Lent.^ Thus there arose a party representing the non-
* Liber Albus, L 491-3. The changes with regard to Merchant Strangers
from this date to the fall of Richard li are so frequent that £>r clearness' sake
I tabulate them here.
In December 1377, during the Mayoralty of Brembre, Richard II confirmed
the Charter of his father and forbade strangers to sell to other foreigners
or by retail.
The Parliament of October 1378, Stat, of Gloucester, 1 Ric. II, c. i,
annulled this Charter and gave strangers the right to sell by wholesale or
retail.
In 1381, during the Mayoralty of Northampton, Parliament by the Stat. ^,
Ric. II, cc. ix, X, forbade Victuallers to hold judicial office if another fit
person could be found, and allowed foreign Victuallers to sell by wholesale
or retaiL
In 1383, during the third Mayoralty of Brembre, the Stat. 7 Ric II, c. xi,
repealed the former Statute, and Richard II issued an inspeximns Charter
restricting the trade of Merchant Strangers.
In 1388 the Merciless Parliament, under the controlofthe Lords Appellant,
declared free trade throughout the Kingdom.
In May 1389 Richard, in his attempt to gain the support of the Victuallers,
confirmed the privileges of the Fishmoneers.
It will be thus seen that Richard was generally on the side of the Victualling
Gilds, while the non- Victualling Gilds were supported by Parliament.
^ The conduct of the non- Victuallers is certainly contradictory, for while
objecting to the monopoly of the Victuallers they are protecting their own. C£
petition of Drapers and Weavers, Letter Book H, pp. 91, 94.
^ The 'snrveyine of victuals ' had always been a chief concern of the municipal
authorities, who had, by their Assizes of Bread, Ale, Wine, and regulations with
regard to other victuals, especially those of flesh and fish, attempted to maintain
'a reasonable price % as well as to ensure that the quality was good. For this
purpose the victualling Crafb had been subjected to more interference than was
the case with regard to the other Gilds, and to prevent the Mayor or other
oficer of the City from abusing his authority they were especially forbidden to
deal in Tictnals by va%% or retail. C£ Assize of the Mayor, 11 77- ' No retail
dealer of com, fish, poultry or victuals shall buy victuals before the hour of
Digitized by
Google
gx Introduction
Victualling Crafts, who, with little consistency, voiced the popular
discontent ; and hence a violent dispute which was to disturb the
City for several years.
The leader of this so-called Reforming party was the Draper,
John of Northampton, Alderman of Cordwainer Street Ward and
subsequently of Dowgate. Of his immediate followers one William
Essex was, like himself, a Draper, two were Mercers, and two
more hailed from the Taylors* and Goldsmiths' Gilds respectively,
while he found much support from the Saddlers, the Cordwainers,
the Haberdashers, and members of other lesser Crafts. John
of Northampton accused the Victualling Gilds, and more especially
the Fishmongers and the Grocers,' of enhancing the prices of
their imported food-stufis.'
At once the hostility of the Victualling Gilds was aroused.
Led by Nicholas Brembre, a Grocer, the newly appointed Mayor,
William Walworth, a Fishmonger,^ and John Philpot, a Grocer,
they were at this moment attempting still ftirther to increase
the area of their monopoly by bringing the vill of South-
wark, which had just been granted to the City by the King,
under the closer jurisdiction of the municipal authorities, because
there was a market at the Southwark end of Lx)ndon Bridge
* where many bakers and other foreign victuallers and false
Prime, nor before the reputable men of the city have bought.' Letter Book A,
p. Z17. Ashley, Econ. History, BL II, c. i, p. 30.
In the reign of £dward II a long controversy had arisen as to whether the
Fishmongers might sell by retail on any quay even at Fishmoneers* Whar^ or in
their shops, their opponents urging that mh should be sold wholesale in the boats
of those who brought them, and not at any quay, and that the markets (Brugger-
strete, Olde fishe Street and Le Stokkes) were the only proper place for sak^by
retail. They also disputed the legality of their Hallmoot. The Mayor, Hamo de
Chigwell, found aeainst the Fishmongers, but the Justices decided that they
might sell by retailas well as wholesale in their shops. Liber Oust., pp. 385 if.
* The Grocers or * Grossers *, i. e. those who engrossed (buying wholesale to
keep and sell at a higher price^ had just formed themselves into a Fraternity and
the Fishmongers had just obtamed a Royal Charter.
^ For a somewhat similar struggle over the privileges of the Victualling Gilds
in Fbrence, cf. Ddren, Florendner Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. 116.
^ These Fishmongers were divided into Fishmongers and Stock Fishmongers,
each with their Hall-moot. They were not united till 1^35. Stow^ Survey, ed.
Kingsford, i, 315,
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 3?
workers at divers trades repair, who eschew the punishment of
the City V
Thus London became divided between those who favoured the
VictuaUers and their opponents. John of Northampton, who
was a supporter of Wyclif, joined the cause of Lancaster and
raised the cry that the price of the people's food was in danger of
being enhanced owing to the monopolies of the Victuallers, while
the kaders of the Victualling Gilds placed themselves on the side
of orthodoxy, and declared that the trading privileges of Lon-
doners were being threatened by foreign merchants, and their
freedom attacked by the Duke.'
If the lower classes could have had their say, possibly the
party of Northampton might have won. For Wyclif probably
would find his supporters among them, and the rise in the price of
victuals, and more especially of fish, would touch them closely.
But in the counsels of the Gilds they had little part. All the
trading masters cared much more for the monopoly of their own
business than for the price of commodities ; and the cry that the
privileges of the City were being endangered by the hated John
of Gaunt and by the * stranger ' found even wider support.
When, therefore, the elections came on in October 1377, the
Victuallers swept the board. In the previous March eight
Fishmongers, one Grocer, and one Vintner, that is ten belonging
to the Victualling Gilds, had been elected to the Common Council,
a large proportion considering that the number of Gilds was
at this date certainly above fifty. Now, in October, Nicholas Nicholas
Brembre, the Grocer, was re-elected Mayor. At the same time, ^/*"|^" "*
Walworth and Sibylle two Fishmongers, Philpot a Grocer, and Mayor Oc-
' Peddon, Rolls of Pari., iL ^€6. It was only the 'viir or Giidable Manor tober 1377*
of SoQthwark that was thus granted by Edward III. Edward IV amplified this
by allowing the cidzens to hofi a £ur there with a Coart of' Pie Powder*. Bat
it was not dll 1550 that the other two Manors, the King's Manor and the Great
Liberty Manor, and the Borough were bought by the City, and formed into the
Ward of Bridge Without. Sharpe, London and Kingdom, i. 443.
' The first nodce of the quarrel is in May 1377, when five Common Council-
men, of whom two were Mercers and three were severally a Draper, a Goldsmith,
and a Tiylor, were removed for betraying the secrets of the Council and for
being remiss in their dudes. The two Mercers, More and Norbuty, were subse-
quently the stanch supporters of Northampton. Letter Book H, p. ^4.
Richand II succeeded his fiither June 1377*
Digitized by
Google
34-
Introductton
Carlille a * Sjxcer ', all of them supporters of Brembre, were
returned as Members of Parliament. Their opponents, indeed,
succeeded in getting Nicholas Twyfbrd, a Goldsmith, elected as
Sheriff, but when, in the following March, he attempted to
protect one of his pany, who had been concerned in a quarrel
between the Pepperers and the Goldsmiths, he was removed from
office till he haci made submission to the Mayor and had promised
to find sureties of indemnity/
For four years the Victuallers ruled the City.* The richer
members secured the support of the young King by lavish loans,^
* Letter Book H, pp. |8, ^i, 77. It is noticeable that when Northampton
became Mayor he was relieTed from this recognizance. Ibid. 99.
' John Philpot, a Grocer, succeeded Brembre in Ocrober 1378 j John Hadley,
a Pepperer, was eleaed October 1^79$ William Walwonh, a Fishmonger, in
1380. The majority of the Aldermen during Brembre's rule also belonged to
the Victualling Gilds> but the number of those belonging to the Grocers has been
exaggerated owing to a mistake of Herbert in his History of the Livery Com-
pames. The actual numbers of the Aldermen durine these years of strife
belonging to the chief Victualling and non-Victualling Guds are as follows :
Mayor.
Aldermen.
Aldermen.
77 Brembre, Grocer
9
r
78 Philpot, Grocer
79 Hadley, Pepperer
10
8
80 Walworth, Fishmonger
8
81 Nonhampton, Draper
81 Northampton
83 Brembre, Grocer
13
84 Brembre
8| Brembre
Fishmongers,
Drapers, Mercers,
or Goldsmiths.
%6 Exton, Goldsmith
Grocers, or
87 Exton
Vintners.
88 Twyford, Goldsmith
89 Venonr, Grocer
90 Bamme, Goldsmith
91 Hende, Draper
9% William Standen, Grocer
93 Hadley, Grocer
10
94 Fresshe
\Xi
X
I
I
I
I
I
1
I
I
I
I
X
I
I
2
I
I
I
C£ Beaven, Aldermen, toL i, p. 3^0.
^ Brembre, Walworth, Philpot, and Hadley lent if 10,000 between them.
Letter Book H, zil
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds gy
and Walworth and Philpot were made ^ treasurers ' for the sums
voted in Parliament. In return the young King confirmed the
Charter of his father against the aliens, excepting, however, the
merchants of the English Province of Aquitaine (Dec. 1317), and
declared the citizens free from the Marshal's jurisdiction.
Armed with this Chaner the Mayor issued a precept to eight
of the principal Gilds, the Grocers, Mercers, Drapers, Fish-
mongers, Goldsmiths, Skinners, Ironmongers, and Vintners, bid-
ding them elect searchers to see that no merchant strangers sold
their goods by retail within the City and suburbs, that they sold
by wholesale only to those of the franchise, and that they lodged
with some citizen. Restrictions were also imposed on the sale
of cloth by foreigners, and they were forbidden to meddle
with the Craft of firee Weavers. At the same time the privi-
leges of the German Steelyard were suspended.' This policy
of monopoly was, however, difficult to carry out in the divided
condition of public opinion; and the difficulty is well illus-
trated in the question of the Weavers which arose at this
moment.
The Weavers had been much annoyed by the privileges
accorded by Edward III to the Flemings and Brabanters, and
their grievances had just been answered. Accordingly, in
August 1378, they sent a petition to a Committee of the Council
asking that the aliens, ^ being for the most part eidled from
their own country as notorious male&ctors'^ should be com-
pelled to place themselves under the rule of the English
Weavers, who should regulate the price of their labour. As,
however, it was not to the interest of the Drapers or Cloth-
workers to allow the Weavers to control the aliens, since they
too employed them, and it mieht forfeit the King's support if
the privileges granted by his mher to the Flemings and Bra-
banters were withdrawn, the City authorities contented them-
selves with advising the Weavers to wait till * some deceit ' on
the part of the foreigners should furnish an excuse iot further
measures. In July 1380 the question was finally settled by
the foreign Weavers agreeing to make common search as to
the number of looms belonging to either party and to pay their
' Letter Book H, pp. 90, 91, 94, 95.
Digitized by
Google
l6
Introduction
share of the ^ ferm ' of twenty marks two shillings which the
English Weavers owed to the King/
But the dominant party had yet to deal with John of Gaunt.
In October 1378 a Parliament was summoned at Gloucester,
probably to remove it from the influence of the rich merchants
who had lent so much money to the King. The Charter
against the ^ strangers ' was then revoked, and the management
or the subsidy was taken from the hands of Walworth and
Philpot. In the same month, however, Philpot succeeded
Walworth in the Mayoralty, and the Victualling party, fearing
the loss of trade which would result from the absence of Par-
liament from the City, succeeded, by bribing influential people,*
in getting the next Parliament summoned to Westminster in
1379. In the following year the Parliament of 1380 imposed
the fetal Poll Tax wmch was the occasion for the Peasants'
The ^ Revolt. The part which London took in that revolt has never
Peas^ts' ij^gj^ cleared up. No doubt, as is usual in such cases, a host
of ruffians seized the opportunity to wreak their vengeance on
Society, and there were plenty of smaller journeymen and
apprentices, always a turbulent class, who had personal or other
grievances to avenge. Yet it is remarkable that there was little
pilfering, and that in most cases the destruction and the murders
may be assigned to a definite motive. Amongst these may
especially be noted the hatred of Lancaster, the dislike of the
Marshalsea, and the hatred of the foreign Fleming.^ Now
these were the principles more especially represented by the
Victualling Gilds who were at this moment in power under
Walworth, the Fishmonger Mayor. There is no reason to
believe that Walworth himself had any dealings with the rebels,
but it must be admitted that the conduct of three Aldermen, all
of his party, is highly suspicious. John Horn, the Fishmonger,
gave tne rebels a royal standard to unfurl on their march;
Alderman Sybille, another Fishmonger, opened London Bridge
to them; and Tonge, a Vintner, admitted them to Aldgate.
' Letter Book H, pp. 94, 95, 151.
' Ibid., pp. I z 3, 114$ Stat. Gloacester, 1 Ric. II. c. I
^ For an account of the attack on London, c£ Oman, The Great Revolt ;
R^viUe, Soutevement des Travailleurs en 1381.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 37
Yet these men after a long trial were finally acquitted, when
in 1384 their party was once more in power : and Tonge, who
was one of the City's representatives in Parliament at the time,
was re-elected in 1388/
The conduct of these prominent members of the Victualling
party has puzzled historians.* It has been left to Mr. Unwin
to sujggest that the true explanation of their conduct is to be
foundin •the relation of parties within London' during the
six preceding years.^ He reminds us that at the moment ^ the
hated foreigner had been reinstated in all his privileges and
the monopoly of the City retailer withdrawn . . . and that John
of Gaunt, the author of these calamities, had still the leading
influence in the national councils. If they could use the ft)rce of
popular discontent ... to strike a decisive blow at the Duke,
to settle old scores with the Marshalsea, to make an end of
the foreigner, and to place their leaders in the position they were
naturally qualified to occupy of confidential advisers to the King,
a little interval of disturbance would be a small matter to pay for
so many advantages.'
But they had overshot their mark. Although Walworth was Fall of tbe
knighted for his prompt action in striking down Wat Tyler and Victuallers,
in suppressing the revolt, his party were &tally compromised jJorthamp-
by the conduct of Sybille, Tonge, and Horn, and by the atro- ton, a
cities of the rebels. In the foUowing autumn, October 1381, Draper,
John of Northampton, the Draper and representative of the ei«««d
non-Victualling Gilds, was elected Mayor ancl remained in office ^^yj^'^jOct.
two years. Although he never had a majority of his party ^
among the Aldermen, he proceeded at once to take vigorous
measures against his opponents. Many of the charges subse-
quently brought against Northampton are obviously £dse. It
is therefore mfficuLt to discriminate. But it is certain from
the terms of a petition sent to Parliament that he was princi-
pally concerned in attacking the privileges of the Victualling
Gilds, more especially those of the Fishmongers and stock
Fishmongers, and in spite of the opposition of Exton, one of
' * R^Tille, Sontevement des Travaillears, p. 199 $ Letter Book H, pp. 319, 334.
> C£ Oman, The Great Revolt, p. 18, note i.
^ Unwin, Gilds, p. 141.
Digitized by
Google
3 8 Introduction
the members of Parliament for the City, who, though a Gold-
smith, was a personal enemy of Northampton, an Act was passed
which allowed foreign Victuallers to sell their wares in the
City by wholesale or retail, forbad members of Victualling
Gilds to hold a judicial ofEce in London and other towns if
another fit person could be found,' and ordered them to
abandon all trade while holding such office. Northampton also
bade the Fishmongers bring their Charters to the Guildhall to
be inspected; he exacted &om them the admission that their
trade was no Craft, and conseauently not entitled to rank as
a ^ Mystery' at all, and thus ' Drought it about that those who
were before superiors were now scarcely admitted amongst the
inferiors '.
The new Mayor also compiled a *Jubile' Book* with the
object of annulling those ordinances of the City to which he
objected. The views of the Fishmongers as to this policy are
well illustrated by the language of the A&erman Carlille, a Grocer.
He cursed the strangers and said it was a mockery that such rebels
should be selling fish within the City and that he would be better
pleased that a City Fishmonger should make £10^ than such
a rebel xod.^
Northampton also posed as a reformer of morals. He not only
took proceedings against usurers, a measure peculiarly distasteful
to the rich members of the Victualling Gilds, but proceeded to
call the other trades to account. Brewers and Bakers were
ordered to sell farthing-worths of beer and bread. Priests were
only to charge one farthing for a Mass, and a special issue of
&rthings was made so that they should have no excuse for not
giving change, and if a priest made this excuse the &e need not
be paid.* Fortune-tellers and quacks were sent to the pillory
together with those who dared sknder the Mayor.* Nor were his
opponents spared. Philpot was removed from his aldermanry,
* Stat. 6 Ric. II. cc. ix, x f 1381).
' The book was so callea becanse it appeared in 137^-^, the Jobilee of
£dward Ill's accessioii.
^ Letter Book H, xxriii-^xxxi, xlL 198-100, 1105 Powell and Trerelyan,
p. 30 $ Riley, Memoriab, p. 468.
^ Letter Bkx>k H, pp. 17^, 183, 189. ' KJley, Memoriab, pp. 455 ff.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 39
and Strode, the Common Serjeant, was deprived of certain apart*
ments which had been granted him fer life by Brembre.'
Such violent measures as these, however desirable, not un- Fall of
naturally made the reforming Mayor unpopular, especially as his Noithamp-
election for two years in succession was contrary to regulations *^?- J***
lately established, and caused a reaction. At the next election his ^cJ^ |J^"
opponent, Brembre, was again successful (October 1383), while power, Oa.
Walworth and Philpot and two other Victuallers were returned 1383.
to Parliament. Northampton and his party, declaring that
Brembre had gained his election by force, unwisely betook
themselves to riot and conspiracy, which gave their enemies an
opportunity to strike. John Constantyn, a Cordwainer, was tried
and beheaded, and Northampton, foolishly demanding that his
trial should be postponed in the absence of John of Gaunt, was
condemned to aeath, although by the intervention of the ' good
Queen Anne ' of Bohemia, die wife of Richard II, his sentence
was commuted for imprisonment in Tintagel C^tle.' The
Victuallers had won once more and for the next five years re*
tained their supremacy .^
Forthwith the policy of Northampton was reversed. Victuallers
were to be allowed to hold judicial ofEce ; the King in an ^ In-
speximus ' Charter again restricted the trade of the merchant
strangers, and in 1388 the ^ Jubile' Book was burnt.^
It is, however, to be noted that one of the measures of Brembre's Election of
second Mayoralty was the restoration of the right of electing the thcConunon
Common Council to the Wards (1384). It seems not unlikely ^^j^'Jh^
that the question as to the electoral basis of the Common Council wanU.
was connected with the growth of religious and social Fraternities
not connected with any particular trade. That the number of
such Gilds was great is proved by the Gild certificate of 13 op.
' Letter Book H, xxzii, xxxiii.
' There are many references to John of Northampton in the Patent Rolb $
c£ 13719 pp* 51I) 4^4, 470, H. 1. Northampton was no bw demagogue, hot
a weakhy man. Besides the Manor of Shoreditch he held much property in
the City. C£ Patent Rolls, 1384, pp. 4^*, 4^3, 471, 474> n^> J»4j 53Ij
5^*9 173.
^ Brembre was re-elected in 1384 and 1385, and Nicolas £zton, a supporter of
Brembre thoa^h a Goldsmith, in 1386 and 1387
* Stat. 6 Ric. II. c. iz (1383) j Lett
Letter BocJc H, p. iii.
Digitized by
Google
40
Introduction
The AUer-
men eleaed
by the
Wards.
The Mayor
is to be
eleaed by
the Common
Council and
other ' suf-
ficient men*.
In any case the system of election by the Craft Gilds, established
in ii^6y had not worked well. It had only exaggerated the
jealousy and striie between the Crafts, and for some years at-
tempts had been made to find some remedy. Accordingly, in
July 1384, a Common Council of 2^7 members decided that
a return should be made to the old system of election by the
Wards. Each Ward was to send fi'om six to two members ac-
cording to its size. To prevent any Mystery having too great
a weight in the Common Council it was further enacted that no
Mystery should have more than eight of its members on the
Council at the same time.' Thus the constitution of the Common
Council was finally settled in the fi>rm in which it has since
remained.*
It may be questioned whether the importance of the con-
troversy has not been exaggerated As stated above, no one could
be a member of a Ward unless he were a Gildsman, and although
it is true that journeymen would, as members of their Wardmoot,
have a voice in the election of the Common Council, as a matter
of £ict the Common Council has since that date usually been
composed of the leading members of the more important Gilds.
No alteration was made as to the election of Aldermen.' They
continued to be elected, as by the Charters of Edward II and
Edward III (igip, 1376), by the Wards, and, until the year
1 394., they were to be elected annually and not to be eligible iox
re-election. Since that date, however, they have heU their
office for life, if not removed fi>r some reasonable excuse.^
Meanwhile the election of the Mayor and the Sheriffs, as well
as of the Rirliamentary representatives for the City, remained in
' Letter Book H, p. 117 ; Lib. Albos, translated by Riley, p. 37.
'In 1589 it is trae the Mayor and Aldermen (without the Common Conncil)
resolved that they should themselves elect a certain namber from each WarcL
But it is doubtful whether the resolution was ever put into effect.
^ As'to the qualification for Aldermen, till 1430 they had to be honest and
discreet men. In that year they had to be freemen by birth, apprenticeships or
patrimony. In 1434, since admission by patrimony had become very lax, it was
ordered that strangers were no longer to be admitted to the freedom by
patrimony.
^ Rot. Pari., iiv 317.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 41
the hands of the Common Council ' with as many other sufficient
men of the city as they might think necessary '.' It is usually
said that this ordinance left the election of the City officials and
P^llamentary representatives in the hands of the Gilds. But
though it is true that hencefbnh the Gilds did enjoy considerable
influence, and that, until the year i54P, there is no instance of
a Mayor being eleaed who was not a member of one of the more
powerful Gilds, yet it is to be noted that the ordinance makes no
specific mention of the Gilds or of Gildsmen."
The long controversy, therefore, which had lasted for some
eight years, did not seriously modify the civic constitution. Its
importance lies chiefly in the graphic illtistrations which it gives
us of the internal life of the City, and of the relations of the Gilds
to one another and to the political parties of the day.
The quarrels which had rent the City did not end with the SarriTal of
the quarrel
' Letter Book, p. vii. V'^M^^*
* It is carious that when in 137^ the Common Cooncil was elected bjr the ^^^*"^""g
Mysteries, it akme was sommoned to the election of the Mayor, bnt that from ^^ '^^
the date when the Common Council was to be elected by the Wards, we often ^JfJ"**™8
hear of an * immense commonalty* being summoned as well as the Common ^^'^*
Council and the discreet men. In the year 1404 an ordinance commanded
that, ^ because of the mmnk caused by apprentices and senrants, no one was to
enter the Guildhall at the time of electic»), and no one was to be summoned,
except they be of the Common Council or of the more sufficient men of the
city *. The rule was apparently not kept, since we often hear again of an
immense commonalty beiM summoned, and sometimes, as in 1441, there is not
even a specific mention of^the Common Council or of the discreet men bein?
summoned at all. Thus apparently the question as to who should be summoned
lay with the Mayor for the time being.
It is also to be remembered that in 140^ the Aldermen fer the first time
asserted that the right of the Commoners (whether they were members of the
Common Council or no) was limited to the nomination of two fit persons, who
had senred as Aldermen and Sheriffs, and that the final selection between these
two lay with the Mayor and Aldermen ak>ne. This eventually became the rule,
while, by the ordinances of the Common Council in the seventh and fifteenth
years of Edward IV, the discretionary power of the Mayor in the matter of
summons was put an end Xf^^ it being then enacted that, besides the Common
Council, only the Masters and Wardens of the greater Companies and honest
men of the Mysteries coming in their best liveries (L e. of the livery^ were to be
present, C£ Letter. Book I, p. $5 $ Liber Albus, p. 19 } Letter Book K, pp. 175
note, 288$ Norton's Commentaries, pp. ix6^ 117. For earlier regulations.
Letter Book F, p. 304 j G, p. 1^5.
Digitized by
Google
4^2.
Introduction
Richard
gradually
alienates
the support
of the
Londoners*
Mayoralty of Brembre in 1385. In the year 1387 Brembre was
violently accused by the Mercers, the Drapers," and others of the
non- Victualling Gilds of securing the election ^ through debate
and stronger partie ', and of accroaching the royal authority by
using force to overawe the citizens. As the rdgn proceeded the
Victualling Gilds, who had always been £ivoured by the King,
now became more definitely a royalist party, while their oppo-
nents supported the ^ Lords Appellant . In 1388 the Merci-
less Parliament, then under the control of the Appellants,
condemned Brembre to execution for treason, and to please the
non- Victualling Gilds, who then held the Mayoralty in the
person of Tw^ord a Goldsmith, once more declared free trade
throughout the kingdom.' Even after this date traces of the old
contest may be seen in the disputed election in 1389 between
William VeuQur, a Grocer, who was elected, and Adam Bamme,
a Goldsmith, and also in the succession of Mayors till the close of
the reign who were members now of one group now of another.^
In May 1389 Richard II took the Government into his own
hands. The King and the Lords Appellant were nominally
reconciled, and for eight years Richard ruled with astounding
consideration. Yet in 13 pa, when John Hende, a Draper, was
Mayor, a dispute arose with the King, either over the demand for
a sum of money, or over a Qty riot. The Mayqr and Sheriffs
were imprisoned, the City was deprived of its liberties, and the
wrath ot the King was only assuaged by the payment of a fine of
;^io. By this high-handed act Richard alienated even his sup-
porters, and when, in i3P7, he, who had been called ^the
Londoner's King ', made his bold attempt at absolutism, the fiivour
of the Londoners was finally lost by his renewed extortions. In
vain the King at the last moment tried to win the support of his
old allies, the Fishmongers, by restoring to them their privilege
of monopoly.* They did not move ; peniaps they dared not. For
a Goldsmith, Drew Barantyn, was Maiyor, and he it was who
welcomed Henry of Lancaster when he approached the City.*
* Cf. Petition of the Mercers, HerI>(»rt,L 39 $ Petition of the Drapers, Appendix^
Rot. Pari., iii. 115-^.
' 1 1 Ric. II. c. vii. 3 Letter Book H, Introd. liiL
^ Letter Book H, pp. 447-8- * Letter Book Hj Introd. liii-lm
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 43
The close connexion between current -politics and the quarrels
among the Gilds finds an interesting parallel in the history of
Flancers under the Arteveldts.' But whereas abroad this is no
uncommon feature, in England it is exceptiodal. As a rule the
English Gilds took little part in rival politics and were rarely
divided on such issues, and to this difference in a great measure
may be attributed the long life of the English Gild.
The condition of the towns, and more especially of London, The Inquiry
throughout the rdgn of Richard II had, however, been so fiill of <^ 1388.
turbulence, ' rumours, Co vines, congregations, and affrays ', that all
parties were convinced of the necessity, if possible, of controlling,
if not reducing the number of the Gilds. Accordingly, the
Merciless Parliament had demanded an inquiry. In November
1 3 88 ' writs were issued to the Sheriffs of Counties and of London
ordering *all Masters and Wardens of Mysteries and Crafts to
bring their charters and letters patent into Chancery, and all other
Masters of Gilds ^nd Fraternities to make return as to the nature
of their foundation and particulars of their customs, privileges and
property \ This action on the part of Parliament "aitidi the central
autnorides was but one part of the movement in the direction of
greater central control, whether municipal or national, over the
varions smaller communities which found its climax in the Tudor
period.'
The first Writ applied to those Gilds which, beyond their
social and religious aims, controlled the various trades and crafts
of the City; the second referred to imchartered associations
fi)rmed solely for religious or social purposes. No returns to the
first Writ survive (if they were ever made) and only thirty-one
to the second.* These pleaded that their objects were purely
» Of. Ashley, J., The Anevcldts. » Letter Book Gj p. 33^.
^ Unwin, p. i^$. It is in the reign of RichflMxl II thsit we also meet with the
earliest attempts of journeymen or yeomen to form Fraternities of their own,
which became a serioos question in the fifteenth century. Cf. Riley, Memorials,
495, the Cotdwainers, 1387 $ 541, the Saddlers, 139^.
^ The total number of returns fer the whole of England was 4^1. Cf.
Tonlmin Smith, Gilds $ Clare Market Renew, published by the London School of
Economics, i, 67. Cf. the return made by the Relieious Fraternity of the
Drapers, Appendix, Vol« I, it. The majority of these Gil£ had no connexion with
any particular trade. In the wills of this date, to be found in Sharpe's Calendar of
Digitized by
Google
44- Introduction
sodal and religious and had no political meaning, which appears
to have been the case, since their ordinances refer to the govern-
ment of the Society, and for the rest are concerned with the
relief of poor members and with the singing of dirges or masses
for the departed. In any case the inquiry was not followed by
any definite action, except that in ijpi a statute forbad any Gild
to acquire property in mortmain, as they had before, without the
royal licence.' Nevertheless the Gilds were not unnaturally
alarmed, especially since in the same Parliament petitions had been
brought forward asking that not onlv the giving of ' livery ' by
an individual to his retainers, but ako the giving of * livery ' *
under colour of fraternity, or any other association, should be
forbidden under severe penalties. In the Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14,
which was finally passed and which forbad the giving of liveries,
'the Gilds, Fraternities, and people of Mysteries of cities and
boroughs that be founded to a good intent' were exempted.
Nevertheless, for further security the Gilds in foture generally
obtained a licence from the Crown.^
The Gilds Meanwhile several Gilds strove to gain a fuller confirmation of
press for their privileges. During the remaining years of Richard II four
Charters Wills, we find members of difTerem trades making beqnests to the same religioiis
r?" » ^^ ^"^ ^^^ Fraternity of the Drapers is one of the few interesting exceptions.
Crown. jjjg others are the Barbers, the Cutters, the Glovers, and the Whittawyers.
After this date the bequests are more often made to Craft Gilds, such as the
Grocers, Haberdashers, Taylors, and Skinners, as well as ro the Drapers.
' This restriction was probably due ro the jealousy of the City, which had no
such privilege. Letter Book H, xlix.
* Ashley, Econ. History, L 117. The giving of livery, that is, of a distinctive
dress or badge, was a common custom of the tmie. It was considered dangerous,
because powerful men in this way organized their retainers into a semi-military
force and often by their assistance not only endangered the peace, but overawed
the Law Courts. The Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, forbad Lords to grant liveries to
any but their actual servants and to persons indentured to them for life, and
forbad the practice akoeether to persons below the rank of banneret.
The wearing of a distinctive dress by the Gilds became common in the
fourteenth century and hence the term ^ Livery Companies ' applied ro the Gikb
of London. The attempt to include the Gilds in the statute against liveries was
probably due to the dislike for their growing power.
^ Stow, ed. Kingsford, iL 191, doubts whether the Gilds thought it necessary
to apply for licences. But certainly we have a pardon granted oy Richard III
to the Drapers for all offences, including the wearing of livery. Cf. Appendix,
vol. i. No. XVI.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 45-
more Crafts, the Taylors, the Skinners, the Mercers, and the
Saddlers, obtained Royal Charters (igpo, igpj, 13P4, and \l9s\
while the Goldsmiths obtained a renewal of those which had been
granted in 13x7. Henceforth this becomes the aim of every
Craft. It should be observed that most of the Charters Peculiarities
thus gained differ in several important respects from the earlier ofthcicncw
ones. In the earlier Charters of the reign of Edward II Charters,
and Edward III the Gilds are generally spoken of as Mysteries,'
and the main object of the Charters is to grant more or
less exclusive privileges of trade. Although there can be little
doubt that in most cases the social and religious ^Fraternity'
existed, and that it was by means of the religious sanction, thus
gained, that the Gilds were able to enforce the regulations on
their members, the earlier Charters do not mention or give l^al
sanction to the * Fraternity \ When we pass to the later Charters,
although the term * Mystery ' is still retained and trade privileges
are generally though not universally mentioned, it is the religious
aspect of the Societies to which prominence is generally given
They are empowered to establish their Gild and * Fraternity *.
The * Fraternity * is often connected with the name of the Saviour
or of some Saint,' and the ' benefit ' or charitable work of the
Gild is generally mentioned, even where it is not given as the
reason for granting the Charter,^ while the religious aspect is
often enforced by imposing the duty of maintaining chaplains.
Finally, by the later Charters, the Gilds are for the first dme
constituted ^ in name and fact one perpetual body and one com-
munity, with perpetual succession and a common seal ', and it
is on the ' Gild ' and * Fraternity ', not on the Mystery, that the
legal personality is conferred. They are given the right to hold
property, and to sue and be sued in their common name. In
' The word Mysterie, French mystht^ is certainly derived from muttta (Italian
mmkri^ a Trade or Crait, and this from minhtirittmy not from mytttnumj a secret.
^ The Drapers were in honoar of the Virgin Maty, Mother of the Holy Lamb.
The Taylon called themselves the Fraternity of St. John the Baptist. The Fish-
mongers adopt St. Peter as their Patron. The Patron of the Goldsmiths was
St. iSonstan. The Skinners were in honour of Corpus Christi. C£ Charten given
by Herbert.
^ e. g. Goldsmiths undertake to relieve those who by fire and smoke of quick-
silver have lost their sight j the Mercers to provide a chaplain and relieve those
who have suffered from shipwreck. C£ Herbert, Livery Companies.
Digitized by
Google
^6
Introduction
other words, the Gilds thereby become for the first time a ' persona",
a l^al collective personality, a perpetual corporate Fraternity
recognized by the State.
m doubt the corporate spirit had existed long before ; indeed,
as Gierke ' has shown, the meuphysical conception of the organic
unity of any group of individuals, acting together for some common
end, with a common will, existed everywhere in the Middle
Ages, and the Charters rather confirm privileges which had been
founded on custom, and which had already been granted by the
Mayor if not by the King^ than create anything new. But
whereas before the strength of this corporate spirit lay in the
moral sanction of the Church, it now gains the more practical
and definite support of the Law. The State steps in and adds its
secular sanction.'
By these Charters the Gilds secured a greater independence
from the control of the municipal authorities. They no longer
enjoyed their privileges by the authority of the Mayor alone, but
^ Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Ages, translated by Maitland,
pp. xxntfl ftnd 98 $ Maitland^ Collected Papers, iii. no, Corpocatbns Legal
and Moral.
' The following extracts fh>m the Charters of the Drapers will illustrate these
differences :
The Charter of 38 Edward III.
The Members of the Mystery of
Drapers are granted the monopoly
of making, baying, selling, cloth and
drapery in retsul, with some exceptions.
They are anthorized <to elect toar of
their Mysteiy to rule and gorem * the
said Mystery, who are to be sworn
before the Mayor to oversee that no
£iult or deceit be used or committed
in the said Mystery, and are to punish
such as shall offend according to the
advice and by the aid of the Mayor
and Sheriffs.
The Charter of 17 Henry VI.
Empowers the men of the Mystery
of Drapers ' to erect, found, and estab-
lish their Gild and Fraternity of the
Blessed Virgin Maiy and to hold and
enjoy the same and their perpetual
successors for all times to come '. It
empowers them to elect four Wardens
and a Master to support the burthen
and business of the Fraternity, and to
TOvem the same 5 and constitutes the
Master, Wardens, brothers and sisters
of the said Fraternity in deed and
name one body and perpetual Commu-
nity with perpetual succession and a
common seal j grants them legal power
to purchase lands, tenements, renti, &c.
in perpetuity, and in their common
name to plead and be impleaded.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds
47
by that of the Crown, and accordingly it became hence&rth the
aim of every Gild to secure incorporation. In the rdgn of
Henry VI K)ur of the leading Victualling and five of the most
important non-Viaualling Gilcb attain their end But in most of
these later Charters the industrial aspect, rather than the social
or religious, is again more stronfi;ly emphasized'
With the accession of EdwarcTlV, and the adoption of a policy
of {protecting home industries, the number of Charters of Incorpora-
tion increases. No less than nine are granted bv that King, and
one by Richard III. Thus by the end of the Middle Ages
twenty-five Gilds had been recognized as Collective Personalities,
and shortly after five more were added."
' C£ Unwin, GiUs, pp. \6\^ \6i. The Charters of the Annonren and
Habeidashers are, however, granted to the Fraternities, and there is no reference
to the trade regulations.
> The Goldsmiths
Skinners
Mercers
Saddlers
Taylors
Grocers
Fishmongers
Vinmers
Brewers
Drapers
Coidwainers
Leather^ellers
Haberdashers
Armourers
1593
1394
i39f
1408
1418
1433
143^
1437
1438
1349
X444
1447
1453
Tallow-chandlen 14^1
The Barbers i^6x
Ironmongers 14^5
Pewteren 14^8
Dyers 147 1
Musidians 1471
Parish Clerks 147^
Carpenters 1477
Fullers 1480
Cooks 1481
Wax-chandlers 1484
Pkisterers if 01
Coopers if 01
Poulterers 1^04
Bakers 1509
Innholders if if
Of these only eleven eventually gained the peculiar privilege of being called
a Greater Liveiy Company. The twelfth was that of the Cbthworkers, a union
of the Fullers and Shearmen, who were incorporated in if i8.
In some cases, as in those of the Skinners, the GoUsmiths, and the Parish
Clerks, there is some doubt as to when exaaly £ill incorporation was granted.
The Parish Qerks were not clerics. Apparently they were often employed
to sing in dirges and at feasts, and to aa Miracle Plays. Arunde( City
Companies, p. 117.
The disttnction between the Greater and Lesser Livery Companies may be
Digitized by
Google
48
Introduction
The Mayor The municipal authorities were not unnaturally jealous of this
insists on his increased independence on the part of the more successful com-
^ "'^' panics. They had always claimed that the Gilds could only
exercise their powers or sel^government and issue ordinances
by their leave. Even during the Eictious rimes of Bichard II, the
Mayor for the rime being had often insisted that the opposing
Gilds should submit their Chaners to him for confirmation, and in
1437 the right was recognized by Parliament. On the grounds
that many ^ Gilds and Fraterniries and other companies corporate,
by colour of rule and governance and other terms in general
words to them granted ... by charters of divers kings, made many
unlawful . . • and unreasonable ordinances iar their own singular
tiaced as early as the reign of Edward III, and it was hastened by the Act of
1 16^ which ordered all artisans to choose and adhere to the Company proper
to their own Mystery, but the right of being counted among the Greater was
one of prescription only, and fell to those Companies which were composed of
traden rather than handicraftsmen, and who therefore represented the capitalists.
In If 03, at the barial of Elizabeth of York, only nine are ordered to stand in
Chepe, though others were permitted. Finally, in the seventh year of Henry V III,
a precept ofthe Mayor which settled the dispute between the Cbthworkers and
the Dyers fixed the order thus :
I. Mercers f. Goldsmiths 9. Sakers
1. Grocers 6. Skinners 10. Ironmongers
3. Drapers 7. Tayk)n 11. Vintners
4. Fishmongers 8. Haberdashers ii. Shearmen
In the reign of Edward VI there were some fifty Lesser Li? ery Companies
in London. The Privileges of these Greater Companies were as follows :
1. They akme had the honour of enrolling the Sovereign among their
, members.
2. They alone took part in the elections ofthe Mayor.
5. They took precedence in all civic pageants, sending ^ assistants ' to attend
on the Mayor.
4. Their Masters and Wardens had the exclusive right of attending the Lord
Mayor when he waited on the Chief Butler at the Coronations,
f. Until 1741, with only one break in 1^49, the Mayor was by custom always
a member ciont of these Greater Companies.
The Privileges were accompanied by certain special burdens :
I. They alone contributed to the repair ofthe City walls,
z. The feans raised by the Government or the Oty were chiefly subscribed
by them, and, owin^ to the wealth, their contribution to the subsidies
was considerable. Herbert, i. 37, 135$ Arundel, 343 01; Letter
Book L, xlii.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds 4-9
profit and to the damage of the people, as well as many of such
things whereof the cc^nisance and punishment only pertaineth to
the Kin^, lords of franchises and other persons, whereby the
King and others be disinherited of their profits', the Act ly
Henry VI, c. (J, orders all to bring their Charters to be registered
and their ordinances confirmed by the Justices of the Peace or the
chief Governors of cities, boroughs, and towns."
The City forthwith put the Act into operation, and disputes
about the validity of Charters *are the main staple of city politics
at this period '.• In cases where the Charter was proved to
be authentic the Mayor did not indeed venture to annul it. Thus
the Chartered Companies derived their privileges from the Crown,
but exercised them under the sanction of the Mayor, who claimed
the right to revise their ordinances. The Mayor issued his pre-
cepts on matters of municipal government, and the regulation
of^trade by his own authority or by that of the Common Council,
and, besides that, conveyed, through other precepts, the com-
mands of the Crown. The jurisdiction of the Gilds was limited
to their authority over their own members. Their functions
were inquisitorial rather than judicial, and in the last resort,
against a recalcitrant member, or in disputes between rival com-
panies, appeal had to be made to the Mayor.^
After all, it was only the richer Gilds who could obtain Charters
from the Crown, since the royal favour was not to be gained
without the payment of heavy fees, and accordingly, of the
112 Gilds existing in T411, fifty at least subsequently dis-
appeared, or became merged in the larger incorporated Gilds,
or became subordinate to them.^ The rest still remained under
the exclusive authority of the Mayor, who, as in the days
before incorporation, authorized their ordinances and allowed
■ Of. liber Albns, Rilejr's transladon, p 4^ i ; Letter Book K, xlL
* Unwin, Gilds, pp. i^i, 13^; Letter Book L, pp. xvi ff. From the beginning
of the seventeenth century the licence of the Mayor was necessary before a dharter,
whether of incorporation or not, was sued for.
^ Cf. Herbert, Livery Companies, \. %% \ Unwin, Gilds, p. 13 1.
^ See Hazlitt, Gilds, pp. vi, 103 ff. $ LFnwin, Gilds, p. \66. Thns the Leather-
sellers absorb the Tawyers, Parsers, Gloven, and Pouch-makers \ the Armourers
absoii) the Bladesmiths and Braziers $ the Blacksmiths absorb the Spurriers $
the Hatters and Cappers fall under the control of the Haberdashers.
1MS«1 H
Digitized by
Google
so Introduction
them to organize themselves with some of the powers enjoyed
by their more successfiil rivak.*
Relation of Thus at the close of the fifteenth century the Gilds fell into
^'^^iP^i^ . two classes. First stood those that had obtained a Royal Charter,
cipalVu"^ among which eleven held the prestige of being counted as among
rides at the the Greater Livery Companies. Next came the inferior ones,
close of tiie who, without any Royal Charter, enjoyed less extensive powers
fifteenth of self government granted them by the municipal authority,
century. Meanwhile, the number of the Parish Fraternities, once so
numerous, steadily declined. Some of them had become con-
nected with a Craft Gild, and the growing connexion of these
Gilds and the Parish Churches tenoed to the same end. That
their number cannot have been very great in is^l is shown
by the fact that only eighteen were tnen disendowed
And yet while the Mayor and the Common Council insisted
on their supremacy over the Gilds, the Gilds were practically
monopolizing the government of the City. It is true that the
Alderman of a Ward was selected by the Mayor and the exist-
ing Aldermen out of four candidates elected by the freemen of
his Ward,' and that the members of the Common Council were
' Those powers were generally confined to the right of electing Masters or
Wardens, of ruling the Mystery, and punishing disobedient members. C£
Goldbeaters, Letter Book I, p. 9 ; Joynours, Letter Book I, p. 1 3 $ Steynoars,
Letter Book I, p. 14. For other instances in the reign of Henry IV, cf. Letter
Book I, pp. If, fo, ^f, 68, 144, 147. Twenty-nine Crafts in aiU obtained this
confirmation from the Mayor. Of these seven got Charters of Incorporation in
the fifteenth centuty $ two in the sixteenth, four in the seventeenth, and sixteen
never. Besant, Med. London, ii. 1 1 9. Of sixty Crafb who took part in a Mayor's
Feast in i^ '> '^^ more than half were incorporated.
' The change in the position of the Aldermen fix>m hereditary possessors of
sokes to that of elected heads of their Wards, appears to have been gradual
during the latter part of the thirteenth century, ana to have been finally settled
in 1377} when it was ordained that they should be eleaed directly by the Waids
for one year, and should not be eligible for two years in succession. So things
remained fer twenty years, but by the Stat. 1 7 Richard II, A. D. 1 3 94, they were xo
hold office for life, and the right of the Wards was confined to the presentation
of two candidates, from whom the Mayor and Aldermen chose one. The Court
of Aldermen even claimed the right of rejecting the candidates and ordering
a fresh nomination, and also of appoindne without such nomination. This,
with variations as to the number of candidates to be presented by the Ward,
remained the system till 17149 when, by the Statute 13 Anne, the right of free
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds yi
also elected by the Mayor and Aldermen from the Wards,
according to their size. But to be a freeman of a ward it was
necessary ' to be a Gildsman who had rassed his apprenticeship
or had been admitted by redemption. The elections were there-
fore really in the hands of members of some Gild or other,
while most of the elected Common Council men were, whether
Aldermen or no, important members of some Gild and generally
members of the greater Gilds. In the elections of the Sheriffs
and Mayors the influence of the Gilds was still more direct.
The Mayor indeed had the privilege of nominatins; one Sherifi^,
* the King's Sheriff*. But the other, or both, if the Mayor did
not exercise his prerogative, was elected by the Common Council,
assisted by the Masters and Wardens of the twelve great Livery
Companies, who were ^ to associate with themselves the honest
men of their Mysteries, that is the livery men, coming in their
best liveries'.*
The same body elected the Mayor and also the members of
Parliament for the City, but in the case of the Mayor the powers
of the electoral body were confined to the presenting the names
of two persons, who had already served as Aldermen and Sheriffs,
from wnich the Mayor of the past year and the Court of Alder-
men selected one. How completely the government of the City
was now in the hands of the greater Gilds is shown by the fact
election was restored to the Wards. Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate,
pp. if6ff. ; Beaven, Aldermen, p. 241.
' Cf. Riley, Liber Albiis, p, 140 ; Charter of Richard II — ^ Every person
admitted to the freedom of the City shall be of a certain Mysteiy or Craft, and,
if a straneer, shall be admitted by apprenticeship only and not by redemption '
(Letter &ok I, p. ^3). This remained so till 183^. Since then the freedom
of a Gild, though one qualification for the freedom of the City, is no longer
necessary.
' This custom was not relaxed till the middle of the sixteenth century.
Norton's Commentaries, pp. 11^, 117$ Ordinances of Common Council,
7 Edward IV and i % Edward IV, as confirmed later by Act of Parliament,
1 Georze I. By this ordinance the discretionary power of the Mayor to summon
whom he would was abolished. By an ordinance of 1401, owing to the tumult
caused by apprentices and serving men at elections, it had been enaaed that
none are to enter the Guildhall except those summoned by the Mayor. No one
was to be summoned except they be of the Common Council or 'of the more
sufEcicnt men of the City '• Letter Book I, p. 34.
Digitized by
Google
yi Introduction
that most of the Aldermen and Sheriffs, and all the Mayors fi>r
many years, were members of one of the Greater Livery Com*
panics. Thus by the close of the fifteenth century the Gild
organization and that of the City had become amalgamated The
Crafts had triumphed, and the real power lay in tne hands of the
Greater Livery Companies.
The reign of Edward IV also marks the date when the City
itself^ as many of the Gilds had before, becomes a complete
Corporate unity. No doubt it had practically secured this position
before, partly by prescription, partly by Charter. It had long
possessed a common seal; it had made by-laws; it had held
corporate property; its tx)wer of filling up vacancies by election
had implied tne right or perpetual succession ; it had enjoyed the
privilege of suing and being sued in its corporate capacity. The
Charter of Edward IV only gave the final sanction when it
definitely allowed the City to acquire lands by purchase and
in mortmain.'
Henceforth the relations between the City and the Greater
Livery Companies resembled very closely those between the
University of Oxford and the Colleges. Just as at Oxford no
person could become a member of the University without being
a member of a College, and the Vice-Chancellor was chosen from
the Heads of the Colleges, yet the University exercised a general
control over the studies of the students (though not over the
internal government of the Colleges) and jgranted the degrees ;
so in London every citizen was under a double allegiance : first, as
a Gildsman to obey the Masters and Wardens, and to comply with
the ordinances of their Gild ; secondly, to obey the Mayor and the
other civic authorities and to pay scot and lot.
No sooner, however, had tne Tudor mounted the throne than
the authority of the Mayor in the matter of confirming the
' Stubbs, Constit. Hisr.,ed. 1 878,iiL ^77^ Gomme,The Governance of Eneknd,
pp. 173, 3^5; Pollock and Maitland, History of English Law, i. 676 ^ Gierke,
Political Theories of Middle Ages, translated by Mait&nd. The gradual growth
of the civic Corporation and the comparatively late date at wuch it received
its final legal incorporation, as compared with many of the Gilds, are carious, bat
have their parallel in the history of Oxford, where many of the Colleees received
formal Charters of Incorporation before the University. Cf Case, The Proposed
Statute concerning Finance, Pamphlet, Feb. 10, 1911, p. 8.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds yg
ordinances of the Gilds was transferred to the Chancellor, the
Lord Treasurer, and the Chief Justices of either Bench.* This
measure may be said to sound the passing bell of the system
of * Town economy * and of the Craft system which was its
outcome, and to herald the rise of the new National economy
which was henceforth to prevail.
T^he Government of London at the beginning of the
Sixteenth Century^
The Freedom of the City could originally be obtained either by Freedom of
birth or by redemption,^ that is by paying a fee. At some date, the City,
probably in the reign of Henry III or Edward I, the system of
apprenticeship in the Gilds was introduced, and thus became a third
avenue to citizenship. At the master's death the apprentice con-
tinued to serve his widow or executors for the residue of his term,
which was never to be less than seven years/ In 13 58 it was de-
cided that if an apprentice at the end of his term could not pay the
fee of 60 J. for admission to freedom, he should continue to serve as
an apprentice or hired servant*^ Strangers could only be admitted
» 19 Henry VII, c. 7, 1^03-4$ Unwin, Indnstrial Organizatbn, p. f^j
Bosch, England under the Tndors, p. 2^7.
^ For a longer description cf. Clode, Merchant Taylors, Part I, ch. i ; Beaven,
Aldermen, toL ii, Introdnction.
^ The keepine of a roll of apprentices and others admitted to the Freedom
appears to have Seen begun in ii7T. Chron. Ed. I, II, Rolls Series, i. 85, %6.
The earliest list of those admitted by redemption to any Gild, with occasional
notices of those admitted by apprenticeship, is m the third year of Ed II (i 309).
It continued till 1 3 1 2. The fees vaty from nothing, in case of royal officials
and other exceptional persons, to 100/. Letter fiook D, pp. 3^ flf. The Mayor
also had originally the privilege of making six men free of the City. Bat this
privilege was abolished in 1434 in retnm for an annual gift of four casks of wine.
Some exceptional rights of creating Freemen existed till 185^. Letter Book K,
XXXV. In the fifteenth century we find complaints that too many are admitted
both by redempdon and apprenticeship, and attempts were made to stop this
abuse by h'miting the number to be so admitted, attempts which were not very
successful, e.g. No one to put his son or daughter as an apprentice unless
he had xox. a year in land, 9 Henry IV, repealed 8 Heniy VI. Letter
Book K, XXXV.
^ Letter Book D, ii, vi; E, p. 13, and authorities quoted there.
5 Letter Book G, p. 180.
Digitized by
Google
$-4-
Introductton
in the fourteenth century either by the assent of the * Commonalty
in the Husting ', or presentation by six of his Craft or Mystery,
who should stand surety for him. And as the Crafts increased
in importance this became the ordinary way of admission. The
Charter of Richard II enacted that every person admitted to the
freedom of the City should be of a certain Mystery or Craft.
The privileges of a freeman included the right to reside within
the City walls,' to engage in wholesale trade throughout the
realm, and by retail in the goods of the Mystery to which he
belonged, to enter any town without payment of toll, to be
exempt from the jurisdiction of courts without the City except in
certain specified cases. By the Charter of Edward III he was
also to be exempted from military service outside the City,'
though this privilege was not retained.
Foreigners. Strangers, whether of English nationality or no, suffered under
serious disabilities. They could not deal by retail, nor buy
merchandise in the City for re-sale, nor deal with each other
in the City .3
The Wards. The Wards, twenty-four in number, were composed of all other
than viUeins who, besides paying scot and lot or being householders,
had to be members of some Gild^ and if strangers to be admiued
by apprenticeship and not by redemption.'* This continued till
183J-, when all those who enjoyed the Parliamentary franchise
were held to be Freemen.
Aldermen. The Aldermen, since the ordinance of 140 x, were nominated
for life by the Mayor and existing Aldermen out of four eli^ble
candidates elected by the Wards ; the Mayor and existing Alder-
men claiming the right to refuse to nominate, and to demand
another election, and even to appoint without election. In 171 1
the number to be returned was fixed at two, and by 13 Anne
(17 14) direct election was restored to the Wards. To be eligible
the candidate must be ^ good and discreet ', and have goods to the
' Originally they were obliged to reside continuonsly, bat by an ordinance of
\l6% this was no longer necessary, if they paid scot and lot. Letter Book G,
^ Letter Book D, iii j £, xx, and authorities quoted.
^ Letter Book £, pp. 42, x6x,
^ Stat, of Richard \\\ Lib. Albus, 140 j Letter Book I3 p. ^3.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds SS
value ofj^ijooo (p Ed. IV). By Stat, p Anne (1710) the qualifi-
cation was raised to ;^iy,ooo, and to j^j 0,000 by 5-2 George III
(18 1 2). In 183 1 the Mayor and Aldermen refused to admit
Michael Scales. A long process ensued which was ended in 183P
by the aflirmation of the House of Lx>rds of the right of the Mayor
and Aldermen to reject unsuitable candidates, and after three
rejections to nominate themselves.
Until the latter half of the sixteenth century the Aldermen
were always members of one of the twelve Greater Livery
Companies and if not so at the time of election, were transferred
to one. After that date they often belonged to the Lesser Com-
panies, especiaUy in the eighteenth century.*
The Aldermen presided over the moot of their Wards. They
tried weights and measures ; regulated the Inns ; superintended the
cleansing of highways and watercourses in their Wards; kept
the peace and the gates of the City; held views of frank-pledge ;
saw that the members of their Wards were assessed to arms,
set the watch, and, on the precept of the Mayor, levied the
Trained Bands of their Wards, these levies being independent of
those raised by the Companies. In the reign of Henry VI they
are sometimes, and more often under the Tudors, Justices of the
Peace, and, as Justices, fixed wages under the Act of Apprentices.
Finally, by the Stat, of 1741 all Aldermen were to be appointed
Justices of the Peace. They were obliged to reside in the City,
unless they got leave of absence from the Court, and were obliged
to serve, unless they could prove that they had not the necessary
property qualification or were especially excused.*
The Court of Aldermen was composed of the Mayor and Alder- The Coart
men of the year. Of this Court there were two sessions. of Alder-
I. That of the Inner Chamber, which claimed a right of control "*"•
over the acts of the Common Council and of vetoing measures
passed there. This right was fi>rbidden during the Commonwealth,
' Letter Book H, p. ^$6 ; I, p. 18 j Beaven, Aldermen, yol. i, p. 145.
' The instances of Stephen Fabyan and John Gedney, Drapers. Letter
Books 1—157$ Baddeley, Aklermen, p. 178 ^ Riley's Memorials, p. ^03. In
1 501 Sir Lawrence Aylmer was dismissed because he was in prison for debt.
Baddeley, p. 183. In 1S46 John Sadler was albwed to give up his office on
account of sickness. Baddeley, p. 190.
Digitized by
Google
r6
Introduction
The Court
ofCominon
Council.
Hnstinn
Coart.
Feb. i54p. But it was again claimed after the Restoration, and
decided in favour of the Aldermen/ It also had power to punish
City officers by fines.
II. That of the Outer Chamber, or Lord Mayor's Court.
Though nominally presided over by the Lord Mayor and Alder-
men, the Recorder acted as Judge. It had cognizance of all mixed
actions, and enjoyed peculiar jurisdiction in cases arising out of
the customs of London. It controlled the lower tribunal of the
City, and punished by fine, deprivation offreedom, or imprisonment.
The Court of Common Council consisted of Aldermen, elected
as above, and of Commoners. The Commoners were, by the ordi-
nance of Richard II (1384), to be elected by the Wards, six, four,
or two from each Ward according to their size, so long as not
more than eight of any one Mystery should be presented. In
1 38 J ninety-six were elected.* The first list we have of a
Common Council is in 1457. But it is very imperfect.'
The elections to the Common Council, however, during the
fifteenth century were very loosely conducted, and it appears
that at times the Alderman of each Ward exercised the right
of nominating the members from his Ward. It was not till the
end of the sixteenth century that the Wardmoots gained the right
of direct election. The elections even then were very irregularly
conducted. The numbers of the Common Council varied very
much. There were 187 in Edward VI's reign, 208 in ijp8.
Finally, the Act of 1840 fixed the numbers at 2o5.<
The Common Council supervised the general administration
of the City, authorized the issue of ordinances by the Mayor (its
legislative powers were confirmed hy is Edward III), looked after
the public health and education, and managed the estates of the
Corporation.*
The Hustings Court was the County Court of London. It was
presided over by the Mayor and Sheriffs.^
* Loftie, London, il 304, 448,
^ Riley, Lib. Aibus, p. 398 ; Letter Book H, p. 173.
^ Riley, Memorials, p. liu.
^ Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, pp. 109 fT. $ Letter Book, p. 135.
^ Ibid., p. 210.
6 Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i-ii.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds si
1. It heard pleas of land and Common Pleas, and appeals
on a writ of error were returnable to the Justices sitting
at the Court of St. Martin's le Grand.'
2. Judgement of outlawry was also pronounced in this
Court.'
3. Deeds and wills were proved and enrolled there.
Members of Parliament were also elected there.^
There were originally two Chamberlains : The Cham*
I. The King's Chamberlain, who was the King's Butler, ^^^^^^
and also the City Coroner.
a. The City's Chamberlain.
After 131P the King's Butler and City Coroner dropped the
title of Chamberlain, and there is only one Chamberlain of
the City or Guildhall, who is chosen by the Mayor and the
Commonalty of the City, as well as the Town Clerk and the
Common Serjeants. The Coroner continued to be nominated by
the King, till Edward IV granted to the Commonalty the privilege
of electing their own Coroner in return for a sum otjf 7,000.
The duties of the Chamberlain were chiefly financial, to look after
municipal revenues and expenditure. He also admitted persons to
the freedom of the City.
The SheriflFs, two in number, are, says Stow, * the Mayor's eyes. The Sheriffs,
seeing and supporting part of the care which the person of the
Mayor is not alone sdmcient to bear '.^ One was nominated by the
Mayor, the other elected by the Common Council, assisted by the
Masters and Wardens of the Livery Companies and honest men
of their Mysteries.^ In their Courts they had cognizance of dvil
pleas with appeal to the Hustings Court, and were SheriflFs of
Middlesex as well as of the City.
They exercised police authority in the City ; held the prelimi-
nary inquest of recognition with a jury from the Ward in which
the oflFence had been committed, and, if the oflFender were not
acquitted, presented him for final trial to the Justices sitting
' Cf. Polling, Laws and Customs of London, p. 17^.
' Pbllock and Maitland, i. f H S Batcson, Boioogh Cnstom, pp. 71, 75.
^ Letter Book I, p. 57 note.
* Strype's Stow, ed. 17 J J, V, c. v. * Letter Book I, pp. jj, 59.
ItM-l I
Digitized by
Google
SS Introduction
in the Tower. They arrested offenders and committed them
to Newgate to await the next gaol delivery/
The Re- The Recorder, who must be a lawyer, acted as Assistant to the
cocder. Mayor, presided over the Mayor's Court, and delivered its sentences.
The Mayor. The Mayor " was elected ^ annually by the Mayor of the past
year and the Aldermen from two persons, who had already served
as Alderman and Sheriff,^ presented by the Common Council and
the Masters and Wardens of the Greater Livery Companies
assisted by men of the Livery of their several comjpanies.' By
custom the Mayor was always a member of one or the twelve
Greater Livery Companies, and if he were not, he was translated
to one. Thus in i6x6 C. Hackett, a Dyer, in i5(Jp Sir S. Star-
ling, a Brewer, in i6^s Sir J. Sheldon, a Tallow Chandler, in
i57p Sir R Clayton, a Scrivener, were translated to the Drapers.
In itf^p Andrews, a Leatherseller, was Mayor, but these were
revolutionary times. When in 1742 R Wilmott, a Cooper, was
elected, counsel gave opinion that the custom of translation had no
legal authorinr, and since then it has been no longer necessarily
observed. The title * Lord Mayor ' is said to date from the Charter
of Edward IIL But it rests on no official creation, and may
be a mistranslation of ^ dominus ', which often meant no more
than * Sir '. In 1440 we find a mention of * Domine Mayor '
without any name. The earliest instance of the use of the title
Lord Mayor is by John Shaw in i^^ox.*
The Mayor claimed the right to assist the Chief Butler at
Coronations.' The first instance of his acting in this capacity was
' Letter Book B, vii j D, iv j Riley, Lib. Albas, p. 41.
' For a list of the Mayors to 1548, c£ Letter Book F, p. %76. It should be
compared with the list in Lib. de Antiq. Leg., ii, pt. I, p. 259,aiid that in Gregory *s
Chronicle, Camden Society.
^ The date of election was altered a good many times, bat was finally fixed
in 1^4^ for Michaelmas Day, Sept. 19.
^ The role that the Mayor mast be an Alderman dates from 143 T 9 ^^'^ that
he must hare previously senred as Sheriff from 1385. In 1^75 the Common
Cooncil decided that not more than one member of any Craft shoold be
presented.
^ Riley, Lib. Albas, j>. 19 ; Letter Book I, 54 \ K, 143, 3^1.
^ Letter Book G, xxiv. The first ase of the title in the Drapers' Books is in
If II. Cf. Rep. 7. 170. It did not become common till somewhat later.
Beaven, Aldermen, ii, p. xxviii. ^ Letter Book K, xii, note, and p. 104.
Digitized by
Google
London and her Gilds S9
at the coronation of King John/ and since the year 1444 he was
a Justice of the Peace for the City. The office of Mayor, like
all the unpaid ones, had to be accepted, and refusal to do so
entailed a fine. But by an ordinance of 14 j^ no one was to
be called to the office more than twice. By an ordinance of the
rd^n of Edward I no Mayor, Sheriff, or Alderman or other City
oflocer was allowed to brew or keep oven or wine tavern, or
to carry on any trade to which a low estimate was attached,' or to
be a victualler or sell such victuals by retail during his time
of office.^ The Mayor's Court was presided over by the Recorder.
But the Lord Mayor and Aldermen and Sheriffs might sit as
Judges with him. The Court tried all manner of actions.
In spite of fluctuations the authority of the Mayor grew from Powers of
the fourteenth century onwards until the rdgn of James I, when the Mayor
the Mayor claimed to be the Master of all the Companies. ^^ ^^*.
I. He and the Common Council had extensive authority "P*^**-
over the regulation of trade and over matters of civic
administration.
X. In cases of disputes between the rival companies the final
appeal lay with him.
3. He claimed the right to revise their ordinances until the
Act ip Hen. VIII, c. 7 (15^03), which transformed this
right to the Chancellor, the Treasurer, and the Chief
Justices of either Branch. Even then his licence had
to be obtained before a Royal Charter could be sued for.
4. Recalcitrant members were in the last resort handed over to
him for imprisonment in the Counter and other City
prisons.
X, His regulations and orders were enforced by precepts, which
were of two kinds :
(i) Precepts issued on his own authority for civic purposes.
(2) Precepts issued by order of the Crown. Tnese became
more common in Tudor times, when the Mayor became
the agent of the royal autocracy and dealt especially with
the demands for loans and for military levies, and provided
work for the poor.
' Sharpe, London, i. 6^. ' Letter Book K, p. 137.
f Ordinance of 1399, Liber Gust., fb. cciv 5 Liber Albas, L 17^*
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER I
THE EARLY HISTORY OF THE CLOTH TRADE UP
TO THE END OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY.
THE FIRST APPEARANCE OF THE DRAPER.
S for your original/ says Elkanah Early im-
Settle in the Preface to his portanceof
Pageant for Sir Thomas Stamp, f^~*
a Draper, who was Lord Mayor
in i(Jpi, * drapery is unquestion-
ably so ancient as to have the
honour of being the immediate
successor of the ng leaves. And
though we are not quite certain
that our great first father began
it within his fair Eden, yet we
are assured that Eve's spinstrey
and Adam's spade set to work
together.'''
Although the Leathersellers
or Skinners might dispute this claim, since our first parents used
skins to hide their nakedness before Eve had learnt to spin, and
the Drapers were, as we shall see, a somewhat late development,
at least in England, there is no doubt that the spinning and
weaving of wool were two of the most primitive industries. In
' The initial comes from Charter No. VI.
' £lkanah Settle, Triumphs of London, 1^91. Many other Gilds claim
a scriptural origin. Thus the Founders claim to descend from Tubal-cain, the
first artificer in orass and iron ; the Weavers from Naamah his sister ; while the
Taylors or Linen Armourers declare that their original fi)unders drove Pride and
the Devil himself from Birchin Lane with their needles. Hazlitt, Livery Com-
panies, pp. 1^3, 660.
Digitized by
Google
6% Early History of the Cloth Trade
England, as in Western Europe, they were of equal importance.
With that of baking' the weaving industry was one of the
earliest to take the form of the Gud. It also was one of the
earliest to break through its limits and supplies ^ the most striking
and detailed example of the influence or economic development
on the mutual relations of handicraft organizations '.'
The From the Great Roll of the Exchequer of 1130 we learn that
Weavers. there existed Gilds of Weavers in Lincoln and London as early
as the reign of Henry I. They made an annual payment in
return for royal recognition, and there are evidences of their
existence in the twelftn century at Winchester, at Marlborough,
at York, and at Oxford.^
In the reign of Henry II the Cloth-finishers^ were among the
adulterine Gilds, which were condemned because they had re-
ceived no royal authorization. In the same reign, however, the
Weavers of London* received their first Charter, in which they
were confirmed in the liberties which they had enjoyed under
Henry I. They were granted a Court of their own, and no one
was allowed to engage in their handicraft in the City, Southwark,
or other suburbs, unless they belonged to their Gild. These privi-
leges were, however, much disliked, partly we may guess by
those who pursued weaving as a by-industry in their homes,
' The Bakers' Gild is mentioned in the Great Roll of the Exchequer, 1155$
Madox, Exchequer, 231. Their first Charter is of the date of Edwanl II.
^ Ashley, Econ. History, Book II, c. iii, p. 191 $ Unwin, Industrial Organiza-
tion, p. id.
^ A. D. 1 180. Liber Custnm., Ixl 131, 131 ; Pipe Roll Society Publications,
1 1 Hen. II, &c.
^ Gilda Pararioram. This may mean Shearmen. Cf. Liber Oust., Rolls Series,
pp. 33, 418 fF. Henry II ako granted a Charter to the Weavers of York, 1 114.
This is the earliest Charter to a Craft Gild that is known. In i I7f the Cord-
wainers of Oxford obtained one. Ballatd, British Borough Charters, p. io8.
^ From a notice in Letter Book K, fos. 119, 119 b of the date of 1431 (or there-
abouts), we learn that there ' had always been ' three distinct Mysteries of native
clothworkers, viz. native weavers of woollen cloth for tapestiy, native weavers of
woollen cloth for drapery, native weavers of woollen cloth for napeiy, and that
of these three only the second had always had a Gild of their own. We find,
however, notices of the Tapicers as having a Mystery by the licence of the Mayor
in the fourteenth century. Letter Book E, fo. no; G, fo i58b. Stow speaks
of weavers of draperie or taperie and naperie existing in the time of Edward III.
Ed. Kingsford, L 1 1 8.
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6g
pardy by other Crafts interested in the cloth trade, especially as
these Weavers were originally many of them foreigners. So un-
popular were they that the Londoners paid sixty marks to King
Jonn on condition that he would abolish the Gild.' John, how-
ever, soon after reinstated it. The Charter was renewed by
Edward I, and in the reign of Edward II the privileges were con-
firmed, although the Weavers were condemned for exceeding the
terms of their Charter in some respects, more especially in their
treatment of the BureUers. The position of the Weavers from
the twelfth to the fourteenth century is a perplexing one. On
the one hand, the fact that they were one of the earliest to
obtain a Charter and that their * ferm ' of j^i2 was double that of
the Bakers would lead one to believe that they were men of some
influence and wealth ; on the other hand, the language of the
Charter of Henry II, which forbade any one to do them injury,
or treat them with contumely, as they were certainly treated in
other towns, seems to support the view that the industry was con-
sidered a very humble one, and that they were at once disliked and
despised. The probable explanation of^this apparent contradiction
is tnat the original Craft was composed of foreigners.*
The doth trade was, however, as yet in its infancy. England
was an agricultural country ; wool, the raw material, not cloth,
was her chief export.^ The better kinds of cloth came to her
from abroad, more especially from the Low Countries, which
looked to England for her wool, then considered of superior
excellence, and where the manu&cture of doth was an established
industry as early as the eleventh century.* If England provided
' Madox, Exchequer. ^ G^t% Londoniae debent LX marcas pro Gilda Telaria
delenda.' Liber Cnst., p. 33*
* Liber Cost., Ixv. 416-24. For position of Weavers in York and Beverley,
cf. Leach, Selden Soc., vol. xiv, pp. xliv, 1345 £ngl. Hist. Review, xvi %6% \
Victoria County Hist., Yorks.
^ The value of wool exported in one year, 1273, was about ^1,000,000. Die
WoUansfnhrEnglands} Vierteljahr-Schriftf.Soc.- luid Wirthschaftsgeschichte, vi.
1 7^-8 1 cf. Cunningham, 1 9 1 o, i. 62 8. Some loo monasteries were sendine wool
to Flanders in 1284. Cf. also Patent Rolls, 1273, p. 13, which tells us of foreign
merchants from Paris, Arras, Amiens, Bee, Rouen, St. Omer, Brabant, Brussels,
Loavain, Lubeck, Cobgne, Florence, Lucca, Placentia, and Spain, who are ex-
porting wool.
* CL Pirenne, ^Draps de Frise, draps de Flandre,' SiiTer, Gand, 1909.
Digitized by
Google
Condimn
of the cloth
industry in
the later
thirteenth
centnry.
64- Early History of the Cloth Trade
herself with the commonest kinds, much of this was still woven
at home by men, or women, not yet organized in any Gild, who
worked directly for the consumer or for the owner of the wool or
yarn. In any case the market was a restricted one, and there was
little room tor the trader or the middleman. Thus the Assize
of 1275 forbade any cloth to be woven for sale except within the
franchise of the City.'
When, however, we reach the later decades of the thirteenth
century the industry has gained a wider sphere. Specialization
has increased ; a greater variety of cloth is made,* ana we hear of
various Crafts concerned in its production, such as the Dyers, the
Fullers, the Shearmen, the Burellers, and the Drapers.
The importance of the rising industry had been realized as early
as 125-8. The Barons, who under the lead of Simon de Montfort
were then endeavouring to restrain the bad government of
Henry III, had in the * Mad Parliament * prohibited the export
of wool, and were apparently supported in their policy by Fitz
Thomas and the party who were interested in organizing the
Crafts.3 Englishmen were also enjoined not to seek over-predous
raiment, but to clothe themselves in homely cloth of English
make/ Edward I, too, intermittently adopted a policy of protec-
Ashley, Economic Hist. Florence also was fiimons for its cloth industry. C£
Doren, Studien ans der Florentiner Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Bd. i.
■ Letter Book A, 215.
* e. g. Cloth of Candlewick Street, Borel, Bissets, Black cloth. Rayed dochs,
Hawes, Says, Kerseys, Poreies, Memist, Wadmell^ &c. Cf. Liber Cast. 549 and
Glossary) Letter Book £, 53 ; Herbert, Livery Companies, i. 39^. Blaettos,
Blankettos which came from Marlboroagh. Close Rolls, iii8,p. 82. Blanchette
of Stamford and Northampton, Bines, Pers Cloth and Bumette of Beverley,
Pannivirides, Scarlette of Beverley and York, and Tela Missete of Lincoln, Tela-
Missete of Leicester, Cbth of Canterbury. Close Rolls, i^35, p-73s 123 ^>
pp. 301, 375, 5173 1237, p* 4^2$ Poalson, 'Bevelac', p. 58 j Close Rolls,
A. D. 1236, p. 301 3 1 3 19, p. 1^4$ Victoria County Hist., ii. 2. Some other
cloths are given in Close Rolls, 1237, p. 527, and in the Wardrobe Accounts of
the reisn of Edward I ; but whether they were home-made is uncertain.
^ CiT Introduction, vol. i, p. 9. Even before that, Henry III had in 1244
prohibited the export of wool. But this was ^ in odium Francomm et Ordinis
Cysterdensis (Cistercians) ', Annales de Dunstable, Annates Mon., Rolls Series,
iii. 1^3.
^ Close Rolb, Ed. I, 1274, pp. 70, 74- Patent Rolls, Ed. 1, 1273, p. 13 ^ 1274,
pp. 50, 71.
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6s
tion, although he was influenced rather by political and financial
than economical reasons. When his relations with the Countess
of Flanders were strained, he forbade any one, under peril of life
and limb and loss of all his goods, to take any wool out of the
realm, until it be otherwise ordained But the customs on the
export of wool were too valuable to be lost and licences to export
were continually granted.' Again, in igKJ, when Edward II was
under the guidance of Hugh le Despenser, a policy of protection
was resorted to. The staple was withdrawn from Bruges to
towns in England, Ireland, and Wales, and the export of teazles,
fuller's earth, madder, woad, butter, and other things necessary for
making cloth was forbidden ; ' while at the very close ot the
rdgn all ^ commons ' who resided outside cities were to use home-
made doth, always excepting the Royal family, nobles, prelates,
or those who had lands to the annual value of 40J.
The policy of prohibition, however, had not been consistently Policy ot
maintained ; exceptions were frequently made, and it had but little £<iward.
effect. Edward III added to tliese measures of prohibition the
more fruitful method of encouraging foreign, and especially
Flemish, Weavers to transfer their industry to England. In
1530 the King issued a letter of protection to John Kemp,
a Flemish Weaver, * coming to England to exercise his art and
to teach it to such of our people as shall be inclined to learn \
and to all others of his occupation, as also to Dyers and Fullers.'
In iiix the Parliament at York allowed strangers as well as
denizens to traffic freely in all cities, though Edward III specially
exempted London by Letters Patent or 13J7.* This policy
reached its climax in the Act of i J37,* which forbade, on pain of
' Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. iiL 194, qnodne Walter de Hemingbargh.
' Riley, Memorials, 150 j Close Rolu, 151^) p- S^S y Patent Rolb,
1517, p. 98.
^ Rymer, Foedera, XL It. 49^. C£ also Patent Rolls, 1343, p. 115 $ 133^)
p. 34I) I337>pp*43i) $00, where protection is given to certain Weavers of
Bn^MUit, to a burgher cMf Ghent ^ making woollen cloth ', to ' workers of wools and
ck>tlis fiiom Seland, and to certain Dyers and Pollers who have lately come into
the realm '.
* The Statute was confirmed in 1350, and again by the Statute oi Cloths,
135 1, notwithstanding any Charter to the contrary. Cf. Statutes at Large,
letter Book F, lb. 5b} note, pp. 14, 219.
^ Stat. 1 1 Ed. Ill, cc. 1-3, 5.
Digitized by
Google
66 Early History of the Cloth Trade
heavy punishment, the export of wool and the importation of
foreign cloth or the wearing of it, except by the members of the
Royal fiunily, and at the same time promised security to foreign
clothworkers and ^ franchises as many as may suffice them to the
intent that they shall the greater will to come*. Finally, in
I IS I Edward removed the staple from abroad to certain towns in
England, Wales, and Ireland."
Edward III also promised protection to all foreign clothworkers
and released them from the old restrictions hitherto enforced by
the Aulnager as to the length of cloth to be made.' The disturbed
' The Staple Towns. The system of naming staple towns where English
exports, chiefly wool, woolfells, leather and tin, could alone be sold was primarily
«stablished to facilitsite the levying of the customs, no articles being allowed to
be sold ontii sach customs had been paid and they had been sealed with the
^cocket*. Sometimes the staple towns were confined to England, at others
foreign cities were granted the privilege, and the constant shifting of the staple
was chiefly dae to diplomatic reasons. The system dates defimtely from the
reign of Edward I, when Antwerp was for a time fixed as the staple town. In
the reign of Edward II Bmges was at first made the foreign staple town, but in
1517 the King, then under the influence of Hugh le Despenser, confined it to
certain towns in England, Wales, and Ireland. Edwatd III frequently shifted
the foreign staple according to the exigencies of the political situation, and in
1318 temporarily granted to all merchants freedom to purchase with or without
the staple in return for a loan for the Scottish war. But in the year 1553 (17
Ed. Ill) the staple was again removed from abroad. In 1^60 Calais, then
just ceded to Edward III, was made the foreim staple town, but in 1 3^9 the Stat. 43
Ed. Ill, c. I, confined the staple to the folfowing towns : — In England: Boston,
Bristol, Chichester, Exeter, Hull, Newcastle, Queenborough, Westminster,
Winchester, Yarmouth. In Wales : Carmarthen. In Ireland : Cork, Drogheda,
Dublin, Waterford. All transactions at these markets were placed under the
jurisdiction of a Mayor and Constable of the Staple, who judsed according to the
Law Merchant with natives and aliens as assessors, and every inducement
was offered to aliens to frequent them. The wisdom of establishing these staple
pwns in England was doubtful. It was apparently hoped that thereby the
market would be improved, but the free flow of trade was hampered, while the
English merchant was jeabus of the foreigner who visited the staple towns.
Partly owing to this jealousy Calais was agam made the foreign staple town by
Richard 11, and remained so without exciting much opposition till it was lost by
England in 1558. Cf. Cunningham, English Industry, Early and Middle Ages,
5th edition, pp. 311, 31^$ Riley, CalencUr of Letters, vi$ Cbse Rolls, 1310,
p. Z34J 1318, p. iji} 133*5 P-5»l} 1333, p. 135 Patent Rolls, 1313, p. 155
l}zd,pp. z^9^4; Stat. Staple 27 Ed. 111$ ^6 Ed. Ill, c. 7.
' The Aulna£er visited the fidrs, enforced the measures of cloth which had
been fixed by the Assize of Cloth, and levied the auhiage or duty. See Magna
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 6j
condition of the Netherlands, and more especially of Flanders,
where the burghers were fighting against their Count Louis, who
was supported by Philip, King of France, led many to respond to
the tempting offers,' and Edward III, who was then negotiating an
alliance with James van Arte veldt, the &mous burgher of Ghent,
justified his policy on the ground that the refugees had been driven
from their homes by their Count owing * to their adhesion to our
cause \ His aggrieved subjects, the English clothworkers, how-
ever, thought otherwise. They declared that they were for the
most part malefectors exiled for their misdeeds.' The treatment
of the foreigners was so bad that a royal proclamation had to be
issued threatening dire penalties against tnose who dared assault
them.3 Meanwhile, the Weavers' Gild, which had by this time
foreotten its foreign origin, protested. It demanded that it should
at least have jurisdiction over the foreign Weavers, or be freed
from the * form ' it owed the King.* The quarrel was for the
present ended by the formation of an association of * Weavers
alien '. In 1380 we find this association agreeing to pay its pro-
portion of the * form ' and joining with the * Free (or English)
Weavers ' in an annual scrutiny of looms belonging to either
party.5
Carta, c. if $ z Ed. Ill, c. 14 (1318). Perot le Taillear in the reign of
Edward I is the first Aalnaeer mentioned. Ashley, Econ. Hist., I. iii. 1 80. C£
Record Office, 48. 9 Ed. Ill, Bandle 340, no. iiff. For the fbtare history of
the anlnace see p. 1 15, note, of this Tolame.
' Cf. W. Cunningham, Alien Immigrants to Eneland,p. 100.
' Letter Book H, fb. 89 $ Ashley, Econ. Hist., 11. iiL 197.
^ Letter Book F, fb. 92.
^ Madox, Firma Bargi, 184, n. col. i, Qooted, Ashley, II. iii. 145 j Rymer^
Foedera, iiL 23.
' Letter Book H, fi>. 1 14. Of these * Weavers alien * the most important were
the Flemings and those of Brabant. Both of these were allowed to elect
'baililTs ' to sapenrise their Mystery (cf. Letter Book G, fos. 137) 173 b, 187$
Riley, Memorials, pp. 30^, 33 1). The relations of the Brabanters and the
Flemings were not always very friendly. In 13 70 the Flemish Weavers petitioned
the Mayor that they, and the Weavers of Brabant, might hold their meeting for
hiring servants apart, the one in the Churchyatd o? St. Laurence Poantney^
and the other in that of St. Mary Somerset as heretofore -y although they wish
that their serving men shall serve under the Weavers of either nation (Letter
Book G, fb. 254 ) Riley, Memorials, 345, 346). As late as 1428 we find mention
of a Mystery of foreign woollen Weavers which had its Masters, and in 1433
Digitized by
Google
MotiTcs of
this Policy
diplomatic
rather than
economical.
68 Early History of the Cloth Trade
It is no doubt a mistake to attribute this policy of Edward
solely to a iar-sedng desire to promote the cloth industry in
England and thus to make her a manufacturing country. That
the King and his counsellors had, like others before them, some
vague ideas of the kind may be true, but a careful attention to
chronology will show that the actual measures taken at the
moment were really caused by the exigencies of diplomacy, and by
dif&cidties with his Parliament arising out ot the war with
France.
In the year i j j(J, just before the outbreak of war, Edward was
eager to obtain the alliance of Louis of Nevers, Count of Flanders,
and of John, Duke of Brabant. Louis of Flanders, however,
had of late been supported by the King of France against his sub-
jects, and therefore not only rejectai Edward's advances, but
prohibited commercial intercourse with England and seized the
English merchants in his country. Edward at once procured the
famous Act of February i J37, which forbade the export of wool,
ordered all, except the King, the Queen, and the Royal children,
to wear home-made cloth, and encouraged foreign clothworkers.
That the chief motive for this measure was retaliation is proved
by the saving clause that it should stand ^ till by the King and his
Council it be otherwise provided V and by the fact that at that
very moment Edward was offering privileges to the Duke of
Brabant, the enemy and commercial rival of the Count of Flanders,
and granting favours to his subjects/ When, in July igjS,
a royal writ is addressed to the Mayor ordering him to allow foreign ^cloth-
workers ' to exercise their trade without bekmgine to the (Enelish) Wearers*
Gild (Letter Book K, ks. 66y 119, 119 b, 1x7). Meanwhile the foreign
Wearers evaded the payment of their share of the ^ ferm *, as we see from
petitions of the Enelish Weavers of 140^ and 14 14. In the reign of Bdward IV
' foreigners ', whether members of the Gild or not, were compelled to contribnte,
and at some hter date, before the reign of Anne, the native Weavers regained
control over the foreigners. Ashley, £con. Hist., II. iii xoz.
' Licences were granted to persons to export to other places besides Flanders,
e. g. to John Molas of Aragon to export wool to other places than Flanders.
Close Rolls, 1338, p. 318.
' In February 1 )37,Edward III,in answer to the Duke's request, had established
the staple at Brussek, Loavain and Mechlin, which were in Brabant. Rymer,
Foedera, iL 959. In March and August 1^38, the ck>th of certain merchants of
Brabant, which had been seized under the Statute of 1 3 57, is restored to them.
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 69
Edward was granted the right of pre-emption of 20,000 sacks of
wool in Engund, he forthwith had them exported to Antwerp
in Brabant, which was made the suple town. The Duke was
thus prevailed upon to ally himself with England.
Meanwhile, Edward turned to the Flemish rebels, offering
to renew their privileges of sending their cloth to England,
and to make Bruges once more a suple town. In January 1340
a treaty on these terms was made with Arteveldt, and Count
Louis fled to the protection of the French King.
In the same year Edward, having received a grant of customs
on the export of English wool, hides and woolfells, and wishing
to conciliate the powerful wool industrv at home, allowed the
export of wool on the condition that silver, of which moreover
he was in some need, should be imported in return, the same ^ to
be taken to the King's exchange and there to receive his money ',
which was then much debased.' Finally, in 134.1, a further
subsidy in the form of wool having been granted to the
King, it was ordered that no merchant should export wool till
the Michaelmas next ensuing, to the intent that * the King may
be served of that to him granted'.*
It would thus appear that the royal policy cannot be adequately
explained on any definite economic principle. The protection
of the cloth industry was partial, and it was not consistently main-
tained. At one time the export of the raw material was for-
bidden; at another it was encouraged, or made use of for the
financial needs of the Crown, and, above all, the royal policy was
altered in the interests of diplomacy.
Nevertheless we may well believe that even this partial pro-
tection, and more especially the introduction through foreign
craftsmen of more skilled workmanship, had its effect. Of this
at least we may be certain : it is from the reign of Edward III
that we can trace a remarkable development in the manu&cture
In March certain merchants of Brabant are allowed to export wool. In 1340
merchants of Brabant are allowed to sell foreign cloth in England ^ in considera-
tion of their good deeds to the King '. Close Rolls, 1558, pp. 318, 539, 353 $
1340, p. 393. In 1338 Edwatd granted trading pririleges in England to the
bargesses of Dort, Brassek, Mechun, and Lonvain. Rymer, Foedera, E 1058.
Cf. also the Treaty of 1339, Voisin, p. xg.
' 14 Ed. Ill, Stat. I, c. II. « If Ed. Ill, c. 5.
Digitized by
Google
70 Early History of the Cloth Trade
and in the export trade of cloth/ Hence a growing connexion
with the Continent and a widening of the market which at once
gave new importance to the function of the trader.
Competition There were several classes of men concerned in the wool trade,
*™ong the any one of which might have availed themselves of this oppor-
^7^^ tunity of earning the profits which have always £Jlen to the
monopoly, ^^^r : those who dealt in wool, those who spun the yarn, and
those who made or finished the cloth. In the earlier days, when
the chief trade was in the export of wool, the dealers in wool had
no doubt the chief monopoly, but, although in the later fifteenth
and early sixteenth centuries men, like the ramous Jack of Newbury
or John Winchcombe the clothier, united in their own persons the
functions of the grower and buyer of wool with those of the great
modern entrepreneur who employs the artisans to make up the
raw material and exposes it for sale, at the period with which we
are now dealing, when the industry was for the most part confined
to the towns, it was among those who made up the wool that the
competition arose.'
There are some indications that the Dyers, the Fullers, and the
Weavers did attempt to become the employers of others and to sell
the finished article. In 1 3 j;-, as we shall see directly, the Weavers
were allowed to sell cloths which they had made themselves to
London merchants,^ but a regulation of 1362 forbade Weavers
and Dyers ^ to be so daring as to prepare any manner of cloth on
pain of forfeiture of the cloths so made *.♦ In the Charter granted
^ The increase in the export of cloth is shown by the fact that it was thoaght
worth while to impose new customs on such export. According to one authority
the exports of cloth in 1354 amoanted to 4,774^ pieces of cloth, and 8,o5i^
pieces of worsted staff. The finest kinds of cloth were, however, still imported,
Ashley, Econ. Hist. i. 204.
The question how far this improvement in cloth-making, so £ir as Yorkshire is
concerned, was due to Edward's measures is discussed in the Victoria County
History, Yorks., iii 43 8 ff. Cf. also Heaton, The Cloth Trade in Yorkshire, to be
published shortly.
' Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 30 ff., shows that the same straggle was
going on abroad, especially in Paris and Strassburg. Cf. also Vierteljahrschrift
Sir £>cial- und Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. 64, 65, for the same straggle in the
Low Countries $ and Doren, Florentiner Wollentuch-Industrie, for Fforence.
^ Liber Cust., Rolls Series, IL i. 130, 4x3.
^ Riley, Memorials, p. 309. ^
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 71
to the Drapers in 1 364, Weavers, Dyers, and Fullers were allowed
CO sell to Drapers and to Lords and Commoners for their own use
in gross, and we shall see that at a later date these craftsmen made
some further attempts to retain the right to trade. But their proper
function was to weave, full, and dye the wool entrusted to them by
others,* and they never seriously competed for the trading business.
Of the Dyers or the F'ullers attempting to do so we have no other
•instance, and if the Weavers did do a little selling in 13 jy, it
was apparently confined to such cloths as they wove themselves,
and did not include any which they had put out to be woven by
others. Nor were they allowed to finish the cloth by fulling, or
dyeing, or shearing. The offences of which they are charged in
13 3 y* 2Uid to which we shall return, are the offences of those who
work for others rather than those of employers, and, as the process
of specialization advanced, they droppea back into the position ot
Weavers only, and were engaged in constant quarrels with the
newly imported foreign Weavers.* Although in 1378 they
formed a religious Fraternity, their Gild had then sunk to the
ninth place among the Mysteries. It was perpetually in arrears
with its payments to the King, and at the close of the fifteenth
century it is evidently composed of poor artificers.^
It has been generally assumed that the first London Craft to The
establish an important cloth industry in London was that of Burcllers.
the Burellers, and that they were the predecessors of the Drapers.
Herbert derived the word BureUer from the old rule that the
•width of cloth should be two ells, such pieces being termed
Burells.* Mr. Unwin suggested that BureUer is another name for
*Burler ', one who * burls' or picks the burrs or burls from the
surfece of the cloth.^ It seems to me far more probable, as
Mr. Sharpe thinks, that the Burellers were so called from Borel,
a coarse kind of cloth, which was originally made in Normandy,
and which with some certainty can be identified with cloth of
' Liber Cost., pp. 130, 4-23.
' Unwin, Gilds and Companies of London, p. 139.
^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., IL iii loi. ^ Herbert, Lifery Companies, i. ^45.
^ Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 28. On personal reference to him,
Mr. Unwin has withdrawn this explanation and says that he now agrees with me.
In the later thirteenth century the Fullers did this burling. Letter Book L, p. 26 1,
note to £>. %6% b.
Digitized by
Google
7x Early History of the Cloth Trade
Candelwick Street.* We hear of London Borel as early as 121 8,
when it was specially exempted from the Assize of Cloth which
had fixed the lengths of certain kinds of cloth,* but the first
notice of a Bureller that I have come across is of the year ix77>
when we hear of Alfred Le Bureller.^ Two years later we meet
with a Bureller of Candelwick Street/ and another in tiSo,^
while in 1289 another Bureller, Fulk de St. Edmund, was a SheriflF
of London.^ In the early fourteenth century the notices of the
Burellers are frequent,' and three documents of the dates of 1 300,
1 320, and Ills seem to be conclusive as to their fiinctions at that
date. In 1300 • seven Burellers, seven Weavers, and four Alder-
men were appointed to draw up ordinances defining the relations
of the two Crafts of Burellers and Weavers.
In 1320 the Weavers presented the following claims before
a Jury : that if any one made ^ pannos de Candelwyke Street '
he ought to be supervised by the Weavers' Gild and that
no one should make such a ^ pannum ' in less than one day ; that
all yarn used should be inspected ; that if members of their own
Gild brought bad yarn they should be punished by the Craft, but
if it were brought by a Bureller he should be fined by the Mayor
on their information. The Jury, while supporting the claim of the
Weavers to view the yarn brought to them by Biurellers, as well
as their general demand that no one should interfere with their
Mystery in London or in the suburbs, condemned their policy of
calling ^ canny ' and of limiting the number of their members and
their looms, measures which were maliciously adopted for the
purpose of enhancing the price.'
' L«tter Book A, p. 37> note to fe. 19. < Pannos de Candelwickestretc'
Liber Cost., Rolls Series, IL ii. 417. It was also made at Marlboroa^h. Close
Rolls, 1107, p. 8i { Patent Rolls, 1118, p. 1^4. In 1180 a BareUer is also
called a chaloner, or maker of coverlets and blankets. He also boys yam. Letter
Book A, fos. 19,31.
' Patent Rolls, 11 18, pp. 153, 155 j ibid., izz^, p. 523.
^ Lener Book A, fo. 135 b. ^ Calendar of WiDs, L 39.
^ Letter Book A, fi>. 19. ^ Ibid., fb. 101.
^ Letter Book D, ios. 41 b, 43, 84 b ; E, fos. 9, 24 b, p. 172, note to fo. 139 b,
fos. 138, 1^0, 19^. Calendar of Wills, L 414, 4f 8«
^ Liber Cast., Rolls Series, IL i. 11 1.
' In 1335 the Weavers, on the indictment of the Wards of Candelwick Street
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 75
The matter, however, did not end there. In \iis the
Weavers accused the Burellers of interfering with their Craft by
weaving without becoming members of their Gild. The question
having been brought before the Mayor and the Sheriffs, the
Burellers answered that though they were not Weavers they were
at liberty, as freemen of the City, to engage in any trade or
Mystery, and further that they had servants who were apprentices
and members of the Weavers' Gild. At the second hearing of the
case the Weavers did not appear, and were declared to be Mn
mercy * for a false claim, wnile the demand of the Burellers,
and indeed of all freemen, to have looms was confirmed.'
From these documents it appears that the Burellers made
some at least of the yarn for the cloth of Candelwick Street; that
they sometimes wove it or had it woven at home, sometimes
sent it to the Weavers to be woven, and then they, rather than
the Weavers, were the employers.' In ins we also hear of
a Bureller buying woad, which looks as if they sometimes dyed it
themselves,^ while it is noticeable that there is no mention at all
of their * burling ' the cloth. On the other hand, the Burellers
claimed the right of having looms themselves because of their
privileges as freemen.* That the Burellers did sell * cloth of
Candelwyke Strete ' we learn from a reference to certain members
of the Craft who had sold sixty deces to the King.' All this,
however, does not prove that the burellers had a monopoly either
of the making or selling cloth in London, since at the same time
the Weavers are also mentioned as being allowed to seU.^ The
truth of the matter seems to be that there were several
Crafts, then as at a later date, which did some selling, and
and of Wallbrook, were condemned for conspiring together in the Charch of
St. Margaret de Patyns to raise the price of their uboar. Liber Cust., IL
L 41^.
' Letter Book £, fes. 145, 147, 147 b, 248. By the so-called custom of
London, any citizen who was free of a Gild could cany on the trade of any
other Gild.
* C£ 42 z, ^Barellarins qui fecit filam'j 423, ^Sialiquis Biuellarins detalerit
filom alsqtiod texendum'.
' Lttict Book A, fo. 155 b. * Letter Book E, fos. 247, 247 b, 248.
^ Letter Book £, fo. 139 b. ^ Liber Cust., i. 423.
1M8-1 L
Digitized by
Google
74- Early History of the Cloth Trade
that the differentiation between the trading and manufacturing
Gilds had not yet been clearly emphasized.
The difficulty of deciding the question whether the Drapers
succeeded to the position of the Burellers lies in the absence
of any direct evidence. It is true that the Burellers disappear
just as the Drapers are becoming powerful. There is no notice
of the Burellers in the Letter Books after 133^, nor in the Close
or Patent Rolls. The last mention of them that I have found is
of the date iis^^ when two Burellers make a bequest to the
Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin Mary of St. Mary Abchurch
in Candlewick Street.' In 1361, indeed, Richard de Essex,
a Draper, mentions the Fraternity in Candlewick Street,' and this
may be the Fraternity of the Burellers, which also appears in the
Will of John de Aylesham, a Mercer in 1345^.^ Again, the
absence of all mention of the Burellers in the Drapers' Charter of
1363 shows that they were not, then at least, their rivals.
Moreover, Candelwick Street, where the Burellers did mostly
<^^i*^g^^C9 became subsequently the chief home of the Drapers.^
In any case, the fact that the Burellers and the Drapers existed
at the same time in London, and that the numbers of the members
of both Crafts were numerous in the early fourteenth century,
proves that at least the transition was gradual. It may be true
that as the century wore on the Drapers absorbed or were
recruited from the Burellers, who had apparently developed
the function of employers, but the Burellers who are found in
other towns, such as Marlborough, seem to have confined them-
selves to the making of their special kind of rough cloth and
of selling it, and it appears far more probable to me that the dis-
appearance of the name Bureller is to be explained by the £ict
tnat the cloth itself ceased to be made. At all events the original
■ Sharpe, Calendar of Wilk, i. ^93. • Ibid., ii. 301.
^ Ibid., i. 484.
^ Lydgate in his London Lickpenny, published some time in the fifteenth
century, says :
^Then went I forth by London stone
Thionghoat all Canwyke Street
Drapers much cloth me offered anone/
For the meaning of * London stone ', which is now built into the wall of
St. Swithin's Church, c£ Lethaby, London before the Con<)uest, p. 179.
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 7y
function of the Drapers was, as we shall see, a wider and
a different one.
The tradition that Fitzalwyn, the first Mayor of London, The earlieit
1 1 8p- 1 21 2, was a Draper, rests on no solid evidence, and though, I^fapeK-
according to some autnorities, the Drapers may claim William
Hardel, the Mayor of 12^2, as of their Craft, this also is doubtful/
With the questionable exception of Fitzalwyn I have not been
able to discover any notice of a Draper earlier than that of
Pentecost Le Draper of the date of 1222 given by Mr. Ashley."
But as the century advanced they grew rapidlv both in numbers
and in importance. I have come across no less than ferty-one
Drapers of London between this date and the year i joo, and
a district in Westcheap became known as the Drapery.^
' Cf. Herbert, i. 399. Stow says Fitzalwyn was a Goldsmith. In a deed of
119^ he is called a grandson of LeoBtan, and one of the nobles of the City.
Very possibly he was one of the hereditary Aldermen of London. The Company
has, indeed, a certificate of William, Clarendenx Kins of Arms, of the date \6\ 3,
certifying the arms borne by Fitzalwyn, and that he was free of the Drapers'
Company \ cf. Book of Evidences, A, v. 190 ; but even heralds and Kings of
Arms sometimes blander. There is, however, a notice of his barial-place in the
Ordinances Book (given in Appendix, vol. i. No. VIII) which says that he lies buried
in the porch of St. Mary Bothaw * sub laria marmorea*. This is the proper abbrevia-
tion for Umtraj which is an unknown word. If we could read timwd fcr lanutd^ the
words might be translated ^ under a marble woolpack ', for llnmA is found in con-
temporary documents in the sense of woollen tippets, and this would support the
tradition that he was a Draper, but unfortunately the 4 in * laiia ' is very clearly
written. Most probably we should read * sub lamina marroorea ' (a marble slab).
The only other scrap of evidence in £ivour of Fitzalwyn being a Draper lies in
the £ia that he did possess a ^ tenter ground ' or place for stretching ck>ths after
the fulling process, but this does not prove that he used the ^ tenter ground '
himself. Fitzalwyn's house and his property passed to Sir R. Aguyk>n, whose
mother was Fitzahryn's granddaughter. Araylon left his house and garden,
with the exception of a ^ tenter ground *, to the Prior of Tortington. In i T39 i^
was granted to John de Vere, Earl of Oxford, and in 1641 it was purchased of
its then owner, Capt. G. Smith, by the Salten' Company to become the Salters'
Hall. The ' tenter ground ', however, passed eventually to Eburton, a Draper,
who left the tenements called Drapers* Hall in St. Swithin's Lane to his Com-
pany (1490). It is therefore clear that the first Drapers' Hall was not Fitzalwyn's
House, althongh probably it was built on the ' tenter ground which had belonged
to him '. CfTStow, Survey, ed. Kingsford, ii. 3 1 f ; Sharpe, Calendar of WBls,
n, %%6 note, ^01.
^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., 11. iii. 149, note 74*
Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, i. 49.
Digitized by
Google
The
Draper's
Function
in the
thirteenth
centuiy.
76 Early History of the Cloth Trade
That these Drapers were men of weight in the City itself
is sufficiently attested by the fact that, be&re the century closed,
four, excluding Hardel and Fitzalwyn, were Mayors, all of whom
had previously been Sheriffs, and three of whom had served
as Aldermen. Further eight were Aldermen and Sheriffs, while
one, Joseph L'Acatur, added to his aldermanry the position
of member for the City in the Parliament of 1283."
Two Drapers also, Reginald de Frowyk and Richard de
Gloucester, were on a Committee elected to approach Edward I,
after his quarrel with Mayor Rokesly, with a petition that the
privil^es of the City should be restored.'
Nor was their influence confined to London, since two of
them, Ivo de Linge and Robert Bernard, took part in the great
political movement led by Simon de Montfort in 12^8.^
The word Draper is derived from the French word Draperie or
cloth work, and * to drape ' is generally interpreted to mean the
' making ' of cloth,^ though Ducange gives various uses of the
word. M. Pirenne, the great authority on the mediaeval history
of the Low Countries, has personally informed me that in the
twelfth and thirteenth centuries the Flemish Drapers, while they
did not make cloth in the sense of weaving it, did superintend the
whole process of its fabrication through its various stages of being
woven, fiiUed, sheared and dyed, and that they then pressed it,
folded it, and prepared it for the market. In France, as in
Flanders, they are found in the fourteenth century employing the
Weavers and the Dyers,* and at the close of the previous century
we hear of a certain Jean fioine Broke, Draper and SheriflF of
Douai, who was a great merchant entrepreneur. He bought the
raw material and placed it out to be made up by the various
' Of. Appendix, toI. i, No. II. I cannot find any evidence to prove that William
Fitz Richard, who was twice Mayor (11^9-^0, 12^0-1), had previoasly been
Alderman. Bnt probably he had, since that was, at a later date at least, the
invariable custom.
' Letter Book B, fi>. 34.
^ Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, Camden Soc., p. 1 10.
^ Cf. the various uses of the word in Ducange.
^ Lavisse, Hist, de France, viiL 145 ; Lespinasse, Les Miners de Paris,iii 14^ \
Pirenne, La Belgique, L 170. Mr. Ashley thinks the Fullers were origmally the
empbyers in France. Econ. Hist., II. iii. iix.
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 77
craftsmen, or rather he sold the wool to them and bought it back
from them as cloth. Some dyeing and washing he apparently
did in his own house. For the rest he prepared for the market
and sold. His house was not a manufoctory, but a d6p6t of
raw material and of cloth and a place of business, where he sold
not only the cloth thus made but other cloth.' Mons. Broke,
in feet, like the Jack of Newbury of the time of Henry VIII,
resembled a great modern entrepreneur, except that the actual
industry was carried on in the homes of the workers instead of in
a fectory. He had reduced his employees to a condition of help-
less dependence. They were most of them in debt to him,
many lodged in houses rented of him, and he had established
a kind of truck system.
In England of the thirteenth century, however, the cloth
industry was only in its early stages, and I can find no Drapers
who at all occupy the same position as that of Mons. Broke.
I can discover no evidence of thdr superintending the manu-
fecture of cloth or of having anything to do with it. It is true
that Fitzalwyn, the first Mayor of London, did possess a ^ tenter
ground ', or place for stretching cloth ; but, as we have just seen^
it is doubtful whether he was a Draper. They do not appear to
be buying wool or yarn or woad, although the Burellers do this,'
and, curiously enough, a Mercer, William Hauteyn, both buys
wool and sells cloth at the feirs of St. Ives and St. Botolph and
at Winchester.3
Nor indeed do we hear much of any London-made cloth other
than Borel, which seems to disappear with the Burellers ; although
the existence of the Weavers, the Shearers, the Fullers, and the
Dyers in the City proves that the industry must have been
established.^ It is true that the evidence I have collected only
' Vieiteljahnchiift ftr Social- and Wiithschaftsgeschichte, iii. 3 ^ : Jean Boine
Broke, Drapier de Donai, Espinas.
* Letter Book A, fes. 19, 155 b (William de Bristol, also called a <chak>ner *,
fe. 31).
^ Letter Book A, fos. 7> i^b.
^ In 1197 Fallers and Dyers are accused of sending ckths to be fulled at mills
OQtside the Gty, instead of fulling them by the feet ot men of their Craft or their
senrants in their houses within the City, and certain Dyers, Burellers, Weavers,
Digitized by
Google
78 Early History of the Cloth Trade
refers to a very limited number of persons, some eight, and these
evidently rich merchants. It may be that the smaller Drapers
were superintending the making of London-made cloth, thoi^h
I am inclined to think that they were chiefly, if not exclusively,
engaged in the retail sale of foreign cloth ; but I am convinced
that the more wealthy members, most of whom were Aldermen or
SherifB, were at the time devoting themselves almost exclusively
to the sale of cloth, and especially to the importation and sale of
foreign cloth, which would be the more profitable business on
account of its greater volume.' For the rest they appear to have
been general merchants dealing in various wares and selling
especially to the King.* Nor is a reason wanting for this diflFcr-
ence. In the Netherlands the industry of making cloth was
a very large one ; in England it was as yet not very important,
and in London at least would be chiefly in the hands of the
Burellers. The Drapers of London then, if not of England, were
in all probability originally merchants like the Grocers, and not
manufacturers; and if this is so, it is evident that their most
formidable rivals must have been not so much the other makers of
cloth in England, as the foreign merchants who had the start
Fallen, and Taybn are sammoned to make better provision fox the Craft of
Fullers. Letter Book C, fb. 37 $ D, fd. i\x.
It most be remembered that the Taylors were at that time called Linen
armonren, and worked with linen, not with wool, devoting themselves more
especially to makine the linen linings iot armour. They received a licence
from Edward I, ana their books go back to 1 199.
' The evidence for this statement has been collected from the fbllowine
authorities : the Letter Books of the City, the Ck>se Rolls, the Patent Rolls, and
the Accotmts of the Great Wardrobe. By far the most valuable of these
evidences are the recognizances of debt, made either before the Gty or State
officials, which are to oe found in the Letter Books and Close Rolls. It is
unfortunate that in the majority of cases we are only given the names of the
debtors and creditors and the amount of the debt, not the cause of the debt.
Probably in some — though not in all — cases the Draper had been lending money
on credit.
The other evidence is found in notices of seizures of goods by pirates and
othen, while in the Patent Rolls we here and there get some assistance ftom the
records of those fined, or where their property has been confiscated. The roost
pertinent cases, arranged under heads, will be found in Appendix, vol. i. No. II B.
" e.g. Linen, canvas, bed fiiminire, wax, fiirs, grocery, wine. Cf. Close
Rolls, 1 221, p. 483 3 1191, p. 4803 1300, p. ^31.
Digitized by
Google
to Close of the Thirteenth Century 79
of them/ and who, even if they were Drapers, were dealing like
the English Draper in other goods as well. But time was on the
side ofthe Englishman. The foreign merchant was jealously
watched,' and could only sell his wares by wholesale, and then
under severe restrictions. Before long the English Draper
threatened to displace his rival not only in the English, but in the
fereign markets. It is also most probable that many of these
more opulent Drapers were money-lenders as well, like their
contemporary Mons. Broke of Douai.
' The number of fereignen dealins in England in wool, cbth, cloth of gold,
and other commodities, and also lendm^ money on credit, more especially in the
latter part of the thirteenth and the begmning of the fimneenth century, was very
laige. Amon2st others, we hear of:
The Societies of the Bardi, Bianchi, Cerchi-Bianchi, Frescobaldi, Mozi,
Perozzi, Scali, Spina of Florence, Velnti, the Spinelli of Genoa $ the Societies of
Puki and Ramoertini of Florence and Perugia ; the BellarcU and Ricardi of
Lucca \ the Bonsimori and Galerani of Siena $ the Chiarenti \ the Portinari $
the Rustigath of Placentia \ the Amenetti of Pistoia ; also numerous merchants
from the Low Countries, especially from Antwerp, Amiens, Arras, Douai,
Malines, St. Omer, also fix>m Abbeville. Cf. Close Rolls, Indexes } Dehaisnes,
Essai sur les relations commerciales de Douai avec I'Angleterre (Mdmoires
las i la Sorbonne, Paris, i86tf)} Letter Book A, fos. 4^, 7ib$ Close Rolls,
1188-9^, pp. 104, 2jy, 381, 383, 384,^475 119^-1302, pp. 2^9, 271,487 J
1301-7, pp. U 34j 87, I7», 190J 319. 343> l%7^ 3<^o> 4»^> 483 5 '3*7,
PP- 43> 49> »»3 5 J3»9j PP- 44T, 4^3 5 I33o-Ij PP- H, 7», 167, 373, 3^5 J
'33»> P- 459 5 i333> P- 7} '333 P *o^J 1338, PP- S4?, Jf8j 1339, p. »»n
134^, p. 175 $ Archaeologia, xxviiL 20^ ; Owens Coll. Historical Essays, p. 137,
* Italian Banken and their bans.'
' On Merchant Strangers, cf. p. 25, note 2, of this toL
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER II
THE HISTORY OF THE DRAPERS FROM THE OPEN-
ING OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY TO THE
LETTERS PATENT OF EDWARD III, 1354.
NTERESTIN(j and startling changes The work of
in the activities of the Drapers meet us thcDrapcn
as we enter the fourteenth century. They *" ^^^ ^^^y
import but little foreign cloth," and are ccnran^'
deeply engaged in the export of English
wool. The causes of this change before
the year 1337 are not very clear. It is
possible that the explanation is to be
round panly in the more active competition
of the foreign merchant, partly in the in-
crease of the home cloth industry. We
know that there were many foreigners
still engaged in the import trade, while
there is good evidence to show that the
(0 home industry was advancing. Posssibly
also the Drapers were during these years the agents of the Crown
in the export of wool, as they certainly were subsequently. How-
ever that may be, with the year 1338 we come to surer ground.
' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book, p. 9^.
^ I have only come across three definite notices of the purchase of foreign
cloth by a London Draper between 1300 and 13^5. In 1304 Stephen de
Abyngdon buys cloth and other merchandise to the valne of f 1,100 in Antwerp
and Malines fer the King's Wardrobe. Close Rolls, 1304, p. 143. Again, in
1 3 10, he bnys cloth at Lans in Artois. Close Rolls, 1307-13, p. 145. in 1338
John Blakeneye loads ' Le Paternoster ' of London with salt, wine, and cloth in
Normandy for England. Ibid., 1 3 3 8, p. 4 5 ^ . But there are plenty of instances of
the Drapers selling cloth in England, and some of this was probably of foreign
origin before the Statute of 1337, which prohibited its import.
1608-1
M
Digitized by
Google
8x History of the Drapers from the
It will be remembered that in the previous year an Act of
Parliament had been passed forbidding the import of cloth, and
insisting that all, except the King and the royal £unily, should
clothe themselves in homespun. The export ofwool was also for-
bidden, * until the king and his council provided otherwise '. Of
this proviso Edward III took advantage, when in 1338 Parlia-
ment granted him the right of the pre-emption of 20,000 sacks
of wool at his own price.* The chronicler Knighton tells us
that he, or his agents, bought it at £6 the sack and sold it abroad
for £10.* Again, in 1 341, a grant ofwool was made to the King,
no one being allowed to export until the King was Served of that
granted to him '? Thus the King during these years had a large
amount of wool to export, and he accordingly made use of
the larger merchants &r this purpose, and, among them, of some
of the more wealthy Drapers, who, owing to their earlier dealings
in foreign cloth, had the necessary knowledge and equipment.
But here arose another complication. Since he was unable to get
all the wool which he had been allowed to buy, or which had
been granted, as speedily as his necessities demanded, he borrowed
money on the wool from the merchants,^ transferring to them his
right to buy or to seize the wool, and gave them licences to
export, often reducing, and in some cases surrendering to them,
the customs payable. Finally, when the King was heavily in-
debted to foreigners * for loans, the merchants would export the
wool for the King and hand it over to his creditors, although in
some cases the foreign merchants who had lent money were
allowed to export on their own account.^
' Cf. Older to Sheriff of York, 1338, Rymer,iL loxi.
' Knighton Co]l. 1570. Ramsay, however, gives evidence to show that he
did not on this occasion ever pay the parchase money, and that much of the
wool was seized. Genesis of Lancaster, i. 25^.
^15 Ed. in. iii, cc. x, 3, ^. The grant was of 30,000 sacks, of which 10,000
had been apparently raised in the previous year. Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster,
i, p. 191.
^ C£ Evidences in Appendix, vol. i, Na III B, and especially the cases of John
de Lincoln, Darcy, Palteney, and Bodller. In 1350 Edward even pledges his
' great crown ' to Thomas Swanlond and others.
' e.g. the Bardi and PemzzL Cbse Rolls, X33o-i> pp. i4*-7^) ^^7*3739
38^ J 1338, p. 411 $ Merchants of Malines, 1338, p. 5^8.
« Cf. Patent Rolls, 1337, Pp. 137, 543, H4-
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 83
In Ai^st 1 345- we find some of these merchants, including the
Draper John Swanlond, petitioning that, whereas the King, in
return tor £ro,ooo a year lent to him, had, in i J43, granted to
them all the customs for three years, and whereas the war had, by
checking the export of wool, seriously reduced the customs and
otherwise injurea them, they should be released from their bond
from Midsummer last. Their petition was conceded, and ;^7,ooo
was granted to them in recompense for their losses, to be paid by
the third penny of the customs; the merchants on their part
promising to find another 10,000 marks, for which the tenth and
fifteenth, just voted by Parliament, should be pledged. In the
following year the same John Swanlond takes the ^ ferm ' of all
the customs with a few exceptions.' Thus the character of the
Drapers' work was temporarily altered. Checked in one of their
most important functions, that of importing foreign cloth, they
became the agents of the King for tne export of his wool, and
meanwhile supplied him with loans upon the customs for his
wars.^ This also is the probable explanation of the frequent
appointment at this time of Drapers to the post of Collector of
Customs on wool, woolfells, and hides, since they would then have
the regulation of the customs under their control.^ So too we find
that in ij^i Edward III j&rmed to Richard de Oxenford,
a Draper of London, the subsidy which had been granted to the
Kin^ in return for his having remitted his share of the forfeitures
or rnies arising firom the aulnage of London.*
Meanwhile, there is good evidence to prove that the home
cloth industry is growing. We hear of a much greater variety of
English-made cloths,^ while the appointment of a Broker in
' Close Rolls, 1343-^3 P- ^49 5 i34^-9> PP- 7», 7h i8t, 557-
' Cf. Rymer, il 988, 989, loxz, 105 1, 10^4, and references given in the
Am>endix.
^ Between 13 1 1 and 1339 feur Drapers held the office. Cf. Appendix, toL i.
No. Ill B. * Rymer, Foedera, Pars II, p. 67%.
^ Thus cloth of half 2rain (scarlet) and whole grain : Andley, Hawes, Haydok,
Kersey, Lambard, Marbury de flar de yesz, Mendeps, Menuet, Porreye, Rayed
cloths, Rnsset, Says of Canston, Loathe, Norwich, Wontede, and other places,
Verten Veyr, Wadmol or Wadynell. London-made cloth: Rye and green
cloth of Candelwickstrete. Cloths of Beverley, Bristol, Cornwall, Devon, Esstx^
Kent, Lincoln, Norfolk (worsted cbch of), S. Osyth, Stamford, Sufiblk, Win-
chester, York. Letter Book £, pp. 5 3) H i Q P* > ^S S Close RoU^ 1 34^, p. 1 1^ ;
Digitized by
Google
8^ History of the Drapers from the
1 34J ' and the notable increase in the excise on cloth during the
later years of Edward III ' prove that the trade in cloth was ad-
vancing. That in this development the Drapers had a large
share may perhaps be best gathered from a petition of theirs of
the year 1335^, which asserts that it is the manner of Drapers to
make their purchases of cloth at home and abroad about Michael-
mas for the &irs ensuing.^ Although we have not much positive
evidence of their selling cloth except to the King and the Great
Wardrobe, the majority of the debts owed to them by influential
persons could not well have been for anything else/ and most of
the cloth must have been home-made as long as the Act of 1 3 37»
which forbade the import of foreign cloth, was enforced.
Nor again have we met with any definite instance of Drapers
exporting cloth ; yet, inasmuch as denizens were charged a lower
duty on such export than aliens,^ the Drapers, we may be sure,
would take advantage of this preference.
That some London Drapers were at this time engaged in
superintending the manu&cture of cloth does indeed gain some
support from the statement that John Swanlond, who was also
actively engaged as agent of the King in the export of wool, did
in 1338 ^buy wool at Lincoln to mdce cloth for magnates and
others of the realm ' ; • while from a petition of the Merchant
Patent RoUs, 1347, p. 41^ s 1348, pp> ^7^ ^87 j 1353, p. 47^^ j Liber Cost., II.
i. iif . Cf. Glossary for explanation of the terms, ibid., 11. iL ^93.
' Letter Book F, £>. 108. The daty of the Broker was to assist in making
a fair bargain between buyer and seller. He was allowed to charge a fixed fee.
He might traffic on his own account. He was appointed by the Mysteries who
represented the trade, and was sworn before the Mayor and Aldermen. At one
time the ofKce was suppressed because the Broker was accused of the * orrible
crime of £ilse chevisauns ' (bargaining). Liber Albus, ed. Riley, pp. ^l^v^7^ $
Letter Book I, fos. 8, ^d bj Arnold's Chronicle, ed. 181 1, p. 73.
' Before the year 1347 the receipts from the excise on cloth never rose
higher than £x^ 6s. 6(L ; after that date it is never less than 1C47, and in one year
(1358) it rose to £1^061 i6s, ^Ji. C£ Ramsay, Genesis of Lancaster, ii, loi.
Table II.
3 Letter Book F, fo. 197.
^ C£ Appendix, vol. i. No. Ill B. Possibly the Drapers were also acting as
money-lenders to great men, as they certainly did to the King.
' Patent Rolls, 1347, p. 424-
^ Close Rolls, 1338, p. izd.
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 Sj-
Drapers in ijjo, already mentioned, it appears that they even
made liveries.'
Bat it is not definitely stated that Swanlond did himself super-
intend the making of the cloth, and it is significant that the
Drapers who * made ' the liveries are definitdy stated to have
bought the clotK In any case it is difficult to believe that, if the
more important Drapers of London were at this time seriously
devoting themselves to making, or superintending the making
of cloth, or to finishing it, the notices would be so scanty. In
my opinion this function was still being per&rmed by the
Burellers, of whom, as shown before, we have many notices in the
early fourteenth century.*
Here once more, however, we must bear in mind that our
evidence bears only upon the fortunes of the Drapers of London,
and of a small number, the wealthier, of these. h& to the work of
the more numerous and less wealthy members of the Craft our
authorities are silenc We shall not, however, probably be wrong
in concluding that the smaller Drapers were as before chiefly
engaged in selling cloth by retail in tneir shops.
The last item of interest which is to be gathered from these
evidences is that many of these Drapers were engaging in other
trades besides their own. Between t 3 lo and 1 346 four Drapers
are also called Hosiers, one is called a Woolmonger, one a Clothier,
and one a Cordwainer ; some, as stated above, are making liveries,
while of Richard de Welleford it is recorded in 13 18, that he
sold * divers victuals and garnistures' to H. Nazard, another
Draper, fi)r the King's use.^ It will be seen that this practice was
forbidden by Statute in 1354.*
Thus the evolution of the functions of the Drapers of London The gradual
up to this date would seem to be as follows. They first appear as cvolurion of
general merchants like the Grocers and the Goldsmiths, dealing th;* ^nctton*
originally in foreign cloth and other articles. When the importa- drapers.
< ^ The manner of drapers is to make their purchases of cloth at home and abroad
. . . and to make liveries for great lords and others of the Commons,' 1350. Letter
Book F, fi>. 197 9 Rot. Pari., iL 130. Note also that in 13^2 a royal proclama-
tion dealing more especially with London makes a distinction between ' pannarii *
and * £ictores pannomm *. Foedera, IIL ii. ^78.
^ C£ p. 7a of this volume.
3 Calendar of Close Rolls, 13 13-18, p. J49. * 37 Ed. IIL, cc. j,^.
Digitized by
Google
S6 His f dry of the Drapers from the
tion of foreign cloth is forbidden, they for a time turn to the
export of home-grown wool. As the home cloth industry de-
velops, and as the various trades become more specialized, they
devote themselves especially to the purchase and sale both at home
and abroad of cloth, and that chieny home-made. It is possible
that at the same time they began tentatively to engage in the
superintendence of the making of the article or of finishing it by
shearing and dyeing, and even in making liveries, a business
which to-day would be that of a tailor. But in any case they
had not developed this side of their business to any great extent at
the date when their Charter was granted, nor, as we shall see,
does the manufacture of cloth ever become one of their important
activities. As merchants they first appeared, and merchants the
most prosperous of them chiefly remained, while the less opulent
of their craft turned to the retail trade and served their customers
in their shops.
An interesting parallel to the evolution of the London Drapers
is to be found in the history of the Florentine Arte de Calimala.'
The members of this Florentine Gild were dealers in foreign,
chiefly Flemish and French, cloth, which they bought in the
fairs of Champagne. This cloth, though of fine texture, was
generally bought by them in the rough. They then dyed and
finished it in Florence, and exported it more especially to the
East, while the humbler members of the Gild were retail dealers
in the City itself The cloth was highly esteemed on account of
the brilliancy of its colour. The climax of the prosperity of the
Arte de Calimala was in the last half of the thirteenth century. It
then somewhat declined, more especially owing to the French and
English wars which closed the fairs of Champagne. It was now the
turn of the Arte di Lana. The members of this Gild had hitherto
only worked with Italian wool which w^as inferior. They now
began to import better wool from England and from Spain, and to
compete with their rivals of the Arte de Calimala.
* Doren, Florentiner Wirthschaftsgeschxchte, especially i. 10-3^, 102,108-^0,
1305 iL 9, 606'^ Dixon, Trans. R. Hist. Soc., New Series, xiL i8x. It is
interesting to note that the English wool was sent by sea to Bordeaux and hence
transported partly by water carnage to the Mediterranean, partly overland to the
Rhone, and thence across the Alps.
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 87
As we should expect, the number of Drapers increases very Increase in
materially in the fourteenth century. Thus between the first number of
year of the century and the granting of the Letters Patent in ** I>«p«w
1364, we have met with no less than ijo ; of whom seven were foartecnth
Mayors (five of whom had been Sheriffs and Aldermen), eight century,
more were Sheriffs and Aldermen, and five more Aldermen only.
During this period also ten Drapers were representatives of the
City in Parliament,' while in i jip we find three Drapers among
the twenty-four chosen to attend on the young King, Edward III,
to answer whether the City would punish the partisans of Henry
Duke of Lancaster, who had just made his unsuccessfiil attempt to
overthrow the rule of the hated Mortimer, the paramour ot the
Quecn-Dowager.*
That the Drapers were men of considerable substance may
be gathered, not only firom the numerous bequests made by them
to churches, chantries, and charitable objects,^ but by the place
several of them take in the Subsidy Rolls of ijip^ and 1322, and
by their grants and loans to Edward III for his French Wars.
The first notice of a Draper lending money to the King in the
fourteenth century which we have come across is in 13 op, when
John de Lincoln is recorded as having lent £is'^ ip-r. to the late
King Edward I for his French Wars. Under Edward III the
* For list cf. Appendix, vol. 1, No. Ill A. It is carious that some Mayors and some
members of Parliament had neither been Sheriffs nor Aldermen. We should
cxpea members of Parliament to have been at least Aldermen, and subsequently
it became a rule that the Mayor should have previously served as Sheriff and
Alderman. It may be that the list of Aldermen and Sheriffs is not quite
complete, since our authorides are not always as clear, or as full, as we could
wish. We have generally followed Beaven, Aldermen of the City of London,
for the Aldermen } and Mr. Kingsford in his edition of Stow, ii. if o ff., for the
Sheriffs, except where we have found addidonal evidence.
^ Cf Rolls Series, Chronicles of Ed. I and Ed. II., L 141. They were Simon
de Swanlond, John de Pulteney, Stephen de Abyngdon. Lancaster finally
ovenhrew Mortimer in the following year, 1330.
^ Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, L 413, ii. 57, ^ 8.
^ Thus in 1 3 19 Stephen de Abingdon and Henry Nazard are assessed at if 100,
Simon de Swandlond at £io and Richard Constantin ten marks. Cf also the
subsidy of 1331, when Thos. de Swandlond pays %6s. 8<i., John de Weston 6s. Si.,
and Will, de Macchyng 4/. Subsidy Rolls, Record Office, London, 144/1,
144/3, and 144/4.
Digitized by
Google
88 History of the Ihapersfrom the
loans and grants become much more frequent. The most important
of these are to be found in the Appendix, vol. i, No. Ill b. Here
it will suffice to say that in 1 3 j^ two Drapers, Richard Constantyn
and Richard Kyselyngbery, lend 60s, each for ships sent to sea,
while twelve Drapers contribute a further £10 to a loan ; that in
133P eighteen Drapers contribute sums varjring from j^4o to
£f each towards a loan of £syOooi that in igyo the * great
Crown' is pledged to Thos. Swanlond and others for ^^4,000,
and in the same year Swanlond and others lend as much as
;^2o,ooo on the customs, while in 116$ the * Mystery of the
Drapers ' in its corporate capacity makes a present of £{.0 to the
King, a sum which is not exceeded by that of any other
Company.* Finally, in the following year, the date of their
Charter, they give 10 marks probably towards the ransom of the
French King John, who had been uken prisoner at Poitiers;
though whether this was in their corporate capacity or as
individuals is uncertain.*
John Among the Drapers who play a part in the history of London
Pulteney, j^d ^f England during this period, one man, John Pulteney,
the Draper, g^j^^jg pre-eminent. Born at the village of Pontenei or Putton-
heath in Leicestershire, in which county we find him subscT
quently holding property at Newton Heath, he came to London
and rapidly rose* We do not know when or how he joined the
Society of Drapers, but in 1316 he was wealthy enough to stand
* mainpenor ' or surety for certain merchants. In 1 3 28 he became
Alderman of Coleman Street Ward, and in the following year was
appointed by the Mayor and Commonalty of London to be one
or the Wardens for the City at Winchester Fair.^ He was of
' Twenty-seven other Mysteries subscribe : the Mercers, £i^o ; Fishmongers,
3C40 3 Skinners, £^0 , the rest, varying sams down to lox. which is contribated
by the Glovers. The total sum presented by all the Gilds was 1^428 9/. ^<L
Letter Book G, fo. 133. C£ ^English Nouveaux-Riches in the fourteenth
century ' ; the writer, in Transactions Royal Hist. Society, New Series, zv. 63,
shows the inaccuracy of Mrs. A. S. Green's statement that it was loans of
Ftorentine merchants which alone enabled Edward III to carry on the French
War. Town Life, i. 79.
* Letter Book G, fb. 133.
^ Drapers often held this office, e. g. Ralph Upton and Richard de Berkynge
in 1334. Letter BookE, fo. 137 b.
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1364 89
such importance that in the next year he was appointed one
of the twenty-four citizens chosen to wait on the young King,
Edward III. He evidently fidfilled his task to the satisfaction
of his fellow citizens, for in the following year (1330) they
elected him Mayor, an office which he held four times (1330-1^
1331-2, 1333-4, '^li^~n\ ^^^ although he was never
Sheriff, he was appointed several times Escheator of the King
in the City, Commissioner of Oyer and Terminer in Essex,
Middlesex, and Surrey, and in 1332 was on a commission to
inouire into the establishment of a staple of wool at Bruges in
defiance of the Statute which had removed the staple from that
dty.
He had by this time placed his wealth at the disposal of royal
personages, for in 1 3 3 1 he was granted lands in recompense for
debts owed him by Edmund, Earl of Kent, the unfonunate uncle
of the young King, who had suffered on the block the year before
for his complicity in Lancaster's plot against Mortimer. These lands
were probably the Manors of Ditton Camoys in Cambridfi;eshire,
and of Shenley in Hertfordshire. In the year 1334 he was
elected Alderman of Candelwick Ward, and in the same year
Nicholas de Farndon devised to him the aldermanry of Farringdon
within Ludgate and Newgate Without, though whether he ever
held it is uncertain.^ Meanwhile, he was employed in the nego-
tiations -with Flanders which preceded the outbreak of war with
France. On his return, in 1335^, he was deputed by the City to
arrange with the Crown for the supply of 200 *hobelours'
(light armed horse soldiery) at the cost of the City, for 100 days
to serve in the Scotch War, and was appointed one of the leaders
of the Londoners in case of invasion. In 1336 he became Alder-
man of Vintry Ward. In 1337 he was knighted and received
a grant of 100 marks in tail for the better support thereof In
the following year, however, he was imprisoned in Somerton
Castle because, having been appointed to certain offices during the
King's absence beyond the sea, he was with others accused * of
* This devise of an aUermanry is interesting as showing that at that date the
aldermanry of Farringdon was still an hereditary one. Richard Lacer seems to
haye been Alderman of the Ward till 1^57} and then John de Chichester was
elected. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, 1. 398, ^09 $ ii. 59.
i«oi.i N
Digitized by
Google
90 History of the Drapers from the
having borne himself fraudulently and unButhfidly '.' He was,
however, soon released. In 1340 he was on a Commission to
discuss Me chevaunce de Brussel' with merchants', and in xi^i
he was given permission to send 160 sacks of wool free of custom
to Bruges to pay for the ransom of William de Montacute, Earl of
Salisbury, who had been taken prisoner in the French War.
In 1347 he received from the Bigods the Manor of Poplar and
the messuage of Cold Harbour in the parish of St. Laurence
Pountney, and there he built a great house. He also held the
Manors of Southall Murray and Woolwich, and a house called the
Manor of the Rose or Pouitney's Inn, in Downegate Ward. Two
years later he died (1349).
The extent of his wealth may be gathered from his numerous
loans to the King,^ and his munificent gifts made during his life
and under his wuV while his social position may be guessed from
' Patent RoUs, 1341, p. no.
* ' Chevaunce de Brassel.* The Agreement of Brnssels. This was the Treaty
of November or December 1339 made with the Duke of Brabant, by which
commerce between the two conntries was to be encoaraged. Voisin, p. 29.
^ In 133 1 he lent 1^471. In 1333 he went shares with another Draper,
Geoffrey le Bottelur to farm the King's debt of ^i,^i8 9/. zd, to the Gascon
cities. Transactions Royal Hist. Soc, New Series, ix. f 9.
^ His benefactions during his lifetime were :
1330. Grant of certain shops at St. Nicholas at Shambles to the master and
brethren of the hospital of St, Bartholomew for the purpose of endowing
a chantry.
1331. A chantry in honour of Corpus Christi at the Church of St. Laurence
in Candelwick Street, which was subsequently enlarged to form a college for
a master, thirteen priests, and four choristers. The church henceforth became
known as that of St, Laurence Pountney. Further, he nve 10 marks for repair
of the Guildhall. He also built the church of All Halbws the Ltss in Thames
Street, a church for Carmelite friars at Coventry, and a chapel in St. Paul's
where he was buried.
Under his will he made the following bequests :
1. To a chantry for three priests in St. Paul's.
2. To the collegiate chapel of Corpus Christi 6s, 8<^, and all his tenements
and rents in London, except Poultney's Inn, his tenement of Cold Harbour and
his other tenements in the parish of All Hallows the Great, subject to certain
payments to the Almoner of St. Paul's and the poor of Newgate.
3. His principal mansion, Poultney's Inn, he left to his wife and his son, as well
as the 100 marks settled on him to support his knighthood. This subsequently
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century toT^^A^ 91
tlie &ct that the Bishop of London and the Earl of Huntingdon, to
whom he left valuable legacies, were two of his executors. In the
year 1*742. his lineal descendant was created the Earl of Bath.
Following the usual custom of trades to concentrate in certain Comhill
localities we find these Drapers of London mostly collected in or and then
about Cornhill, especially in Burcheour (Birchin) Lane. By the Candlewick
time of Henry V, however, they had partly removed to Candle- chief abode
wick Street (Cannon Street), which had been the chief resort, first of the
of the foreign Weavers and then of the Burellers.' Drapers.
became the site of Merchant Taylors' School. Clode, ii 1^0. Cold Harbour was
to be sold.
To the sapenrisors of his execntors. Sir Ralph de Stratford, Bishop of London,
a ring with a niby j the £arl of Huntingdon, a rin£ with two diamonds, two silver <•
Hagons enamelled, a cnp and spoon and a sak celur to match.
For the life di Sir John Polteney, cf. Diet, of National Biography and
anthonties quoted there. Also Beaven, Aldermen, voL ii, index \ Riley, Memorials,
Index } Rymer, Foedera, iii. 1139$ Stow, Sanrey of London, ed. Kingsferd,
L io5, 236 jii.321, 321^ Fabyan, Chron., ed. Ellis, 181 1, p. 422 j Sharpe, Calen-
dar of Willi, L ^09 ) and references under his name in Appendix^ vol. i, No. Ill A.
* Herbert, L 401, says this is proved by the number of their notices of inter-
ment still to be foond in the churches thereabouts. Unfortunately on inaniry
I can find no such evidence. The tower and steeple of the second churcn of
St. Swithin's appears to have been built by John Hende the Draper, and twice
Mayor, 1391, 1404 : White, History of the Ward of Walbrook, 1904, p. 407 %
and there are several Drapers' wills referring to churches in these Wards in the
fifteenth century. Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 319, 387, ^^4, ^84, 631.
Cf. also the ordinance in Guildhall MSS., No. 142, which speaks of Drapers of
ComhilL From the accounts of 1429 they appear to have been at that date
about equally divided between Cornhill and Candlewick Street. It is curious
that only one Draper, Rich, de Gloucester, was Alderman of Comhill Ward in
the fourteenth cenmry, and he in the first year of that century (1301), while
there were five who were Aldermen of Candlewick Ward :
Simon de Swanlond 1327
John de Pukeney 1334
John Keende
John Walcote
Thomas Noket
On ik^ other hand, in the fifteenth century there were fenr Drapers who were
Aldermen in each Ward. Beaven, Aldermen.
For localization of other trades, c£ Ashley, Econ. Hist., II. i. 57, note 4 ^ Stow,
ed. Kingsford, i. 79. He quotes Fitzstephen, who noticed th^s as early as the
Digitized by
Google
Early in-
stances of
senii-coqx>-
rate action
on the part
of the
Drapers.
91 History of the Drapers from the
As to the dace when they first became organized in a Gild or
Fraternity it is difficult to speak with certainty. In the preamble
to their ordinances, which were drawn up in the sixth year of
Henry IV (1405-), they assert that the Fraternity was rounded
in 1 3 32.' They might have made an earlier claim. As early as
1 3 1 2, at the celebration of the birth of Edward III, they, \rith
the Mercers and Vintners, are mentioned as wearing a special
livery,' and in the same year we find that John Simeon, a foreign
Draper, was forced to renounce the freedom of the City because he
had not been admitted with the consent of the Mystery of
Drapers. These evidences show that they were then recognized
as a Craft.3 Sixteen years later (1328) an entry in the Letter
Books tells us that six men were in that year elected and sworn
be&re the Mayor for the government and instruction of the
Drapers.^ This was also done with respect to twenty-four other
Crafts, and may be taken as a proof that, by that time at least, the
Drapers had obtained recognition as a Society from the Mayor.
Eleven years later (135^1) there is clear evidence of their acting
in their corporate capacity. It was in this year, when the
Common Council was ror the first time elected by the Mysteries
instead of the Wards, that the Drapers, together with twelve
rei^n of Henry II. For a similar phenomenon in Florence, c£ Doren, Florentiner
Wirthschaftsgeschichte, ii. ^i^.
' Book of Ordinances. Cf Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII.
' Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i- 139. ^ Letter Book £, fi>. 4.
^ Letter Book £, &>. 190. The Drapers selected were : Simon de Swank>nd ;
Thomas de Blakeneyej Geoffrey Le Bottelerj John de Wtytelej Richard de
Berkynge $ Richard de Welleford.
The other Gilds whose officers were sworn were :
The Goldsmiths
The Fishmongers
The Grocers
The Mercers
The Vintners
The Skinners
The Taylors or Linen Armourers
The Apothecaries
The Ironmongers
The Saddlers
The Woolmongers
The Beaders
The Cordwainers
The Girdlers
The Batchers
The Cutlers
The Cappers
The Cofferers
The Corders
The Haberdashers
The Hosiers
The Fusters
The Painters
The Cheesemongers
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to \i6 At 93
other Gilds, are authorized to elect four members. Their position
among the other Gilds may be gathered &om the number of
representatives given to each Gud. The Grocers, the Fish-
mongers, and the Mercers have six; the Drapers, the Gold-
smiths, the Woollen Workers, the Skinners, the Vintners, the
Saddlers, the Taylors, the Cordwainers, the Butchers, four each ;
the Ironmongers, two.*
In the same year the Drapers take corporate action in petition-
ing against the Statute of Cloth.* 'Whereas', they say, *it has
been ordained in the last Parliament that all manner of cloth sold
after Sep. i should be of a certain assize, and the manner of
Drapers is to purchase cloth both at home and abroad about
Michaelmas for the fairs ensuing, and to make liveries for great
lords and others of the commons ; and whereas these have not
bought any liveries of importance this year, the cloth remains
unsold, they pray therefore that the King and his Council will
order the King's aulnager (launeor),^ or some one else, to market
all the cloth so left on their hands, so that they may sell the cloth
as it is (pur tieus come ils sont) ; . . . and what they buy in
future shall be of the assize ordained.'
It is somewhat curious that, though there are several earlier First
bequests to Fraternities by Drapers, there is no mention of any rcligioiis
* Fraternity' of Drapers earlier than ijtJi, unless indeed the Fj"^^«"iiV<rf
Fraternity in Candlewick Street, to which Richard de Essex made i^^,."^"'
a bequest, was one connected with his trade.^ The Drapers, at
' Letter Book F, fos. lo^, 238 $ Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 21^.
The five representatives of the Drapers were William Welde, John de Bares,
Simon de Bedyngton, John de Kelyngworthe, Stephen Cavendisshe, William de
Holbech. Next year the eleaion was given back to the Wards. In 1376 the
Mysteries regained the right and retained it till 1384, when it was finally restored
to the Wards (cf. Introd., pp. 28, 39).
' Letter Book F, Intnxt. p. xxvi, fi)s. 197, 199-201 b j Statute of Cbth, 13^1,
Z5 Ed. Ill, St. 4.
^ For the Aulnager seep. 11^ of this volume.
^ It would seem that the earliest Gilds were almost always relinoos, and that
at first they were not conneaed with any particular trade. Thus among the
Gild certificates of 1389 there are few except this one of the Drapers that is so
connected, while to the Fraternity of ^x. Giles, Cripplegate, a Blader (Corn-
monger), two Brewers, a Saddler, two Painters, a Poulterer and a Currier, all
make bequests between 13^1 and 14 10. C£ Toulmin Smith, Gild Certificates of
Digitized by
Google
94 History of the Drapers from the
all events in that year (i}6i), founded at the church and hospital
of St. ' Bethlem ' the Brotherhood of our Lady of Bethlehem for the
amendment of their lives, * in the honour of our Lord Jesus
Christ, and his Sweet Mother Saint Mary of Bethlehem, in which
most Holy Place our Lord Jesus Christ was born for the salvation
of all his people. In which place of Bethlehem the star appeared
to the shepherds, and gave and showed light to the three kings of
Cologne, who oflFered in the said place of JBethlehem three giits, to
wit cold, myrrh and incense.'
The ordinances which were then drawn up for the government
of the Brotherhood are of the greatest interest.' We learn from
them that women as well as brothers could be members ; that no
one of ill feme could become or remain a member ; that all were
to pay 20J. for entry and 6J. 2l, quarter (or is. ^ year) for
quarterage; that all brothers and sisters were to be clothed in
a prescribed dress on public occasions at their own expense ; that
all the members were to meet four times a year; that the
revenues of the Brotherhood should be in the hands of three
Wardens, who were to be elected annually, and that after the
election, held on the Day of the Purification, a feast should be
given in the Hospital of* St. Mary of Bethlem ', which should not
cost the brethren more than zoa. a head. They have a Beadle
and a Chaplain who receive payments and a livery from the
members, and the fraternal and religious aspects of the association
are also strongly emphasized.
All improper or gambling games were forbidden on pain ot
a fine. Any brother having a grievance against another was to
complain to the Brotherhood ana not elsewhere, and any one not
1389; Clare Market Review, i. 67. Of. also the Drapers of Beverley who
paid special reverence to the Virgin, the Baptist, St. Michael the Archangel, and
acted a miracle play of The IXwming Pilate ' on the Feast of Corpos ChristL
Leach, Beverley Town Docnments, Selckn Society, p. 9^. So, too, the Drapers of
Shrewsbury were incorporated under the name of the Gild of the Holy
Trinity and Fraternity of Drapers. Rope, Earliest Book of Drapers of
Shrewsbury.
' These ordinances are said to have been drawn up between 13^1 and 1370
and then finally read and confirmed. C£ Appendix, vol. i, No. IV. They were
among the Gild certificates demanded of the Gilds in 1389, and are found
in the Guildhall MS. 141, fos. 1^4-74.
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1^64. 95-
submitting to the decision of the Fraternity, as well as any one
who practised deceit on the common people, in slander of the
Brotherhood, was to be ousted. Any one railing into misfortune
should be helped by the Brotherhood, and a dirge and masses
should be said for every depaned brother in the church of the
Hospital of * St. Mary of Bethlem V where * a brother may be
buried if he will ' ; for the which purpose and for the amendment
of the Brotherhood the members were urged to leaver portion of
silver, each according to his power.
Thus by the year ijtfg the Drapers were a strong and in- Position of
fluential body of men. They had been recognized by the Mayor }^^ Drapers
as a Craft with its governors, and also had formed a religious "* '^ ^"
Fraternity which at once gave them a bond of union and supplied
a religious sanction for the enforcement of their regulations. But
their position was not yet secure. Their monopoly of selling, and
certainly of finishing, cloth and thereby obtaining the profits,
which rail to the trader, was disputed by many Mysteries, especially
by the Dyers, the Weavers, and the Fullers." This struggle was
not confined to the wool trade nor to England. In France it was
the Fullers who originally finished the cloth and sold it to the
public,^ and in Elngland the complaint that all Mysteries were
engaging in the selling of other articles than those of their
peculiar trade, and generally interfering with the handicraft of
others, was so loud that in ijCfj a Statute was passed which, on
the ground that merchants ^ called grossers do ingross all manner
of merchandise vendible, and suddenly do enhance that price of
such merchandise within the realm', enacted *that no English
merchant shall use no ware nor merchandise . . . but only one
' The Hospital of St Mary of Bethlehem withoat Bishopsgate was founded
in 1147 by Simon Fitzmary, SherifF of London. C£ Stow, ed. Kinesferd, i. 32,
1^4, 297-8. The hospital was an appropriate place, considering that the con-
fraternity was dedicated to the Virgin of Bethlehem ; c£ The Story of Bethlehem,
by £. G. CyDonoghae (Unwin & Co.). The Skinners also had a Brother-
hood at the Hospital. Stow, i. 130.
' The mention of John LoTekyn in 1342, who had transferred himself from
the Shearmen to the Drapers, looks as if the Shearmen had also been imsaccess-
fblly competing for the trade in cloth. Letter Book F, p. x, fly-leaf
^ Ashley, Econ. Hist., Bk. II, c. iii, p. iix.
Digitized by
Google
^6 History of the Drafts from the
which he shall choose . . . and that artificers, handicraft people
hold them every one to one Mystery '.'
Fortified by this Sutute the Drapers renewed their efforts.
Already in 1362 it had been ordained that no Dyer or Weaver
should ' make ' cloth, and finally in 1363 the Drapers succeeded
in obtaining their first definite recognition from the Crown.'
Their first The Charter or Letters Patent of 38 Ed. Ill, after citing
Charter. ^he Act of 1 363, proceeds to state * that because people belonging
to divers Mysteries, who had not been apprenticed to, nor had
been sufficiently instructed in the Mystery of the business of
Drapery, . . . engage in the same trade, one can scarcely find any
shop in the City in which there is not some Drapery offered for
common sale ', and that whereas such people, ' not having suf-
ficient knowledge of the price of goods belonging to the mer-
chandise of the Mystery of Drapery (i. e. the selling price of
Drapery), by their ignorance and by the great " engrossment "
which they make of all kinds of cloth, have enhanced the price,
and further that whereas dyers, weavers, and fullers have not
confined themselves to their proper handicraft, but have engaged
in the " making of cloth " and have refused to work at their own
trades except at excessive wages, and have even perpetrated
various frauds in the making, firauds which cannot be well detected
unless the Drapers only have fidl knowledge of such work, and
have also bought other cloth by way of forestalling, so that it was
twice sold before coming to common sale ; the which things are
the chief cause of the excessive dearness of cloth '. Therefore for
the future none shall use the said Mystery of Drapery in the
city of London or its suburbs, unless he has been apprenticed
in the said Mystery, or in other due manner received by the
common assent of the same Mystery ; that Dyers, Weavers, and
Fullers shall keep to their proper craft and ' in no way meddle
with the making, buying or selling of any manner of cloth
' 38 Ed. Ill, cc. ^, 6, C£ Appendix, vol. i. No. I. It is noticeable that women
were exempted from the provisions of the Statate : ' All women, that ose and work
all hand/works, may freely use and work as they have done before.'
' Letter Book G, fe. loi : ^Nos commandons de par notre Seignienr le Roi
aoe nal teyntor ne teler soit si hardi de faire nul maner de drap snr peine de
forfaire tut le drap issint par eux £ut.'
Digitized by
Google
opening of the Fourteenth Century to 1^64. 97
or drapery ' on pain of forfeitiire, and that no one who has cloth
to sell shall sell it except to the Drapers, unless it be to the lords
and others of the commons who wish to buy it for their own
use, and even then it shall be sold in gross and not in retail.
The Letters Patent authorize the Drapers to elect four persons '
*to oversee that no deceit or fraud be used in the Mystery of
Drapers \ to rule and govern the Mystery, and to punish those in
whom default shall be found, by the aid of the Mayor and Sheriffs
if need be. The franchises and free customs of the Prior of
St. Bartholomew, of Smithfield, and of lords who have feirs in the
suburbs, and the franchises granted to the Merchant Vintners
of England and Gascony are, however, to remain in force, anything
in this Statute notwithstanding.'
' They have as yet no Master. ^ Cf. Appendix, vol i, Na VL
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER III
THE HISTORY OF THE GILD OR FRATERNITY OF
THE DRAPERS FROM THE LETTERS PATENT
OF EDWARD III (1354) TO THE YEAR 1475.
EFINITE authority from the
Crown to organize and govern
their Mystery had now been
obtained by the Drapers. With
the exception of the Weavers,
who had obtained a Royal Charter
as early as the reign of Henry II,
only four Gilds, the Goldsmiths,
the Skinners, the Taylors, and
the Girdlers, had secured this
privilege, some thirty-six years
oefore, while two others, the
Fishmongers and the Vintners,
obtained their Charter in the same
year as the Drapers.
The Fellowship had also for the moment secured the coveted The struggle
monopoly of the retail sale of cloth in London, so far as the law ^^ ^^« ™^
could give it. But their monopoly did not last, nor was it ever ^^^l^j^
complete. The Statute 38 Ed. Ill, c. 11 {il6^\ repealed the cloth."*
ckuse of the previous year, and in ig^x an ordinance of the
Mayor again allowed a member of one Mystery to pursue another
Mystery and to trade in all kinds of merchandise." The Statute
17 Ric. II, c. a (13^3-4), allowed every man of the realm to put
' The initial letter comes from Charter No. XI.
' This ordinance, which reasserted what was called the ^ Custom of London *,
was, however, generally resented, and hence the numerous translations from Gild
to Gild in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.
Digitized by
Google
loo History of the Gild of Drapers
to sale cloths as well as kerseys of his own making, while that of
7 Henry IV, c. p (140^), allowed all ' Drapers and sellers of
Drapery of whatsoever place of the realm ' to sell in London
by gross. Evidence also exists to prove that there was much
evasion of the monopoly of the London Drapers. From a petition
of the Fullers in ij6p it appears that tney did some selling
of their own goods.' In in^ we find two Fullers sharing
the right to examine cloth with two Drapers," and in ijpo the
Fullers were allowed to expose their own cloth for sale in their
houses or elsewhere ^ (although this may have been by wholesale
only, as had been allowed by the Charter), so long as the buyers
used the cloth for their own use. The privileges of the Merchant
Vintners of England and Gascony had been especially reserved in
the Letters Patent, and no doubt the Drapers also met with com-
petition from the Taylors or Linen Armourers, with whom,
as we shall see, they had, in the fifteenth century, a serious
quarrel with regard to the right of search. In the recitals of the
Charter of i ^02, which incorporated the Taylors under the new
title of the Merchant Taylors, they claim to * have occupied and
used of old the buying and selling of aU and every merchandise
whatsoever, and especially woollen cloths as well wholesale and
retail throughout tne whole realm of England and particularly
within our city aforesaid and the suburbs thereof'.* Nevertheless,
in the fourteenth century the business of the Taylors was chiefly
in making linen apparel, more especially linen lining for armour,
and in making up cloth,^ and it was not till their later incorpora-
^ Letter Book G, £>• 140 j Riley, Memorials, p. 341.
' Letter Book H, £>• 13.
^ Letter Book G, fi>. 11^.
^ Ckxle, Merchant Tailors, L 198.
' Cf. Reflations for Armourers, Riley, Mem., 14^. The quarrel £>r the
possession of the retail trade was not confined to London or to England. ' In
several English towns the Drapers and Tailors were united in the same company.
In Coventry the place of the Drapers was taken by the Shearmen, and the
Mystery play was presented by the company of Shearmen and Tailors.' Ashley,
Econ. Hist., ii. 213. In Paris the Fullers secured the privileee of selling to the
public, though they were often called Drapers, till in the middk of the fixirteenth
century Royal Letters divided the Drapers into two classes, the Manufacturers
and the Traders. Ashley, Econ. Hist., ii. z 1 1 $ Unwin, Industrial Organization,
p. 30.
Digitized by
Google
from 13(^4 to 1479 loi
don as Merchant Taylors, in ifoi, that they definitely devoted
themselves to the business of buying and selling.
Nor, again, did the Mercers or Haberdashers as vet seriously
compete. It may be held, therefore, that in spite or some excep-
tions, the Drapers really enjoyed by far the most considerable part
of the trade of cloth in "London both in sross and in retail.
Of the other Crafts concerned in the making of cloth, the Weavers,
the Dyers, the Fullers, and the Shearmen abandoned the retail
trade of cloth and fell into a subordinate position to the Drapers.
Thus we are told that in 1385- Brembre, in pursuance of his
policy of attempting to keep people to their proper Craft, dis-
nranchised William Southbrook * free of the Weavers, as well as a
Taylor for that they occupied Drapery V while in the early part of
the fifteenth century we near of one Shearman being fined, after
the search of his measure by the Drapers, of another who was
apprenticed to the Drapers, and later of Shearmen and Fullers
entering the Drapers' Fellowship and having apprentices."*
The Dyers, indeed, gained a Charter of Incorporation in 1471,
but the Fullers and the Shearmen not till later.'
Meanwhile the Letters Patent of ijtfj had especially reserved The Three
the rights of those who enjoyed the privilege of holding frirs ^"^^^^ ^**"-
in the suburbs. The great Fairs were three in number : one
at Westminster, belonging to the Abbot ; another at Smithfield,
which belonged to the Frior of St. Bartholomew ; the third at
Southwark, belonging to the Prior of St. Mary Overy. Of these,
the first was the most important and lasted thirty days, while the
other two lasted but three. Cloth was sold at all these fairs, but
more especially at that of St. Bartholomew, where the cloth
market was entered by the great Cloth Gate. All the Clothiers
and Drapers of England attended, as well as others concerned in
' Strype, Stovr, ed. 17(^9 P* 3S99 mentions other cases, bat he ^ves no
amhority, and as he calls the Taylor a Merchant Taylor, a name by which they
were not known till i^oi, his accuracy may be doubted.
> Ordinances, Appenda, vol. i. No. XVII $ Accounts, 1413-41, Appendix,
Fol. i. No. XVIIL
^ Hazlitt, Lirery Companies, 1 11. 34. The Shearmen sheared the fiisdan and
levelled the nap of the cloth. The Fallen worked in the loose fibres of the
wool. The Dyers originally dyed the wool and not the cloth, bat by this time
the process of dyeing and of iblline was often done by the same man. As to the
fbrnre history of the Pollers and Shearmen, see p. ii 9 of this volume.
Digitized by
Google
loi History of the Gild of Drapers
the cloth trade, and here the Drapers shared with the Taylors
the right to search all cloth exposed for sale, and to mark it
according to its width and length, the Drapers using the Drapers'
ell or standard, the Taylors their silver yard.'
The fairs, however, lasted only for a short time, and, as the
cloth trade increased in the provincial towns of England, the
number of country Clothiers and Drapers, as well as of aliens,
who wished to sell their cloth in London increased. To meet
the difficulty the Mayor, Whityngton, and the commonalty
Bakewell of London purchased in 1 3py-(J Bakewell Hall or Black wellhall, in
^*^^- Basinghall Street, once belonging to Sir Richard Clifford' and
then to the family of BanquelT or Bakewell, from whence it
derived its name. The Mayor in the ordinances of igpS ordered
that to prevent the secret sale of woollen cloths and disorderly
and deceitfid bargains of * foreign * Drapers ^ in divers hostelries,
all such should sell their cloths at Bakewell Hall only, and at fixed
days and hours in the week, on pain of forfeiture ; that no
Merchant Stranger should sell to Merchant Stranger, and that
the cloth so sold should be cloths and half cloths listed at both
ends.* The Statute s Henry IV (1403) further enacted that
Merchant Strangers should expend the proceeds of their sales
' Cf. Herbert, i. 47, 417. For the later qaarrel of Drapen and Taylors over
the right of search, cf. p. 1 1^ of this volume.
' Not to the Basings as Stow says. Sir Ro£er de ClifTord sold Bakewelhall to
the City in iz8o. Cf. Memorandam to Orainances of 140^ j Letter Book A,
k>. I3f, p. ^^7 note; Wardens' Accounts, i^ii-i, fb. ib; Rep. 7^ 197 • In
1286 and 1293 the City transferred it to John de Banquell and repurchased it in
1595-^. Cf. Stow, ed. Kingsfbrd, i. i8^, i88, Z90, iL 33^. The position of the
Hall in Basinghall Street may be seen in Mr. Kingsfbrd's Map. It is now the site
of the Law Courts.
^ By foreign is meant Englishmen not resident in London. Aliens could not
purchase at the Hall, nor of any one except a citizen of London. Cf. ^ Mcmoire da
traitement des Fran9oys', Schanz, Handelspolitik, iL 525.
^ Riley, Memorials, p. ^fo, quoting Letter Book H, fo, 327. Cf. also
Ordinances of 1 405, Appendix, vol 1, No. XVII. In Letter Biook K, fb. 2 5 5b, there
is an interesting petition of date 14 H which complains of secret sale of woollen
cloths, leather, and other goods ' between foreign and foreign to the great deroga-
c*on and prejudice of the franchise of the City and the grete hurte of the trcwc
franchised people of the same City '. The lieges of the King, merchants of
Guyenne, were, however, allowed to sell to each other. Cf. Ordinances
of 1405.
Digitized by
Google
from 1364 to 1479 105
on commodities of the realm, the lieges of Guyenne alone excepted ;
a statute which was enforced by the Mayor on the petition of the
Drapers.*
To carry out these ordinances a Keeper was appointed, to whom
an oath was administered that he would duly observe them.* In
1404 the Drapers were conciliated by being allowed to appoint
the Keeper, though he was to be admitted, and could be dismissed,
by the Mayor and Aldermen, while the Drapers were made
responsible ror any damage to the Hall by fire.^ Attempts were
evidently made to stop all sale by wholesale by ' foreigners '
(i.e. any but citizens) except at the Hall, but the Act of 7 Henry IV,
c. p (140^), as before stated, confirmed the right of Country
Drapers and sellers of cloth to sell their wares wholesale not-
withstanding any franchises, and declared in its preamble that
this had always been allowed.*
Shortly after the Drapers had secured the royal confirmation of The Dnpeis
their Mystery, the City of London was convulsed by the social, and the
religious, and political upheaval which began with the Good «^^«n»«n<^
Parliament of 1376 and ended with the fell of Richard 11. We ^ '^^ "^ •
have already dedt with this episode in the Introduction.' Whether
the Drapers took part in tne aaual struggle concerning John
of Northampton in their corporate capacity, or only as individuals,
* Letter Book I, fcs. 30, 37 b, 39 b, 40, 57-9 b.
' Herbert, i 412 ; Letter Book D, &>. 87 b ; Ordinances of 140^, Appendix^
▼ol. i. No. XVII, p. 159 of this volume.
^ Letter Book I, fb. 39b $ Ordinances of 1405, p. 259 of this volume. The
Master of the Mistery of Drapers to elect an able, wise and safHdent person to see
that all kmds of woollen cloth brought to Bakewellhall by Merchant Strangers
be sold as by Law. The office of Keeper was an honourable and remunerative
one. In 1472 Rich. Norman granted a house called the Gote in Chepe, the rent
of which, ]^io, was to furnish a salary £>r the Kee^r. To this Olney added
another tenement carrying a rent of i6^ on condition that he should succeed
Norman. Norman also bequeathed plate and jewels worth ^40 to the Keeper.
403, fe. I a, A. viiL 337* • Again, in 1493 Maister Isaac, Alderman and five
dmes Master (1488-9, 1491-3, 1497-8, 1 500-1, iyio-ii\ pays jf 10 for rent
of Bhckwellhall, and in if 05-^ Maister Galley (Galley) gives loo marks
(£133 6s. S(L) for the office. 403, fo. 57 a, 80 a.
* Herbert, L $97- See also Writ to Mayor and Sheriffs, 1419, to allow
Gbchworkers (cferarii fannormn) from foreign parts to enjoy their liberties as they
have been accustomed, under tneir Charter, Letter Book K, fo. 64 b.
5 C£ p. 30 ff.
Digitized by
Google
Fortunes of
the Drapers
daring the
reigns of
Richani II
and Henry
IV.
Internal
Condition of
the Drapers*
Gild or Fra-
ternity at
the begin-
ning of the
fifteenth
century.
104- History of the Gild of Drapers
we have no posttive evidence to show. Besides John of
Northampton only one other Draper, William Essex, is men-
tioned, but an interesting petition from the Mystery of Drapers
of the year 1387 against the election of Nicholas Brembre, as
Mayor in 1384, wmch has been discovered at the Becord Office,
looks as if they acted as a body, and conclusively proves at least
that the Drapers were jealous of the victualling Gilds/
During the reigns of Richard II and Henry IV the Drapers
share the fortunes of the Greater Livery Companies, amongst
whom they are now taking their place, and are gaining a part in
the control of the municipal government. iS\. this has been
treated of in the Introductory Chapter.* Meanwhile, the impor-
tance of the cloth trade, both for home consumption and for
foreign export, was increasing, and with it the influence of the
Drapers. We are not therefore surprised to find that between the
accession of Henry IV and the year 1458, the date of their second
Charter, six Drapers held the position of Mayor, of whom three had
been Sheriffs and three had represented the City in Parliament.
Besides these there were sixteen more Drapers who were either
Sheriffs, Aldermen, or Members of Parliament.^ This nouble rise
in the influence of the Drapers on the Municipal Government of
London was continued after that date, and was not confined to
the political sphere. Indeed the fifteenth century may be said
to have been the hey-day of the Gild as a controlling force on
the cloth trade within the City.
It is therefore most fortunate that with the opening of the fifteenth
century we at last reach some definite evidence with regard to
the internal condition of the Fraternity. This is found in the ordi-
nances of 140X and 1 41 8, and in the earliest Wardens' Accounts
that have been preserved. The accounts, which deal with ten years
between 141 3-14 and 1441-2, are, however, only fragmentary.^
' Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. VII. ^ C£ Introducdon.
^ Cf. Lists of Mayors, SherifTs, Aldermen, and M.P.'s who were Drapers.
Appendix, vol. ii. No. XXXI (f ).
^ They exist for the years 141 3-14 to 141^-^} 1418*9 to 1419-30$ 1433-4
to 1434-T 9 1439-40 to 1441-1. The accounts are printed folly, as well as
a description and abstract of the ordinances, in Appendices, vol. i, Nos. XVII and
XVIII. The ordinances should be compared with those of the religbns brother-
hood of 1 37 1, Appendix, vol. i. No. IV.
Digitized by
Google
from 1364 to 1479 loy
In the Ordinances the society styk themselves as * the Assem-
blage of the Fellyship of the Gild or Fraternity of our blessed Lady
of Drapers'.
The number of members who have obtained their freedom and The nam-
pay or owe qiiarterage, which is 3^. a quarter or \id. a year, ben of the
was, in the year 141 3-14, p5. In 1423-4 it had risen to io(J, ^^^^^
in X424-5' to 114 or n;-, and to \x6 in 1441-2. As, however,
the quanerage is by no means always paid and the arrears are not
always given, we cannot trust this evidence, and must look else-
where. In 141 3-14 we find 127 paying 4^. each towards the
expense of riding with the Sheriff, and in 1424-y i5p paying the
same contribution to the cost of ridine with the Mayor in his
procession, and since it is improbable that apprentices would pay
this contribution, these may be taken as the approximate numbers
of the Freemen at the given dates. From the subscriptions made
by members towards the building of their new Hall, it is evident
that some of them were men of some substance. One gives j^o,
two ;f2o, one j^io, five £f each, and the majority of the rest ^2.'
Moreover, out of the list of the subscribers we find five men who
were Mayors, of whom four were also members for the City, and
four others who were Sheriffs, one of whom again represented the
City in Parliament, while during the period covered by these
accounts five Parsons and two men of Law are members of the
Fraternity.'
Sisters are mentioned as before, but how they were to be
admitted we are not told till x^fSy when provision is made for
admitting them by Redemption.^
Since, as with the quarterage, the fees for apprenticeship TheAppren-
are irregularly paid, it is again impossible to be certain as to ^^^^•
the numbers of apprentices annually enrolled, but the number
appears to have varied considerably. In 1413-14 forty appren-
tices were admitted. In 1423-4 the number of admissions fell to
' These soms should be multiplied by 10 at least to represent present
▼alnes.
' The Parsons were the two chaplains of St. Mary Le Bowe and the Parsons of
^t. Martin's Orgar, St. Swithln's,St. Edmund's, and St. Mary Woolnove (WooUioth).
^ Sisters are also mentioned in the ordinances of the Religions Brotherhood
of 1 37 1, and also in the Charter of 1438, and in the Grant of Arms, 1439 (New
Style). C£ Appendix, vol. i, Nos. IV, IX, XI.
Digitized by
Google
io6 History of the Gild of Drapers
about fourteen and never rose above twenty-four till the year
1^33-4, when it reached thirty-one, to end, in 1441-1, with
fifty-five.
It was not often that a master apprenticed more than one in any
one year, but there are a few instances of persons enrolling as
many as three, while in the year 1^13-14 we meet with one
Draper, John Vyne, who apprentices nis son, and with another,
who apprentices a Shearman. The fee for apprenticeship, which
was paid by the master, fluauated. In 141 3-14 it was aoj. with
the exception of one who paid ' de veylle dette '. This looks as
if the fee was raised in that year. It remained at %os. till the
year 1434-x, with the exception of the year I4x8-p, when a man
pays 10/. for two apprentices. In 1434-T we again meet with
one who pays 10s. In 1439-40 the payment is 13 j. 4/. for each
apprentice, and in I44X los. is paid for fifteen apprentices, and
13x4/ for forty. It may be tnat the smaller sums are balances
due on old apprenticeships, although they are not so entered. In
any case it is clear that whereas in 141 3-14 the usual fee was 2oj.,
it had by I4dx>-i fidlen to I3.r. 4^/.
Ori^ of The best clue to this reduction will be found if we can prove
Distinaioii xhzi just at this moment those in the Livery were beginning to be
thoIe^La the ^^^g^^shed firom the ordinary freemen. Before this distinction
Livery and ^^^^ ^^^ ^ ^^ ^^^' included the fee for entrance into the fiiU
the Free- fellowship. At a later date, when the ' Livery * had been fiilly
men. established, the fee for entry into the Livery was 6s. 8^., which
together with the fee for apprenticeship on the new scale, 1 3 j. 41/.,
amounts to the old sum ot aoj.
This concession in the matter of the fee for apprenticeship
was, however, made to the master, who paid the fee for enrolment
of his apprentice, rather than to the apprentice himself^ who
found that to obtain his freedom he had to pay 3^ j^J.^ and even
then was excluded ft-om the Livery unless he was subsequently
admitted, and at a forther cost of (Jj. %d.
The wording of the ordinance concerning admission to the
Livery confirms this suggestion. In its altered form, which
belongs to some date after 1450, it runs ^ ordained is that every-
man, that shall be abyled and amytted by the whole body of the
Fellowship {being in the Livery) to wear the Livery and hath
Digitized by
Google
from 13^4/0 1479 107
been Prentys, shall pay at the leetle (least) at his entry 6s. 8^., to
the clerk 1x4^., and the beadle %d' '
By the introduction of the words in italics, ^ being in the
Lively \ the whole sense of the ordinance is changed. As it
stood originally it left the power to grant the Livery to all the
freemen, and agrees with a previous ordinance to the eflFect that
*all the company of the Fellowship every year or second
year . . . shaD be clothed in a sute and livery ' (an ordinance
which curiously enough remained). But in its altered form
a distinction h clearly made between those in the * Livery'
and the ordinary freeman. Meanwhile, during the period of
change a concession seems to have been made. All those who
have served their apprenticeship, and are admitted at all, except
one, are admitted, not into the ordinary freedom, but into tne
clothing, paying 6s. 8 J. ; ' and that one may have been a redemp-
doner, as was the case in 1439-40. By the year 147 T> when the
Wardens' Accounts are once more to hand, the change has been
finally completed. The fee for apprenticeship is i is. 4^. ; for
admission into the freedom is. 4^., and fer admission into the
Livery 6s. 84/., with fees to Clerk and Beadle.
By this date the numbers of those admitted into the ordinary
freedom has risen to twenty-three, while there is only one admission
to the Livery, and in the next year the numbers are, founeen
admitted into freedom, three only to the Livery .^
^ The words in italics are eWdent alteiadons made after 14^0 (c£ Ordinances,
Appendix, vol. i, Na XVII), since the clerk does not appear till that date.
' Apprentices admitted :
In 1413-14 None.
„ 1423-4 4 into Lively, none into the Freedom
» 1414—5 T >i » » »
» i4»8-9 ^ n St 31 i>
„ 141^30 1 „ I II jj
„ I45J-4 ^ » none „ „
53 1434-5 ^ » 33 93 33
„ 1439-40 None„ „ „ „
(i by Redemption payine 6f.)
„ 1441*2 None into Livery, none mto the Freedom.
^ The earliest instances of the distinction between the Livery and the Yeomen
or Freemen is in the case o£ the Cordwainers, 1387, and the Saddlers, 139^.
C£ Rjley's Memorials, pp. 495, 542. In the Taybn or Linen Armourers it is
Digitized by
Google
tioii.
io8 History of the Gild of Drapers
Admissioo It would also appear that it was during these critical years that
hy Redenp- the system of admitting members by redemption, that is to say,
without their having previously served an apprenticeship, was
introduced. The first mention of such admission, which was
originally granted by the Master and the Wardens, with the
assent of the Fraternity,' is in 1414-;', when one redempcioner
was admitted into the Livery ; in the following year two were
admitted by redemption into the Livery, and four more, apparently
by redemption, into the freedom only ; in 1439-40 three more
entered the clothing by redemption. The fees were settled
by a£reement and varied from £1 to £6 ijj. 44/. plus a fee to the
beadle, and later to the clerk. We have no nodce of a translation
from another Gild in the accounts, but from the Letter Books we
learn that in. 142/ a Linen Armourer, in 1433 a Weaver, in
143P a Taylor, in 144/ another Taylor, and in 14/2 a Dyer,
joined the Drapers' Gild because, as is explained in one case,
he had been long using the Mystery of a Draper."*
From the accounts of 1424-f we gather that these Drapers
were dispersed about equally in Cornhill and Candlewick Street,
while a few lived in Chepe and St. Swithin's Lane.^ The
Corporate Revenues of the Gild were not very great, except
in the years 1424-6, when they were increased by the sub-
scription iot their new Hall in St. Swithin's Lane. In 141 3-14
they only reached the modest sum oi £i'^ i/j. 6d, In 1441-2
femui as early as 141 1. Cbde, p. 60, It became general among the Greater
Companies at a later date. . Unwin, Gilds, p. 166,
* C£ Ordinance X (i). Appendix^ vol. i, No. XVII. In 1 104-5 the assent of
the Fellowship was dispensed with.
' Letter Book Kj £>. 29 b, 135 b, 174, 127, i^^b. Stow says that Simon
Eyre the Draper, Mayor in 144^, was translated from the Upholders
(ed. Kingsferd, L 153). The play by Dekker, who wrote in Elizabeth's reign,
makes hmi a Cordwainer or Shoemaker.
^ The numbers are : 31 in Cornhill $ 30 in Candlewick Street | 17 in Chepe
Lane \ 6 m St, Swithon's Lane. Four Drapers were Aldermen of Cornhill in
the fifteenth centniy — ^JohnGedney, 1435 ; Simon Eyre, 1449 j Ralph Joscelyn,
i^S^i ^' Drope, 1478. And fear of Candlewick Street: William Crowmere,
1410 J JohnBrockle, 1433 $ Nicholas Yoo, 1438; John Derby, 1444. Cornhill
in the reign of Henry VI was the home of Fripperers and Upholders, who soU
old apparel and household stuff (cf. Liber Albas, ed. Riley, p. xcii), and this was
the case in Stow*s day (cf. Stow, ed. Kingsferd,L 81, 199, 117, 1 18, 30^).
Phceof
Abode and
Coqx>rate
Rerennes.
Digitized by
Google
from 1^64. to 1479 109
they rose to ^ff ixs. i\d.'^ Of this income £1^ ifs. 4^. was,
in 141 3-14, derived from rents of houses, and paid by nine
tenants: in 144.1-2 it was £^^ ^s, 4^.,' paid by ten tenants.
Their other receipts were chiefly composed of quarterage, fees for
apprenticeship and entries into the freedom, fees for the election
dinner, fines fer offences committed by members, which were
very rare, and for breach of regulations with regard to cloth,
enforced by their search at j&irs and elsewhere, and imposed
on others besides members.^
In 141 4 we hear of only one account, that of the Box de Dieu The Spirit-
or Spiritual Box. Subsequently a Temporal Box was also estab- ^^ and
lished. Into the Spiritual Box were paid the Rents, the quarter- temporal
age, and the fees for apprenticeship ; into the Temporal, the fees
for entry in the Freedom and the Livery, fines, and subscriptions.
The expenses are varyincly distributed between the two boxes
till 142^-6. In I4a8-p tney are clubbed together. From 1430
the balance of the previous year is paid into the Spiritual Box
which bears all expenses, and from 1439 to 1442 we hear again of
only one Common Box.
The Disbursements, except for the building of the Hall, are very Disburse-
modest. They include alms. Chaplain's fees, fees for maintaining ments.
lights in Bowe Church, the Bedell's fees and those of servants,
food, drink, banners, and minstrels on public occasions. The
amount given in alms is absurdly small. In 1414-5' it amounted
to £8 lyj. 11^., after which it steadily declined, as the old
recipients died out. In i^s^^ there were only two almsmen,
in 1428 and 1429-30 only one, a certain Walter Honyspell who
had been a recipient of charity since 1424. But in 1433-4 he
^ Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII.
^ The actoal annual rental amounted to £z^ 4/. 9d. But there was one
arrear paid and one rent was only for half a year. From a return made to the
Crown in 1411 it appears that the Drapers stood fourth among the Livery
Companies as owners of City property. The Goldsmiths* rental amounted to
£^6 10/. o^., the Taylors* to £44 3/. 7<^, the Skinners' to jf 18 lu, 8(/., the
Mercers* to £13 i8x. 4</. Cf. Archaeoloeical Journal, vol. xlv, pp. s6^Si.
^ C£ Appendix^ vol. i, No. XVIII. A (&ier, a Kerseyman : Accounts No. 140,
1413-14. Men of Essex at St. Barthokmew's Fair; a man of Calais : Accounts,
1424-f. They pay a Serjeant for searching the measure of Adam Gemey,
a Shearman; Accounts, 1433-4.
Digitized by
Google
The
Wardens,
Master, and
Council.
The Bedell
and Qerk.
Chorch of
St, Mary at
Bowe and
their Chap-
lains.
no History of the Gild of Drapers
was apparently dead, and no one took his place till 1434-r,
when there were four almsmen who received in all ;^f 13J. ^.
Between 1440 and 1467 nothing was riven in alms.' The
expenditure on the election feasts and for processions is small
as compared with the extravagance of later years.
The Drapers were evidently careful men of business. In spite of
arrears, especially fer the payment of quarterage, which were often
heavy, rising in 144.1-2 to over £so^ they always had a balance,
though in i42j'-6,owing to the expenses over the Hall,it fell to 1^.
Up to the year 1439-40 the Gild had no Master, or rather
it had four Masters who represent the later Wardens. In that
year John Gedney became the first Master.* Although the later
Court of Assisunts does not appear by name, its functions were
exercised by a body termed the Council.
The only other important officer we hear of in the accounts is
the Bedell, or Common Clerk as he is called in the Ordinances.
He was evidently an official of some dignity, and probably united
in his person the later offices of Bedell and Clerk.^ He had to be
free of the Company ; his salary w^as nearly the same as that
of the Chaplains {£^ to their {ls\ ; he represented the Company
at ridings and processions, when he was provided with a horse
and with his dress at the Company's expense.
The earlier connexion of tne Drapers with the Hospital and
Church of St. Mary of Bethlehem seems not to have lasted long, and
certainly had been severed by the time their records begin.^ At
that date their chief church was that of St. Mary at Bowe,' where
' Alms were only given to those who had been admitted to the Freedom, and
had worn the clothing for seven years. It amounted to fixir marks yearly, imless
the almsman had been a Warden, when it was to be I4<L a week.
^ John Gedney had been imprisoned for refiisine the Aldermanic gown, bot
was M.P. for the City in 1414. In 1417-8 he was Mayor, and again in 1447-8.
In 1444 he married the widow of Robert Large, Mayor in 1439. But as she had
taken the veil, Gedney and his wife had to do penance. Stow, ed. Kingsford, L i %6.
^ The Clerk as a separate officer does not appear till after 14^0. The Grocers
also had a Beadle before they had a Clerk. Heath, Grocers, p. f 3.
^ The Chaplain of the Hospital of Bethlem, which was tnmed into a Poor House
after the Dissolution of the Monasteries, tells me that the Drapers used to send
a present of bans to the Hospital as late as i8io.
^ In 1^05 St. Michael's Cornhill took the place of that at Bowe, while in
1^03 they also had a Chapel in St. Mary of Avon.
Digitized by
Google
from 13^4 to 1479 III
they maintained a lights and endowed two Chaplains at a salary
of ^y each, who were to be free of the Company and admitted to
the Livery, receiving their sowns as a present. The Chaplains
conducted the masses and tne dirges for departed brothers and
sisters, and the requiem on the day following, as well as the
services on election days, at which all members were to attend.
The impression gathered from these early accounts is that
of a body of men who, with a few notable exceptions, are of
middle estate and moderate incomes, of businesslike habits, care-
ful administrators, orderly and pious people. All these points are
emphasized in their ordinances.
On the Day of the Assumption if it be a Sunday, or on the The Ordi-
Sunday after the Assumption, all the Fellowship except the nances,
apprentices shall attend Mass in the morning at their church
of St. Mary at Bowe, and offer a silver penny on the altar.
In the evening they shall attend a Dirge. On the Monday, after
a Requiem, and sometimes a Collation (sermon), they are to pro-
ceed to the Election Dinner, after which the Wardens for the
ensuing year, previously elected by the Aldermen and certain
of the Council, are to be presented for confirmation by the
whole Fellowship. Those elected to the post of Warden must
serve under penalty of a fine, but having served once they need
not serve again for five years.
Apart from regulations concerning Blackwellhall which have
already been given,' these ordinances are chiefly concerned with
the internal government of the Company. Thus the Wardens
are to render a yearly account at or before Halloween (Nov. i).
Quarterage, or the yearly fee, is to be la^/. The charge for
dinner is to be %s. when a new livery is ordered, jj. when it is
not. The livery is to be worn on all public occasions. When
the Mayor is entertained loj. is to be allowed for his dinner
if he be not a Draper, 40 j. if he is.
The choice of tne new livery, which is to be at the cost of the
members themselves, and the times when the colour of it is to be
changed are to be at the discretion of the Wardens and the
CounciL When the livery is of one colour a hood is to be worn,
' C£ p. 101.
Digitized by
Google
iix History of the Gild of Drapers
but not when it is * party ', L e, of more than one colour/ All
apprentices are to be enrolled An apprentice who cannot a^^ree
with his master, and apprentices and journeymen after their
term, are to serve none but members of the Fellowship. All
complaints against brethren are to be made first to the Wardens
before going to law. No brother is to betray anything said
in Council, or any secrets as to the selling or price of cloth. No
brother is to act as a go-between or broker betw*een Merchant
Strangers, or to set a rordgner to work, or to take a servant
or shop from his brother. All misbehaviour is to be punished
at the aiscretion of the Wardens, and any one who is rec^citrant
is to be presented to the Mayor as a * rebel '. That this was no
empty tnreat is proved by many instances of actual punishment
by the Wardens, and in 14.5^3 we find two Drapers, James
Falaron and Aungill de Pettis, put out of the Fraternity.'
The most important of these ordinances are to he read to
the whole company assembled at the Quarter Day Ciourts and are
noted with the word * Lege ' (To be read). In 1435 the Com-
mons petitioned that, whereas Masters, Wardens, &c., of several
Gilds, Fraternities, and Companies had, under colour of rule and
government and other terms in general words granted to them by
Charters, made among themselves several disloyal and little
reasonable ordinances, as well as corrected offences solely apper-
taining to the King, the lords of liberties and others, His Majesty
would ordain that all such ordinances should be approved and
registered before the Justices of the Peace or Governors of
cities, burghs, and towns in which such Gilds were situated,
and the Statute ly Henry VI, cc. 5, 7 (143^), embodied this
petition.
Building of In i^s we learn firom their accounts that the Drapers are
the First beginning to build their first hall in St. Swithin's Lane. The
Hall, I4XJ. gj.Qund on which it was built they appear to have secured in
1 385*, although it was held in trust for the Company by individual
' The cobar was varied many rimes rill the reien of James I, when permanent
coloars were adopted according to the style settled by the Heralds* Collet.
* Cf. Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII j Ordinances of 1408-18, p. s8. Herbert,
i 429, reads this 'aniez felaron and avictgett of pettis ', and translates it, ^any
felon or convia * ! !
Digitized by
Google
from 13^4 to 1479 iij
members, probably because of the difficulty of holding land
in mortmain.' It v^ould have been interesting to know what
it cost. Unfortunately the accounts are not complete, several
years being omitted. All that we can say is that in the first two
years, 1425- -5, some £i6s was expended, and that little more
than the stonework and roof had then been completed. Some
idea, however, may be formed of its interior from the various
accounts we have of its buildins;, and of later repairs. It con-
tained a spacious refectory or dining hall paintea green, with
a large fireplace, a large Chamber or Ciourt Room, a ' Chequer '
Chamber for the financial business, and a Ladies' Chamber. The
Hall had the usual raised dais (haut-pas) for the High Table, which
was at one time hung round with blue buckram, nine forms
surrounding the table, a bufiet, and a great cupboard. The Hall
was strewn with rushes. But the Ladies' Chamber and the
' Chequer ' Chamber were laid with mats and ornamented with
hangings on festal days. Besides these the offices consisted of
a kitchen, a pantry, a buttery, a store-room, and a scalding yard.
Special mention is made or the chimneys, three in number,
which were at that time somewhat of a novelty. The Hall
chimney was so large that a slip of ground had to be bought
to give it room. TTie windows were most if not all of them
glazed.
Meanwhile, the Drapers had received a fresh confirmation Charter of
of their privileges. The Charter of 17 Henry VI, 143 8-p, 17 Henry
differs in some material points from the Letters Patent of *>'^38"^-
Edward III. In the first place, whereas in the earlier grant
there is no mention of a religious Fraternity, and the privileges
conceded are solely concerned with trade, the Charter of
Henry VI, while giving them authority to elect a Master and
four Wardens ' to support the burden of business touching the
Mystery, Gild and Fraternity ', insists especially on the religious
aspect. ' Because of the special honour which we bear to the
Glorious Mother of God,' it runs, *we grant to our beloved
lieges, the men of the Mystery of Drapers, that they found "one
GiU or Fraternity '* in the honom* or the Blessed Virgin Mary,
mother of the Holy Lamb.^ Moreover, the Charter of Heiury VI
^ QL Appendix, voL i, No. XIX.
Digitized by
Google
114 History of the Gild of Drapers
definitely gives them a legal corporate unity. They are con-
stituted ^ in name and fact one perpetual Body and one Community
with perpetual succession and a Common Seal '. They and their
successors 'are empowered lawfully to purchase in fee and
perpetuity lands» tenements, rents and omer possessions from
any one ', and their representatives are to be allowed ' to plead
and be impleaded ' in the name of the Fraternity. No doubt,
as has been noticed in the Introduction,' neither the religious
bond nor the idea of the corporate unity had been absent before,
but now the Sute steps in. It replaces or reinforces the moral
sanction of the Church and gives to the Society a definite l^al
incorporation.
It would appear that the result of this grant was to empower
the Fraternity of the Drapers to hold lands in mortmain, since
they were allowed to ' purchase lands of any one \ and this privi-
InspexiinQs lege was further confirmed in the Inspeximus Charter oi 6 Ed-
Chartcrof -^ard IV,* which at the same time insists still more strongly
IWi^eL? ^^ ^^ religious fonctions of the Fraternity. This Charter
' '^ ' empowers the Company to acquire tenements, rents, and other
possessions whatsoever to the value of j^io per annum towards the
sustenance of their two Chaplains and for the celebration of
divine offices and other necessary burdens, while the Company
enpges that the Chaplains pray for the good estate of the King
Edward and his Queen ; for the wholesome government of the
said Fraternity of Drapers, and the brothers and sisters thereof
whilst living, and for their souls when dead, as also for the
souls of the King's late father Richard, Duke of York, Edmund,
Earl of Rutlano, brother to the King, the Earl of Salisbury
the King's kinsman, and Sir Thomas Neville, son to the said
Earl.>
Three minor points in the Charter of Henry VI may be noted.
' Introd., p. 4^.
' Appendix, roL i, Nos. IX, XII.
^ All of these had feufht in the Yorkist cause, and all had died on the
battle-field or on the bkx^. Richard, Duke of York, had been killed in the
battle of Wakefield (14^0) } Edmund, Earl of Rutland, younger brother of
Edwacd IV, also fell at Wakefield (1460) ait the age of 16 ^ the Earl of
Salisbary, uncle of Edwacd IV, had been tuen prisoner at the battle of Wake-
field (14^0) and was executed j Sir Thomas Neme was also killed at Wakefield.
Digitized by
Google
from 13^4 to 1479 115-
The office of Master is mentioned in addition to the four Wardens,
as well as Sisters of the Fraternity.'
The Drapers had now placed themselves alongside the nine
other Companies that had previously obtained Charters of In-
corporation.' Fifteen more feUowed before the end of the
fifteenth century. But all of these do not ever attain to the
position of the twelve Greater Livery Companies^^ among which
the Drapers were soon to win the third place.
The issue of the Charter by Henry VI was followed in the The Giant
same year by a grant to bear arms. The terms of this grant are ^ ^^^^
as follows: *It having pleased the King to grant by Letters c^^i^n^^*^
Patent to his humble and £dthful lieges of the Mystery of ^^^'
Drapers the right to fi>rm a Corporation, and the said Drapers
having requested me to devise a coat of arms which they may
represent on their Common Seal^ I, William Brugess, Garter King
or Arms, to please John Gedney their Master, their four Wardens
and other notables of the Fraternity and Company, have devised
as a coat of arms for a perpetual remembrance and in honour of
the most glorious Virgin and Mother, Mary, who is in the shadow
of the sun and yet shines with all clearness and purity, three
sunbeams issuing from three clouds of flame, crowned with three
imperial crowns of gold on a shield of azure, and, as appears
in the demonstrance of the said blazon, painted in their proper
colours in the margin of the present letter as the true blazoning
of the coat of arms.' ^ This was a distinction as yet conferred on
two other of the London Companies only.'
' Sisters. It was an old rule of the City that apprentices were to continue to
senre the widow of a brother for the residue of his time. Letter Book D,
lbs. 41b, 43. Sisters are also mentioned in the ordinance of the Relidous
FratemitY of 157 1. By an ordinance of 14^ they were to be admitted by
Redemption ^ cf. OrdinanceS| Appendix, toI. i. No. XV.
* The Skinners, 1395 i the Mercers, 1394$ the Saddlers, 139H ^^^ Gold-
smiths, 1398 \ the Taylors, 1408 $ the Grocen, 1429 \ the Fishmongers, 1433 $
the Vintners, 143^$ the Brewers, 1437* Cf Introduction, p. 47-
^ On the Greater Livery Companies, c£ Introduction, p. 47, note.
^ The most esctraordinary explanations have been given of these Crowns. By
some they have been held to represent the Crowns of England and France and
the Lordship of Ireland, then held by the English kines. Others have called them
the three Crowns on the Pope's Tiara. Doubtless, however, they are the Triple
Crowns of the Deity. Cf. Appendix, vol. i, Na XI, for a further note on them.
^ The Goldsmiths, in 1 39;^, and the Mercers, whose earliest arms were a repre-
Digitized by
Google
ii6 History of the Gild of Drapers
Grant of the Nor did the Toyal favour stop here. In the same year (17
Farm of the Henry VI) a grant of the Farm of the Aulnage of cloth was
^""^g* given to two Drapers, R. Sherborne and J. Derby.*
Style) ^ Shortly after a controversy arose between the Drapers and the
Contiorersy Taylors or Unen Armourers over the right of search. These
with the rivals, whose Graft had been declared separate from that of the
Taybrsorer Drapers by Brembre in 1385-, had received a Charter of Incor-
silrSf^^ poradon from Henry IV in 1408. They had long shared with
1439-47- ^^^ Drapers the right of search at the Fair of St. Bartholomew,
and of searching the stalls and houses belonging to their own
Fraternity. In 143^ they succeeded in obtaining ftirther Letters
Patent at the *grete cost of ^^71 ys. id' These Letters gave
them authority ^to make full search in and concerning the
Mysteries of tailoring and linen armouring within the City and
its Suburbs, and concerning all those persons that may be privi-
l^ed with the Taylors, and concerning such Mysteries, which
they, or any of them use '. It ftirther empowered them * to
sentation of Richard II, though they were sabseqnently altered. The Vintners
receired a grant in 14x7. Two others, the Ironmongers (i4fO ^^ ^^^
Merchant Taylors (1480), secured the same privilege before the close of the
century. None, however, of these Companies have preserved their grant, nor
does the Heralds' College possess them. This grant to the Drapers is therefore
the earliest document ot its kind.
' Aulnage. All cloth before it could be sold had to be viewed by the
Anlnager, who saw that the cloth was of the legal lengths and sealed it,
charging for the same. The lengths of the different kinds of cloths varied
according to the various Assizes, which present a perfectly bewildering mass of
legislation running from Magna Carta to the reign of James I. Neglect of this
rule led to forfeiture of the cloth, one-half of which went to the King and
one-half to the informer. In the reien of Edward III the Crown remitted its
share of the fines for a subsidy, and subsequently firmed oat the subsidy and the
aulnage to individuals, who paid an annual sum and recouped themselves by the
ftts and fines; in other words they became Aulnagen. By the Statute 4
Henry IV, c. 24 (1401), the Aulnager was to be an expert in the making of
cloth, and of the sufnciency of jfioo at least. Thomas Wotton had been
appointed in 1407. See on Aubaging, Rastall, Statutes on Cloth under head
Draperie j Statutes if Ed. Ill, 4. cc. i, i j 17 Ed. Ill, i. c. 4 ; 7 Ric. II, c 9 ;
4 Hen. IV, c. 14 $ 4 Ed. IV, cc. i, 3, 1 5 17 Ed. IV, c. f ; i Ric. Ill, c. 8 j
Letter Book E, fi>s. 43, 47 ; G, fo. ^9 ; I, fe. n ^ > Ashley, Econ. Hist., Book II,
c. iii, p. 123 3 Record CMfice, Exchequer Accounts, 137^-80, ^j^fT.
The office lasted till the reign of William III.
Digitized by
Google
from 13^4- to 1479 117
correct and reform all defects found among them according to
their discretions by the survey of the Mayor ', and ordered that
* no other person should make any search, but only the aforesaid
Mayor or his deputies, privil^ed of the aforesaid Taylors, and to
be elected (in de&ult) by the Master and Wardens of the
Taylors',* The Taylors had long enjoyed the right to make
searches of made-up cloth in the hands of their members, but
apparently they now extended it to others and to unmade cloth.
The Charter therefore roused the opposition of the Drapers. In
August 1441 they complained to the Mayor, John Pattesley, * that,
whereas in times past, the Master and Wardens of their Mystery,
in conjunction with a serjeant-at-mace of the Chamber of the
Guildhall, were accustomed to have the search of all woollen
doth, and of the measures called metyerdes brought to the city for
sale, they had recently been prevented in such search by men of
the Mystery of Taylors, on the ground that the right had been
vested in them by the Mayor ', and prayed a remedy. The Mayor
and Aldermen, 'taking into consideration that the science and
knowledge of measures and the defect and sufficiency of cloths
appertains to Drapers, but the fitting and sewing of doth are best
known to the Taylors, the two sdences bdng essentially different,
decreed that the Master and Wardens of Drapers should con-
tinue thdr search as before ' ; but for the purpose of peace, until
the Taylors shall have come and put in their reply, the Mayor
took asain into his own hands the search of woollen cloth ex-
posed tor sale by Taylors at St. Bartholomew's Fair, and appointed,
as his deputies, the Chamberlain, in conjunction with two sworn
men from the Mysteries of the Shearmen and the Fullers to assist
as experts. The King, however, in a subsequent writ, bade the
Mayor allow the Taylors to pursue thdr search pursuant to the
Letters Patent previously issued (August 14, 144.1).'
The confirmation of this privilege to the Taylors caused great
discontent not only among the Drapers, but in the City generally.
Accordingly, when, at the next election to the Mayoralty in
October, Ralph Holland, a Taylor, presented himself as a candi-
date, he was rejected in favour of Robert Clopton, a Draper
(October 1441). The Taylors recdved the news with the cry
' Clode, Merchant Taylors, i. 3^. * Letter Book K, io. \f)6 b.
Digitized by
Google
ii8 History of the Gild of Drapers
'Nay, nay, we will haye Ralph Holland*, and induced those of
the baser trades to take their part. As they refused 'to cease
their misrule for all the Mayor could sale ', the Mayor ordered
the Sheriffs to commit twelve or sixteen of the rioters to
Newgate."
No sooner was the Draper Clopton in power than he obtained
Letters Patent from the Crown confirming to him &r the time
present the right of search in respect of all Mysteries in the City,
notwithstanding the opposition of certain men of the Mystery of
Taylors and others (August 21, 1442). On the nth of the
October following, another Draper, John Norman, was elected
Mayor ; and on the 20th, the Recorder of the City was dispatched
to the King to ask for the repeal of the Charter granted to the
Taylors, as prejudicial to the Liberties of the City.*
In 1^7 the Taylors retaliated by disputing the Draoers' claim
to searcn the houses of Taylors &r meteyards and wooUen cloths.
But on the matter being referred to the Mayor, he, in accordance
with an order firom the KiM, confirmed the Draf>ers' right to
search, under the authority of^the Mayor and a Serjeant-at-mace
assigned to them, the said meteyards and all woollen cloths put
to sale by retail throughout the City according to custom.'
In Letter Book K, p. 321, fo. 237, we are told that this
ordinance of the Mayor had been surreptitiously cut out and
taken away, but that in 15-10 the Master and Wardens of the
Drapers' Company showed a copy of the ordinance in a certain
black book belonging to their Mystery and prayed that it should
be again inscribed in the City book, and that this was done.^
Tne controversy is interesting as illustrating the rivalry of the
' Clode, i 135, quoting from Holimhed, iii. 104. It was prbbaUy this tioc
which led to the rale that no one should come to the election of the Mayor bat
the Aldermen and more discreet persons (October 10, 1441), Letter Book K,
fe. lof ; and to the subsequent restriction of the rieht of voting to the members
of the Common Council and the Lirery Men of the Greater Companies. Cf.
Introd., p. 41.
' Letter Book K, fes. 197, 198.
^ Book of Evidences, A, fi». 1 53 b^ 1^0, i^i. C£ Appendix, toL 1, Not. XIII,
XIV.
^ Letter Book K, fo. 237 $ Book of Evidences, fe. 16% j Appendix, vol. i,
No. XIV, note.
Digitized by
Google
from 13^4 to 1479 119
two Companies, but the net result was that the old custom was
renewed, and that, while the Drapers continued to exercise their
right of search at the three £drs at Westminster, St. Bartholomew's,
and at Southwark, and in the shops of the City, over unmade cloth,
the Taylors secured their right of searching Taylors at the fairs
and in their houses with r^ard to made-up cloths.'
But if the Drapers and the Taylors were ready to quarrel oyer Oppositioa
their respective rights, they could at least make common cause ®£r"P*/f
aeainst all others, and this thev did when, shortly after, the ^||J*^
Shearmen sought for a Charter or Incorporation, and attempted to shearmen,
extend their right of search over those who were not of their
Craft.
The Wardens' Accounts for the year 1477-8 illustrate very
forcibly the determination with which the Drapers protected their
privil^es, and the serious expense which they incurred.' They
took counsel with ' Maister Pygot, Serjeaunt-at-Law ', at a cost
of//. ; they called in the Recorder, whose fee was 10/., and hurried
off to see the Chancellor. But die Mayor appears to have been
against them, for at his commandment John Beauchamp and
William Shucklebu^, two of the Wardens, were kept * in New-
gate Prison by the space of two days and a night ', and this cost
another 14X. Meanwhile, the Master, Edward Brampton, and
another Warden, William Spark, were riding hard to seek the
King (expenses £1^ 4/. o^.). Eventually, at the forther cost of
the good round sum of j^j-o. King Edward IV listened to their
remonstrances and those of the Taylors. In the nineteenth year
of his reign he issued Letters Patent ^ promising not to grant incor- The Shear-
poration to the Shearmen, and forther restricting their right of ."*" refcsed
search. The Shearmen were only to exercise meir customary 2^'**'*'
right of searching ' all manner of workmanship of shearing ' over
the members of their own Craft. If they found any doth or
clothes unduly shorn in the hands of Shearmen which belonged
' Clode, Merdiam Ta^bn, i 119.
* The total expense of ' stopping the grete sewte and labonre of the Shearmen '
amounted to l6o xy. 71L, with a result that the balance of £11 7/. tid.ah th«
kst fear was turned into a deficit of £17 5/. id. C£ Wardens' Accounts, 403,
lb. 15 a, b.
f A|^ndizj ToL i, Na XV.
Digitized by
Google
iio History of the Gild of Drapers
to members of the Tailors' or Drapers' Crafts, or of other Crafts^
they were not to seize it, as they had been doing of late, but to
punish the offender * according to reason '. The Shearmen sub-
mitted, and friendly relations seem to have been restored between
the two Companies, for in 1^82 we find the Drapers sending
a present of is. ^. to a Shearman for * presenting to them of
three dothis sette in Southwerk'/
Thus the supremacy of the Taylors and Drapers over the cloth
and clothing trade was for the time secured. The Shearmen, as
well as the Fullers, fell into a subordinate position. The Fullers
indeed obtained a Charter of Incorporation in ia8o and the
Shearmen in 15-07—8, but it was not till 15-28 tnat the two
Crafts, united and finally incorporated under the common name of
the Qothworkers, entered into a period of greater prosperity,
and of rivalry, more especially with the Merchant Taylors.*
Meanwhile we learn from the ordinances of 15-12 that Shearmen
as well as Fullers sometimes joined the Drapers' Gild and enrolled
apprentices.^ The Drapers had therefore now secured the mono-
poly of the right of buying and selling doth with some exceptions,
as well as of tne rieht of search of cloth, within the City.
The more diffioHt question to dedde is how fitr the Drapers of
London did, in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, develop
the manu&cturing side of their Craft, in the sense of superintending
the various processes and employing workmen of other Crafb.
The answer to this question turns partly upon the interpreution
we put upon the words ^faisours de Draps' (the makers of doth) and
the * Mystery of Drapery ' in the Charter of Edward III.* It is
possible that the meaning of* making doth ' may be the pressing,
' Wardens* Accoonts, 405, fe. x6 b.
' Hazlitt, LiYery Compauiies, pp. iii, 134.
^ Ordinances of ih^> Appendiz, ycL i. No. XVII. zL 13. Herbert wrooglx
represents this as if these men had to pay a fee on the indenture of their appren-
tices when they were not memben of the Drapers. Vol. i, p. 41^.
^ The Charters of Henry VI and Edward IV to the Drapers unfortunately
give ns no assistance. The first gives power to the Drapen to elect a Master
and foar Wardens to superintend the business touching their ^Mystery', bat
does not tell us what that Mystery was. The second deals exclusively with their
right to hold in mortmain and to establish a Chantry. C£ Appendisc^ toL i»
I&. IX, XII.
Digitized by
Google
from \%6^to 14-79 rii
fbldine;, or otherwise preparing it for the market But this seems
unlikely. ' Again,it might be held that a distinction is made between
the Glothmaker and the Draper, since the Charter, while it forbids
Weavers, Dyers, and Fullers to engage in the making of cloth,
does not in actual words confer the privil^e of making on
the Drapers, but only that which appertains to ^the Mystery
of Drapery \ And, if there had been a Gild of Clothmakers
in London at that time, I should have been strongly inclined to
adopt that interpretation. As, however, there was no such Gild,
or any other Gild, which was exercising the function of doth-
making in London at the time,' it must, I think, be taken that
the ^ making of cloth ', in the sense of superintending its manu-
&ctare, was part of the * Mystery of Drapery*. The term
' faisour de draps ' ]& often used in the Sututes of the period,
apparently as a synonym for the Draper.^ In those of 1464-^
and 1483 [4 £d. IV, c. i ; i Ric. Ill, c. 8], which make no men-*
tion of die Draper, the ^ £usour de draps ' is described as super^
intending the £ibrication of doth. It is he who delivers the
wool to the Carders, the Spinsters, the Fullers, the Shearmen, and
the Dyers. So, again, in the Libel of English Policy, which was
also written about this date, we again hear of Clothniakers but not
of Drapers.* It must, however, be remembered that these evi-
dences deal with the Draper generally, and though they may be
taken to prove that the Drapers outside London did devdop the
industrial side of their craft as well as that of selling,' it seems
' C£ p. 7^ of this Tol. Mcmsieor Pirenne says that withoat doabt the phiaso
was used abroad to mean the sapeiintending of the processes of making fxom
first to last.
* The Clothworker was a difierent perscm. He was originally a Shearaian.
As a Gild the Clothworkers do not exist till if i8, when they were united with
the Fullers. Hailitt, p. 331. The Clothier, who was certainly an entrepreneur,
does not appear till later, and the term is generally applied to those in the
country.
^ The Sumptuary Act 37 Ed. Ill, c. if ('5^5)> bowever, seems to make
a distinction between the ' fusonr de draps ' and the Draper : < Est ordeine que
les fetours des draps se conferment de fiure lenrs draps solonc le pris limite par
ceste ofdisiance, ec que tons les drapers acatent et ponrroient lenrs sortes accor-
dantz a mesme le pris.' See also the Proclamation of Edward III concerning
aulnare whidi speaks of ^pannarii sive £ictores pannorum ', Foedera, III. i. ^78.
^ wr^hc, Political Songs, RoUs Series, ii. 285.
^ Of coarse the country Draper dealt at least in the cloth which he made.
Digitized by
Google
11% History of the Gild of Drapers
pretty certain that the London Draper actually did little in the
way of superintending the manufacture of cloth, and that trading
was by fiir the more imporunt of his functions. In their petition
of 1 3TO against the Sutute of Cloth, which I have already quoted,'
they distinctly say that ' the manner of Drapers is to purchase
Cloth both at home and abroad, and to make lireries tor great
lords and others of the Commons '.
The Charter of Edward III itself lays most emphasis on the
trading side of the business ; on the excessive price caused by
others ' engrossing ' cloth, who are moreover ignorant of the
proper price of goods belonging to the Mystery of^>rapery, while
the use of the word 'Merchant Draper ' in the Charter seems to
imply that the Mystery is that of buying and selling.
So, again, the privu^e of appointing the Aulnager, and the
Keeper of Blackwellhall, and of^ naving the right ofsearch of all
clotns within the City and its suburbs, and of appointing attorneys
at Winchester Fair, privil^es of which the Drapers were so
tenacious, all bear upon the tradins rather than on the manu-
facturing function, and were claimed fox the purpose of checking
those faults and deceits which were mentioned in the Charter.
The ordinances, as they were submitted to writing in 1460, with
the subsequent alterations up to 15-00, tell the same tale. They
ferbid any one of the Fraternity to take any servant, house,
or grouna belonging to another brother without leave, or any
journeyman to open a shop till he be sworn a freeman. No one
is to inform a stranger as to the ^ fey tz ' (i. e. secrets) of Drapery, of
Thus tQ CoTenrry the members of tbe Trinity Gild, which was mainly composed
of Mercers and Drapers, are generally described as ^ Mercatores *, while the Qoch
Mart was called Drapery Hau. Green, Town Life Fifteenth Centnry, iL 104-7*
At Worcester an ordinance mns :
^ If any person occapyine cloth makyng sell or alter any cloth * (beyond
a certain amount) ^then (he is) to be contribating to the Drapers* crafte.'
Valentine Green, Worcester, ii. Appendix, p. xWiL
So, too^ the Stat. 7 Henry IV, c. iz (140^ ), protects the country ^ Drapers et
Tendonn de draps ' against the London Drapen who were trying to prevent their
jelling cloth in ^loss.
' Letter Bode F, fe. 197 $ p. 8f of this rd. The statement that Drapers
make liveries reminds one of the later work of the Kyttea and Hosiers who
are then members of the Drapen' Q)mpany.
Digitized by
Google
from \%6^to 1479 113
the price or measure of cloths, nor of the countries whence they
come, nor take such strangers to any place where they may have
knowledge of bargain-making or or price' or of any point
belonging to Drapery* There is not a word about their manu«
factories, of their buying wool, of their making doth, or of
* setting persons to work V or of the secrets of making, unless
they be included in the term, the ' feyts of drapery '.
Once more William Langland, the contemporary author of* The
Vision of Kers the Plowman ', speaks of Avarice learning from
Drapers £dse measures, and how to fasten pieces of cloth together
and press them out till they seemed longer, frauds which are
those not of the manufacturer, but of those who prepare the cloth
fer sale. In another passage he clubs the Mercers and Drapers
together, which would seem to show that he considered the
Drapers to be merchants, as we know the Mercers were.^ Lang-
lana apparently for some time resided in London, and therefore
may be taken as an authority for the City Drapers. It is true
that the notice of a Dye* house belonging to John of Northamp-
ton, the Draper Mayor, who was the opponent of Brembre in the
reign of Richard II,' and the fact that he and some few Drapers
are mentioned in the Excheauer Accounts of 1376 to 1380
as paying the aulnage and tlie subsidy on cloth, lead to the
' Ordinances, Appendix, toI. i, No. XVII, ix. i^, zL i.
' The alteration tn the Ordinance^ Appendix, toI. i, Na XVII, ix. 14, xL i,
which first forbade the employing ot ^Kytters ' not apprenticed in the Fellow-
ship, and the < setting of foreigners to work' is certainly later than 14^0 and
prokibly not earlier than if 01. Moreover Kytters had nothing to do with
the maJdng ot finishing of cloth. They are described as makers of gowns,
dooblets, jackets, kyrtells, and petticoats, App., toI. i. No. XVII, xi. 13.
^ Piers the Plowman, ed. Skeat, 1905 (modernized text), Pass. V, line 109 :
^Then I drew me to drapers my lesson to learn
To stretch out the staff till it looked the k>nger^
One lesson I learnt as to long striped clothes^
To pierce them with a needle and piece them together,
Pat them in a press and press them thereander
Till ten yards or twelve were tamed to thirteen.*
P^us. V, line 15T, ^ Mercer and Draper.'
^ ^ Le Dig Hoose,' Patent Rolls, 1 384, p. 4^1. Bot we are not told that he
used it himsel£ It may have been pact ot hu property which he let to others,
^ Cf. pp. 3»ff.
Digitized by
Google
114 History of the Gild of Drapers
conclusion that a few of them were conducting at least the
final processes of shearing, dyeing, fulling, and stretching.'
But there is at least no £finite mention of their conducting
or superintending the early process of weaving as the foreign
Draper did. And if John of Northampton had a Dye house, his
chief residence was close to the Steelyard,* which would be con-
veniently situated for conducting business as a general merchant
with the men of the Hanse.
Now all this evidence seems to me to prove conclusively that
the London Drapers did not in the later fourteenth and fifteenth
centuries take a serious part in superintending the making of
clotK It may be that, at the date of the Charter, the exact
' C£ Record Office, Excheqaer Accoants, 137^-80, ^iT. A Texy large
namber of persons are named as paying the subsidy which Edward III had been
granted in return fer a remission of the fine arising oat of anlnage, and also fer
some years of the anlnage fee. The professions of the payers are not given, but
I have feond fbar, who were certainly important Drapers, besides John of North-
ampton, lumely, John Bores, who was Sheriff in 1358-9$ John Hende, who
was Mayor twice, in 1 39i-z and 1404-5 $ John Gedney, the first Master^ 1439,
and twice Mayors and John Fisshe.
The question is whether it was the maker or the seller who had to get his
cloth measured and sealed by the Aulnager. On this point we may gain some
information from the Petition of 1350-1, mea in Rot. Pari. iL 130, 40 $ the
Statute of Cloth of 25 £d. III. 4, c. i ^351-^)1 and the Proclamation of
13^9, Cal. Close Rolls, 13^9, p. 87.
The petition demands that anlnage should be insisted upon because of frauds
as to the len^h and breadth of cloths made in Eneland and tUathen. The
statute orders that ^all cMpt vttuUbU in whose hands of the menluaux of £HgLmd or
othirs of the rtalm they be found ' shall be measured. The Proclamation ^ 1269
ordains that no Draper or Clothworker shall deliver any cloths out of their
keeping till the subsidy be paid. Now from this it would appear that where the
cloth was offered for sale by the maker in its finished state he would have to
submit it to the Aulnager and pay the subsidy. But that where a merchant or
a Draper boueht it in an unfinished condition and had it dressed, sheared, fulled,
and stretched (and dyed, i£ that was to be done), he would be the person to
have it sealed and pay the subsidy, more especially as the length and breadth
might be fraudulently extended in stretching on the tenter, which is a necessary
process after fulling. If this concbsion is correct we may take it that the
Drapers mentioned above had bought unfinished cloth, and havine Pushed it,
had to have it aulnaged and sealed, and paid the subsidy, and wonki do the same
with regard to foreign cloth which they imported. See York Memorandum Book,
Surtees Soc., 120, p.xxix.
^ Patent Rolls, 1385, p. 581.
Digitized by
Google
from 1364 to 1479 iif
fbnctions of the Clothmakers and the Drapers had not yet been
differentbted But in any case it is incredible that, if the
Drapers had been engaging to any extent in the manu&cture
of cloth, there would be no definite mention of it in their
records, nor any notice of any quarrels of the Drapers with the
handicraft Gilds on any question concerning the maxing of cloth,
while there are many concerning their privileges of buying
and selling and the right of search. The Drapers of London
then were for the most part exclusively traders. The more
opulent of them bought home-made cloth at Black wellhall and
at the £urs, and, when it was permitted, foreign cloth. Probably
some of them bought the cloth unsheared and undyed, and super-
intended those processes. They prepared it for the market and
then sold it by wholesale abroad, and by wholesale and retail
at home.
But they did not confine themselves to the trade in cloth.
Not only did they make liveries, and subsequently enrol Kytters
and Hosiers in their Fellowship, but they dealt at times in other
goods and were also money-lenders.' When, therefore, at the
close of the fifteenth century there was a remarkable expansion
in the export trade of English-made cloth, the ^ Merchant Draper '
was ready to enjgage as * a Merchant Adventurer ' in this profitable
business. To this point we shall return later.
Meanwhile, the more humble members of the Craft dealt more
especially by retail in their shops. As the division between those
in the livery and the ordinary fireeman arose, those in the cloth-
ing would mostly be Merchant Drapers, those out of the livery
smaller shopkeepers. It is just possible that some few Drapers
may have employed members or other Crafts engaged in the
various processes of clothmaking. But the admissions to the
Drapers' Gild of Weavers, Dyers, Shearmen, and Fullers with
which we meet in the fifteenth century should not be taken
' e. g. in 14^8 Henry Waver is given licence to export wools, woolfells, and
other goods quit of customs to recoup himself for a debt of l^oo owed him by
the King. Patent Rolls, 14^8, p. 85. In 147^ W. Henryot and Wm. Stocker
have licence to export wools, woollen cloths without grain, and other merchan-
dise. Ibid., 147^9 p- I- In 1481 Ed. Brampton exports wool. Ibid.^ 148 1,
p. 148.
Digitized by
Google
ii6 History of the Gild of Drapers
as any proof of this.' The translations are not confined to mem-
bers or these Gilds, but include Taylors and others. Far more
probably these men wished to become members of the Drapers'
Gild because they preferred the more profiuble business of trading
to that of making.
' Tbe earliest instance of a tiamladon is that of 141; ^a Linen Annoorer.
Between I4»5 and f 45% a Wearer, two Taylors, one Dyer are translated. Letter
Book K, fei. i9by 135 b, 174, »»7, %^6h.
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER IV
THE RELATIONS OF THE DRAPERS' GILD OR FRA-
TERNITY TO THE POLITICAL EVENTS OF THE
REIGNS OF HENRY V, HENRY VI, EDWARD IV,
RICHARD III, AND HENRY VIL
OR the sake of clearness we have
followed the internal history of
the Drapers up to the rdgn of
Edward IV. We must now re*
trace our steps.
On the relations of the Drapers
to the stirring events of Henry V,
Henry VI, and Edward IV, the
scanty records which we have
give us very little light. The
ordinances naturally are not con-
cerned with these national affairs,
while the accounts for some of
the years between 1^13 and
14^ are not much more help*
fill. This may at first sight appear strange, yet, after all, if we
were to take the accounts of any friendly society or commercial
company to-day, we should only expect to find notices that bear
on the spetJal ousiness in hand. Any other matters would only
be mentioned incidentally, as they affected the receipts and dis-
bursements or other interests of the society. Again, it should be
remembered that these early accounts are fragmentary and often
desert us in critical years. To public events accordingly we
have only two references. We hear of ridings to meet the King,
' The initial comes from the Ordinance Book of the Bachelors*
Digitized by
Google
ii8 Relations of the Drapers^ Gild to the
Henry V, and the Queen-Mother in 1+13, and of three expedi-
tions by water to take the oath to the young King Henry VI,
before, and when he was crowned in November i4Xp/ and
that is all.
Taxackmof We must therefbre go elsewhere for our information. In
5'* P*[JE^ 14.15 the necessities of the French War led Henry V to follow
£r* to' ^^ precedent of Henry IV in 140 3-^ and to impose another tax
the J^fery ^^ hindi. Henry IV had only levied it at the rate of is. on the
Companies pound's worth ofland^ Henry V demanded 6s. 8^. An Exchequer
by Henry IV Koll at the Guildhall gives a return of the owners of landed
and Henry property in the City. The return is of great interest as inform-
ing us of the relative wealth of the leading Livery Companies.
The Goldsmiths are returned as possessing the largest rental,
£^6 10s. o\J. The Taylors stand next with a rental of ^£44 5/. 74^.,
the Saddlers next with £1^ 6s. SJ.j while the Mercers, now one
of the wealthiest, had only £11 Ss. 4^. These are strange
figures as compared with their rentals to-day, it has been well
pointed out, although no doubt there were many wealthy men
who held no freehold or leasehold property.
No return is given of the rental of the Drapers, but
we have the names of ten Drapers recorded on the Exchequer
Boll,' and fertunately the accounts of 141 3-14 inform us that the
rentals of the Drapers in that year stood at £%x 13/. 6i/. They
were therefore tne third richest in Qty property. Again,
* Earliest Wardens' Accounts, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVIII. The word is written
^terment* (internment) on pp. 3 1 3, 3 lo. Bat it should probably be ' cerment ' or
' sermem ' (oath), as it is on p. 301.
£ s. d.
" Joh's AUeU .... 18 1 10 perannnm
Thorn' Wotton ... 13 ^ 8 „ „
Joh'es Bokenham i^ 13 4
Rob's Dymmok 4 10 8
WilT Weston . . . 103 o o
Walteras Redeler . . 115 8 o
Henr' Hert (Pannarios) 1^ 8 o „ „
Joh'es Boston . • . lof o o
Job' Prentot .... ^000
Joh'es Gedeney • . . 108 1 1 o
Cf. Letter Book I, (Introd.) xy, ibs. 17, 108b, iii b^ Notes 5 Exchequer Lay
Subsidy, in Archaeolog. Journal, xU?. 5^.
99 99
99 »
Digitized by
Google
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 119
when in 141 7 Henry V had recourse to a loan levied by voluntary
contributions from individuals, as security for which the Kine
pledged a Spanish sword mounted with gold and enriched with
jewas of the estimated value of ^^2,000, we find six Drapers con-
spicuous among the contributors.* The sword was surrendered
to the King in return for a custom on wool given to those who
subscribed.
During the first half of the century the Drapers almost The Drapers
monopolized the office of Mayor, five Drapers holding the take part in
office and two of them twice." Nor were they absent firom !^^;*^**
the great festal and funeral processions of which that age was gcants*of
so tend. Thus, on October 28, i+i j, the Mayor, Nicholas flic Day.
Wotton a Draper, the Aldermen, and an immense number of the
community went on fi)ot like pilgrims to Westminster to return
thanks for the joyous news of the victory at Agincourt.* In
142a the Livery Companies provided an torches at the burial of
Henry V, the Chamberlain presenting to each torchbeafer a gown
and a hood of * blanket ' (a white doth) at the cost of the
Commonalty, and the Drapers and Mercers went to Westminster
in barges instead of riding as had hitherto been the custom.^ In
143 a Henry VI, on returning from being crowned King of
France, was met by the Mayor and more than i,aoo citizens,
who rode to Blackheath to meet the King, and brought him
to Westminster, where he was received in London with great
pageants.'
Gregory's Chronicle thus tells the tale oi this, one of the
earliest pageants described :^
< And whenne the kynge come to Londyn Bryege there was made
a towre, and there yn stondynge a gyaimte welle arayde and welle
' Nicholas Wotton subscribed f loo, one of the highest $ William Cxowmer
iCiooj John Gedney and William Norton Ixo each} Thomas Faaconer 40
marks \ Thomas Pyke l^o. Cf. Letter Book I, £>. zi8 b.
' William Crowmer, 141 3-14, 1425-4$ Nicholas Wotton, I4i^f-i^,
143 o-z } John Gedney, 1427-8 \ John Bxokeley, 1433-4 \ Robert Ck)ptoa,
1441-2.
^ Letter Book I, £>. 1 59. ^ Letter Book K, £>. i b j Herbert, L 98.
^ Letter Book K, fes. 103 b, 104 b.
^ Gregory's Chronicle, ed. Gairdner, 1876, p. 173. Cf. also Fabyan,
ed. 181 1, p. ^03.
Digitized by
Google
igo Relations of the Thrapers' Gild to the
be-sene, whythe a swerde holdyage uppe on hye, sayynge thys reson in
Latvn, ^^ Inimicos ejus induam confusioQe *\ And on every syde of hym
stode an aotiloppcy that one holdynge the armys of Ingelond and that
othyr the armys of Fraunce« Ande at the drawe bry^e there was
a nothyr ryalle toure, there yn stondyn^e III emprvssys ryally arayde,
whythe crownys on hyr heddys, the whv(£e namys folowyn here : fyrste,
Nature; the secunde, Grace; the tnyrde, Fortune, presentyng hym
whythe gyftys of grace. The fyrste gafie hym Scycnce and Cunnynge,
and the secunde ga£fe hym Prosperyte and Kyches. And on the right
syde of the empervssys stode VII favre maydyns dothyde alle in wl^e,
i-powderyde whytne sonnjrs of goloe, presentynge the kvng whythe Vil
gyftys of the Holy Goste in the lykenys of VU whyte dovys by f^ure
outwarde, whythe thys resonys : ^ Impleat te Dominus spiritu sapiencie
et intellectus, spiritu consilli et fortitudinis, sciende et pietatys, spiritu
timorys Domini.*' And on the lyfte syde of thes emperysse stode VII
othyr fayre maydyns in whythe, powderyde whythe sternrs of golde,
presentynge the kyng whythe VII gyftys of worschyppe. The ftrrstc was
a crowne Si glorye, the seconde with a cepter of clennysse, the III whythe
a swyrde of ryght and vyctorye, the IIII whythe a mantelle of prudence,
the V whythe a schylde of fttythe, the VI an helme of helmc, the VII
a gyrdylle of love and of parfyte pes. And thys maydens song an
hevynly songe unto the Kynge ot praysynge and of his vyctorye and
welle comynge home. And whenne he come unto Cornehylle, thereyn the
VII scyence^ and every scyence schewynge hys propyr comyng wondyrly
i-wroughte.
And whenne he come to the Condyte of Comhylle there was a taber-
nacule, and there yn syttynge a kynge whythe a ryalle aparayle. And
on the ryght syde sate the lady of Mercy, ande on the lyfte syde sate the
lady of Tioughthe, and the lady of Clennysse hem imbrasyng with
Reson. And by-fbre the kyng stode II jugys of grete worthynys, whythe
VIII sergauntys of lawe ther presente for the comyn profy e repre-
sentynge of dome and of rightuysnysse, with thys scryptura,
" Honowre of kyngs in every mannys syght
Of comyn custome lovythe equyte and ryghte/'
And so the kyng rode forthe an tsf passe tylle he come unto the Grete
Condyte, ande there was made a ryalle syghte lyke unto Paradys, whythe
all maner of ftontys of delys. And there were vyrgynnys there, drawyng
waterys and wynys of joye, and 6t plesaunce and comtorte, the whyche
ranne to every mannys comforte and helthe. Thes maydyns were
namyd : Mercy, Grace, and Pytte, And in this Paradys stode 11 olde
men lyke hevynly folke, the whyche were Ennocke and Ely, saluynge
the kynge whythe wordys of grace and vertu.
Digitized by
Google
Tolitical Events from Henry Vto VII 131
And soo rode he fbrthe unto the Crosse in Cheppe. There stode
a ryalle casteUe of jasper grene^and there yn iigrene treys stondyng uppe
ryght, shewing the ryjjht tytyllys of the Kyng ot IngloncI and of Fraunce,
convaying fro Synt Edwarde and Synt Lowys be k^gys unto the tyme of
Kyng Harry Vlth, every kynge stondvnge whythehys cote armowre, sum
lyberdys and sum flourdelysse ; ana on that othyr syde was made the
Jesse of owre Lorde ascendyng uppewarde from Davyd unto Jesu. And
so rode he fbrthe unto the Lytylle Condyte. And there was a ryalle
mageste of the Trynyte, fiille of angelys syngyng hevynly songys,
blessynge ande halowynge the kyngys whythe thes resonys in Latyn
wrytyn : ^ Angelis suis mandavit de te ut custodiant te, &c Longi-
tudinem dierum replebo in eum et ostendam lUi salutare meum/' And
thenne went he fbrthe unto Poulys, and there he was ressay vyd whythe
many byschoppys and prelatys whythe the dene and the quere, and
whythe devoute songe, as hyt longythe to a kynge. Ande so he
ofierryd there and thiuokyd God of hys goode speede and of hys welfare.
And thenne he rode to Westemystcr, and there he rested hym; and on
the nexte day fblowynge the Mayre and the Aldyrmen whythe certayne
comeners that were worthy men, and they presentyde the Kynge whythe
an hampyr of sylvyr and gylte, whythe a Ml" (;f looo) there yn of
nobellys, &c'
In 1441 the Mayor, Clopton, again a Draper, and members of
the Livery Companies were present at a very different spectacle.
When the un£>rtunate Eleanor G)bham, the wife of Humphrey
Duke of Gloucester, had to make her three days* walk of penance
for her supposed treacherous designs against the King Henry VI
and his Q^een, they showed their sympathy by attending her.'
With the year i44X the earliest Wardens' Accounts come to an
end, and no private records of the Fellowship have survived till
we come to the accounts of i^S- Nothing, however, of impor-
tance to the Fellowship or to the City appears to have happened
until the outbreak of the Wars of the Roses in 145-5', except
the inauguration of the custom that the Mayor should go
by water to Westminster on his election procession. This is
attributed to John Norman, the Draper who was Mayor in 14x3.
It is said that the reason for this change was that the worthy
Draper was lame. But the practice was confirmed by an order oi
the Common Council in tne same year, and was henceforth
followed by the Mayors in going to Westminster, although later
^ Nicolas, Chron. of London, p. 129.
Digitized by
Google
igi Relations of the I>rapers^ Gild to the
Mayors at least returned by land, and, as the State Barges of the
Gilds contributed to the future magnificence of the Mayors'
election processions and eave good employment to the water-
men, the memory of l^^rman was recorded in a doggerel
rhyme.'
It does not, however, appear that the procession of i^si was
peculiarly magnificent. Nor had the City much cause for rejoic-
ing. In the previous July the unfortunate King Henry VI had
lost his reason, and, if there was at the moment a brief reconcilia-
tion between die rival parties of Somerset and York, they were to
appeal to arms before two years were ouc
London dar- Of the attitude of the Drapers during the Wars of the Roses we
ing the know hardlv anything. Their accounts stop in 1441, and we
Wars of the \^^y^ ^q autnority till 14! j". But in all probability tney followed
^"* the temporizing policy of the City. Until i^tJo it adhered to
Henry VI, but then wavered in its allegiance. *Then come
tydyngs of the comyng of the Erie of Marche (Ed. IV) unto
London ; thenn alle the cytte were fayne, and thonkyd God and
sayde that *^ He that had London forsake wold no more to them
take ", and sayde " Lette us walke in a new wyne yerde and lette
us make us a gay garden in the monythe of Marche with this
feyre white rose and herbe, the Erie or Marche ".* "
Edward IV, Edward rV depended on the commercial classes. He is said to
the Ctty,and have obtained the loans and other financial assistance he received
the Gilds. fi-Q^ {j^^ burgesses by the kisses he bestowed upon their wives,
and his alliance ^ with Charles the Bold, the powerfiil Duke
of Burgundy, was popular owing to the trade with the Nether-
lands, which formed part of the Duke's dominions. His rdgn
* Stiype, Stow, ed. 17H, ii. iii. John Noraian 'caused a bam to be
made at Jus own Charge, and every Company had several Barges, well decked
and trimmed, to piss along with him. For Joy whereof, the Watermen
made a Song in his Praise, beginning ''Row thy Boat, Norman, ftc.**' This
was not, however, the first time that the Gilds used barges. The Drapers
went in a barge to the fbneral of Henry V. They hired a ^arge fer the
SherifTs procession as early as 1425. Nor again had the Drapers a barge of
their own till the sixteenth century. Cf. Letter Book £, p. xii. Rep. 403,
fes. 13 a, 47 a.
' Gregory, Chronicle, ed. Gairdner,p. 215.
^ Charles the Bold married his sister Margaret.
Digitized by
Google
The Musicians
I47»
The Parish Clerks
I47T
The Carpenters
1477
The Fullers
1480
The Cooks
1482
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 133
is marked by Charters to ten other Gilds ' besides that of the
Drapers. He also confirmed Henry IV's grants to the City
of tne tolls of Billingsgate and Smithfield and the weighing
of the wool at the Tron, as well as the right to hold a yearly
Fair and a Court of Pie Powder in the vill of Southwark,"
which had originally been granted to London by Edward III.^
Finally, by his protective policy he nursed the manu&cture of
cloth, as well as of other articles, and he &voured the Gilds,,
whose whole history is based on the exclusion of the foreigner/
* They were :
The Tallow Chandlen > ^
The Baibers / '^^*
The Ironmongers 14^3
The Pewterers 14^8
The Dyers 1471
' Sharpe, L 508. The Borough of Southwark consisted of three Manors : the
GiUable Manor or Vill, the King's Manor, and the Great Liberty Manor. It
was the first of these that had been granted by Edward III. It was not till
1550 that all the royal franchises were sold to the City, and that it became one
of the Wards, nnder the name of the Ward of Bridge Withoat. Sharpe, London,
i. 442 J Bcaven, Aldermen, II. xy.
^ Sharpe, London, L 308. This was in return for a loan.
The King's Beam, Tron, or Balance was used for weighing all heavy articles
of merchandise sold by weight in the City, for the purpose of estimating the
does. Whereas by ancient custom the buyer had been allowed a ^ draft ' or bonus
on his purchase, in 1257 this bonus was fixed at 4 lb. in each cwt. Edward I
in the Statute de Nova Custnma gave offence to the citizens by forther changing
the method of weighing goods at the Kine's Beam. In 1309 the bonus was
abolished, and £umess a&e for buyer and seller was ordained. Besides the
King's or Great Beam there was in the Gty a small Beam for weighing silks,
drags, and groceries.
Since the reign of Henry IV the Qty enjoyed the privilege of farming out the
Beams. But the Grocers soon secured the right of electing the weigher of the
Great Beam and the Mercers that of the Small Beam. C£ Liber Albus, ed.
Riley, p. 199$ Letter Book B, Introduction, p. ▼$ C, Introdncdon, p. xt; D,
Introduction, p. xvi, and fos. 97, 128-97 \ F, xxxiii, Arnold's Chxon., ed. 1811,
p. 100.
^ The policy was not entirely new^ but it became more systemadzed under
Edward IV. 3 Ed. IV, c. i, limited the export of wool to denizens $ 3 Ed. I V, c. 4,
and 4 Ed. IV, c. 7, prohibited the importation of a k>ng list of foreign manu-
factures including cloth \ 7 Ed. IV, c. 3, forbad the exportadon of ck>th not
finished and follra. The policy was continued by Henry VII and Henry VIII j
e. g. 3 Hen. VII, c. 1 1, No cbth to be taken out of the country dll it be
* rarfaied, rowed and shorn '. Cf. Rastall, Stats. Draperie.
Digitized by
Google
134 Relations of the Drapers^ Gild to the
On the other hand, Edward was licentious and tyrannical
There were many who pitied the un&rtunate King Henry ; the
hlood feuds caused by the late battles were deep, and many of the
nobility were openly or secretly hostile.
Changeable The reign, tneretore, was fiul of trouble, and it was not till
policy of the i^^i that Edward really secured his throne. The politics of the
City dnnng Q^y between 1460 and 14.71 were again neither consistent nor
LTirarlf^V. ^oiiourable, but they generally leant to the winning side. Un-
fortunately the accounts of the Drapers between 1441 and 14.75-
have perished. The Charters which they obtained from the King
show that they succeeded in winning the royal &vour, and yet
we learn enough from other authorities to prove that they
followed the slmting policy of the City, though probably rather
as individuals than in their corporate capacity. Thus, at the
accession of Edward IV, Thomas Cooke, a wealthy Draper, was
Mayor. He was succeeded by Ralph Joscelyne, another Draper.
Both these men, as well as another Draper, Henry Wavyr or
Whafyr, were knighted by the King at the coronation of the
Queen (Elizabeth WydeviUe) in 1465-.' No sooner, however,
did Warwick the King-maker quarrel with Edward {1^9) than
Sir Thomas Cooke began to waver. He was arrested and
charged with treason, and though only feund guilty of misprision
of treason, scarce regained his liberty at the price of the heavy
fine of ;^8,ooo to the King, as well as 800 marks to the Queen, and
the loss of his Aldermanry, while some of his lands were seized by
Rivers, the father of the ^een."
On the flight of Edward IV in 14.70, Sir Thomas Cooke
seemed likely to regain his position. He was returned to Parlia-
ment. He undertook the duties of the Mayoralty in the place of
John Stockton, who wisely feigned sickness, and put in a bill for
the restoration of the lan^ he nad lost, and according to Fabyan,
who was himself a Draper, ^had good comfort to have been
allowyd since he was a man of great boldness of speke and well
spoken and singularly witted and well reasoned'. His hopes,
' Gregory, Chronicle, p. aiS ; Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. ^^f.
' Fabyan, pp. 6$^-^- The fine to the Queen was according to the old
custom of Anram Reginae or Queen's gold, i. e. one hundred marks ibr every
thousand pounds due to the King.
Digitized by
Google
ToUtical Events from Henry V to VII ijy
however, were short-lived. Edward IV returned, and Cooke,
failing in an attempt to escape to France, was again imprisoned.
He once more reined his liberty and, though prohahly fined
once more, lived for seven years afterwards, to die a wealthy man
and become the ancestor of Chancellor Bacon.
The Lancastrian party declared that Cooke was unjustly
accused, or that his only offence was that he had £iiled to inferm
the King of an approach made to him (Cooke) by the Lancastrian
partisans. For this he was found guilty of * misprision of treason *.
Certainly Edward appeared very vindictive, for Markham the
judge was dismissed from his office for having determined that
Cooke's offence was not treason. It was evidently a 'cause
cilebre \ Fortescue, the Lancastrian writer, alludes to it in his
^ De laudibus legum Angliae ', and the Duke of Buckingham, when
speaking in £ivour of Richard Ill's claims to the throne in 148 3,
referred to this case as a notable example of the tyranny of
Edward IV. It is difficult, if not impossible, to come to
a decision on the matter. But in those days, when the fertunes
of the two parties were constantly changing, it was no easy
matter for any man of prominence to save his head, and one
cannot wonder at some trimming.'
When Edward had finally secured his throne by the defeat
and death of Warwick at Barnet (April 1471) and the overthrow
of Margaret at Tewkesbury (May 14.71), the City definitely
returned to his all^;iance and proved tneir loyalty at the time ot
the expiring effort of the Bastard of Falconberg" (May 1471).
Headed by Sir Ralph Joscelyne, the late Draper Mayor, the City
levies repulsed the Bastard's attack on the City and twelve Alder-
men, of whom three were Drapers, were knighted on the field.^
^ Gregory, Chronicle, Introd. p. xxxiii and pp. 255-7 ; Fabyan, pp. ^55-^$
Fonescne, De laudilHis, ed. Amos, p. 71 $ Orridge, Citizens of London and their
Rulers, pp. %6 fT., 222.
^ He was the illentimate son of the Earl of Kent. He had abandoned his
father^s party probab^ when Warwick quarrelled with Edward IV.
^ Fabyan, p. 5^2} Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, quoting Gnildhali
JoQmals, ▼, fbs. 1 5 2-7 5 . The Drapers were William Stouer, Thomas S tallbtooke,
Barthobmew James. Barthobmew James and Will. Stokker were subsequently
Mayors in 1479-80 and 1484 respectively. Sir Ralph Joscelyne took a prominent
part in rebnilcUng the City walls. The Drapers defrayed the expense for the
Digitized by
Google
New ^
material
famished
by the
Drapers'
Docaments.
Nature of
the Eri-
dence.
13d Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the
Although, as said above, it would be rash to decide from the
scanty infermation we have that the Company had, during these
troublous times, any very definite policy, the part which some of
the members took at least reminds us forcibly of the influential
position which the Drapers had attained.
In the year \^o we welcome once more the appearance of
definite evidence. Hitherto, with the exception ot the years
between 1413 and 1441, we have had no actual records ot the
Company to guide us, beyond that of their Charters and their
earliest ordinances of 140^-18. Henceforth our difficulty will
rather consist in co-ordinating and arranging the increasing
volume of £icts which are recorded in the Books of the Company.
These commence with the ordinances which were finally com-
mitted to writing in 14^0, and are supplemented from time to
time.' In 1475- the Wardens' Accounts again begin, to continue
hence&rth without a break. In 148 1 they are supplemented by
the Renters' Accounts, while the Minutes or Repertories com-
mence in the year 15-1^."
As mentioned before, we must remember the nature of the
evidence which we have before us. The ordinances only help
us to understand the internal government of the Company, while
in the accounts the importance of every event is measured from
the financial standpoint, that is to say, with a regard to its eflFect
on the receipts or disbursements of the Company.
Thus the election of Mr. Ralph Joscelyne the Draper as Mayor
in 1 47 6-7 looms largely in their accounts because of the expense
(over ;^p) they then incurred in honour of their brother,^ and
the repairs of the wall of the City are entered on account of the
share \£^\ i6s. od.) they had to take in the cost thereof
Meanwhile, the public events of this period, many of which
formed a crisis in the history of our country, are noticed, if at all,
in cold impartial terms. Thus in 1476 the return of Edward IV
from his French expedition appears in the accounts because the
wall between Bishopsgate and Moorgate. The other Gilds helped with other
parts. The rest was paid for by an assessment of 6d. per head on the citizens.
' Cf. Ordinances, Appendix, toI. i. No. XVII.
* For an account of these, cf. Appendix, toI. i, Nos. XX, XXIL
^ Wardens' Accounts, 403, fo. 9 a.
Digitized by
Google
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 137
Craft was cessed for forty persons to ride to meet the King at
the cost of ;^2o, and in the same year the Drapers took an im-
portant part in the Midsummer Watch of that year since a Draper,
Sir Ralph Joscdyne, was Mayor.' In 14^3 the entry of young
Edwara V is mentioned because they were cessed for thirty
persons to ride and meet him, but the Wardens are more con-
cerned with the &ct that, though the assessment amounted to
£,\y 6j. iod.y they had only received ^^14 is. %d. from the
members. And so it is with the rdgn of Richard III. His
seizure of the crown is only alluded to because ' the crafte was
assessed ' for twenty-four persons, the same to be paid for, ' though
the crafte recdved not all of it', while the pardon, which
Richard III gradously bestowed on them for naving shown
honour to the unfortunate Prince Edward, would have found no
place in the accounts if it had not been that ;^i iix 4//. was paid
for the writing and sealing thereof' So again in the Accounts of
1^84-5- the foneral of Queen Anne is noticed because of the cost
ot ' bote hire ' to Westminster, which however was only p^/., and
therefore recdves less attention than the death of Richard Chester,
one of the Sheriffs, who was a Draper. Finally, the momentous
Battle of Bosworth is not referred to, though the triumphal entry
of Henry VII into London takes up some space in the accounts
because of the thirty livery men who were selected to * ride and
fetch the King ' clad in bright murrey (crimson) at a cost of ;^i^,
and because there were twenty-seven defaiilters in paying the
assessment which was made on members. The Company also
took barge to meet the King beyond Battersea at a cost of 2i.r.
for barge hire, and 6sx SJ. for two * taboretts ' in the barge. The
refreshments consisted of a kilderkin of ale aj*. i//., bread 4^.,
J ribs of beef I J., pepyns 6J.y and a botell of wine i if^/.^
' The expenses of this Watch were only £$ 15/. lod. As this mieht be
compared with the £ir greater cost of later Midsnmmer Watches, especially that
of I $41, 1 give it in the Appendix, toI. ii, No. VII.
* Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. 2^ a, 29 b, 50 a.
^ Wardens' Accounts, 405, 33 a, 35 b. 'The Mair's commission for this
sessing, sealed with the seale of his mairalty ' was as follows :
'Drapers, Panreith xxx persones honestly and cleanly arrayed in bright
mnrrey after the patron (pattern) here inclosed to mete with the King on hors-
bak on Satterday next commyng.'
HM-l T
Digitized by
Google
igS Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the
Significant These are all the ce&rences that we have to the tragic reigii of
omissions Richard, and it h sigaificant that we hear nothing of the loan
^f *^*""? "* granted to the King by the City in return for a general pardon,
^'^ard III. ^^^^1^ presumably the Drapers did not subscribe to it as a Com<'
pany. Of the Letters Patent of 1484, in which Richard III,
evidently with a desire to gain their 8iq>port, released the Company
from all forfeitures incurrol on any grounds before the first year
of his reign, we are only told of the fee paid to H. Woodcock fer
writing and sealing the document. But this omission at least
proves that Richard did not, as was usual, demand any pecuniary
return. In these letters Richard promises remission of all for-
feiture incurred for all possible offences committed before the
b^inning of his reign. The pardon with r^rd to the wearing of
livery was, according to Stow (ed. Kingsford, ii. ipx"), unnecessary
since the Act 7 Henry IV, c. 14, which finally forbad the
giving of liveries by lords, specially exempted * gilds, fraternities
and people of mysteries that be founded of good intent '. The
other remissions were no doubt intended to cover any doubtful
acdons on their part previous to his seizing the throne, as for
instance their riaing to meet the unfortunate Edward Y just
before. The list of misdeeds is indeed comprehensive enough, and
by their implication might have caused offence to a more sensitive
generation. Thus, not only are deceits, extortions, firauds on the
Bst, but murder and rape.' Still more curious is the absence of
any notice of the great hunt given by the King, by way of thanJcs,
in Waltham Forest in the next year, and we feast at l^Pf >^'
Hall which followed, although the Mayor in that year, William
Harriot, was one of the Fellowship. As, however, the King
provided two harts, six bucks, and a tun of wine, the call on the
Company's larder and cellars was not heavy, and the eiiqpense
presumably sUght.'
Thereienof To the events of national importance during the reign of
Henry VII. Henry VII the references are again of the brietest description.
There are notices of the Fellowship being assessed to supply
soldiers for the King's wars, of ridings to meet the Kiiu;, of
pageants by land and water on state occasions, with the significant
' Cf. Appendix, vd. i, Na XVI. On LiTeties cf. toI. i, p. 44.
' Fabyan, Chronicle, ed. 181 1, p. 677^
Digitized by
Google
To&tical Events from Henry V to VII 139
memorandttm tliat, owing to frequent pageants, the banners of the
' Fellyship ' have to be renewed.'
Tliese mcts are chronicled because they touched the reyenues
of the Fellowship. But other equally important events are either
not noticed at all or noticed so cursorily that, had we no other
infermation, we should not appreciate the leading part which the
Drapers took in the vicissitudes of the City, though once more
rather as individuals than in their corporate capacity. For-
tunately the chroniclers Holinshed and Fahyan, who was himself
a Draper,* and more especially the Journals of the City at the
Guildhall, come to our rescue.^
' Waidem' Accounts, 403, fix 489, a banner and two ^stremers ' cost l^ 1 5/. 6L
The nost imfjortant notices are ;
1. Coronatbn of Eloabeth of York, Nov. 1487. 405, fi>. 41 a,
2. Fetching the King after the capture of Lambert Simnel, 1487. The
Drapers sent 30 horsemen. The cost, £15 6s» li., was raised by an assessment
on memben of the Fellowship. The Mercers, the Grocers, the Fishmongen, and
the Taylon sent the same number of horsemen, and the other Livery Com-
panies' condngrms varied ftom 24 to i. Sharpe, London and Kingdom, L 319,
^noting from the Jonrnab.
3. 'Creadon of Arthur, Prince of Wales.* 403, fe. 48 a.
4. 80 stand in Livery in Chepe ' at comyng of Princess Dame Kateryn oate
of Spayn *, the betrothed wife of Prince Arthur (i f 01). 403, fo. 72 a.
5. * Standing in PooKrs in oar lady's chapel ' at the requiem Mass fi>r Prince
Anhnr (i 502). 403, £>. 72 a.
6. Attendance at Qoeen Elizabeth's fbneral (1503), ib. 74 b, expenses
Iw 6s. ^d, 'The manner of receiving the corps of the most noble Princess'
is given in Archaeologia, xzxiL 12^, from the City JbnmaL
7. If 07-8. Fellowship sessed 40/. towards the 300 soldiers demanded from
the City to go to France. 403, fi>. 88 a,
' Robert Fabyan entered the Fraternity by apprenticeship in 147^. He was
Alderman of Farrin&ion Withont. In 1493 ^^ ^^ SheriflT, Warden fi>rthe first
time in 148 5-6, and twice Master in 1495^^, 1501*2. In 1502 he surrendered
his Aldermanry on the ground of poverty, because he did not wish to become
Mayor. Ellis, Introd. to Fabyan's Chronicle j Letter Book L, fiu. 23^ b, 304 b j
Wardens' Accounts for years 147^, 1 501-2 $ Stow, ed. Kinesfbrd, iL 179*
^ The Journals are the continuation of the Letter Bodes which have been
published up to 1498 (Letter Book L) by the late Mr. Sharpe. The Journals are
still in manuscript at the Guildhall, and in 1495 < The Repertories ' containing
the Minutes of the proceedings of the Court of Aldermen, as distinct fiom those
of the Common Ccxmcil, also commence. Neither of these have been published.
My references to them are chiefly taken from Sharpe, London and the Kingdom,
although I have occasionally consulted the MS.
Digitized by
Google
140 Relations of the Drapers^ Gild to the
From these authorities we learn that when, in September 148^,
that terrible scourge of Tudor times, the sweating sickness, first
fell on the City, William Stokker, the Draper, was appointed to
fill the place or the previous Mayor, Sir Thomas Hille, who had
succumbed to the plague. Within four days Stokker himself HI
a victim, and another person, John Warde, was elected fer the
short period which remained till the next election-day on
October x8. Thus John Stokker enjoys the unenviable feme
of having held the office for the shortest time recorded in history.'
To the various loans and benevolences which Henry VII
demanded of the City the Drapers contributed largely. Yet
inasmuch as they did it as individuals^ there is no record of it in
the Accounts. To the loan of £1^000^ which was granted in
148;-, the Mercers, the Grocers, and the Drapers contributed
£911 6^' od. When, in 14.87, a further loan of £f,ooo was
asked &r, the same companies lent £ifii6\ and to the benevo-
lence of 14PI, the Drapers, according to Fabyan, ' granted more
than any other Fellyship '.* Nor were these the only exactions
which the members of the Company suffered at the hands of the
notorious Empson and Dudley, the financial agents of the King.
Sir William Capell was first heavily fined under an obsolete
statute in 14.P4 and again in 1^07 * by the sute of the King for
things done in the tyme of his Mayoralty', 15-03-4.* On his
refusal to pay the second fine, he was thrown into prison, where,
with Sir Lawrence Aylmer, the Mayor of 15-07-8, who had also
been the victim of Henry's tyranny, he remained until the acces-
sion of Henry VIII.*
The hand of Henry VII was indeed a heavy one, but at least
the money he extorted was not idly spent. The troubles caused
by the pretenders to his throne entailed much expense. He gave
' Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. 67^. Six Aldermen as well died within a week.
Sharpe, London and the Kin»ionL| i. 517.
* Fabyan, pp. ^85, 684 ; HoIinshe<^ iiL 481, 485.
^ Fabyan, pp. 685-9 t Holinshed, ed. i^Z6^m, 79ly !• 7o. He was accused
of not duly punishing a person charged with false coinine. Empson and
Dudley lived in two houses in Walbrook cbse to the I>rapen* Hall in
St. Swithin's Lane. They were therefore near neighbours.
* Fabyan, ed. 181 1, p. 6Z6. Immediately after the death of Henry VII,
Capell was re-elected Mayor (Jan. 1509 — Oct. 15 10).
Digitized by
Google
Tolitical Events from Henry V to VII 141
the country rest alter a long period of disturbance and adopted
aprotective policy which favoured the industries of the City.'
The citizens were not unmindful of the benefits which residted
iirom his masterful rule, and during the time of the conspiracy of
Perkin Warbeck, when the CorniMmen thought of marching on
London, they not only volunteered a further loan of ^^4,000 but
prepared to defend the City (November 1496). In this action
the Drapers took part with the other Livery Companies, and
John Stokker, the Draper, who held the office of * Common Hunt '
or master of the City pack of hounds,' was ordered to act as
a messenger between the City and the King, while Robert Fabyan
the Chronicler, also a Draper, was one ot those entrusted with
the guardianship of the gates of Ludgate and Newgate and the
Temple.3 The only reference in the accounts to this affair is
* Item for brede and ale when the Fellyship mustered at Drapers'
Hall for Blackheath Field ',^ where the rebels were finally de-
feated in June 14.97. The Drapers, it is evident, were something
more than mere traders or manufecturers. They took their share
in the politics of their City and their Country ; they contributed
to its annals and they shared in the pastimes of the day.
The reference in the Wardens' Accounts to the * watche after The Riot at
the Ryot at the Styllard ' requires some explanation.' Henry VII, the Steel-
to avenge himself on the Archduke Ptiilip for supporting the y^"**
pretender Perkin Warbeck, had, in 14.93, forbidden all exports to
Flanders and removed the mart kept by the Merchant Adven-
turers in Antwerp to Calais. The Archduke retaliated by closing
the Low Countries to English merchants, and forbidding the
importation of English clotn.^ The English merchants ^ being
' The export duties were so arranged as to encourase the export of cbth
rather than of wooL Schanz, Handelspolitik, i 441, and Statutes quoted there.
' The citizens of London had rights of hunting in Middlesex, Herts, the
Chiltems, and in Kent as £ir as the River Cray j ch Charter of Henry I. The
kennels were on the site of the present Finsbnry Charity School in Tabernacle
Row, E.C. The 'Common Hunt' received £10 and the office lasted till 1807.
Cf. Riley, Memorials, p. 427 ; Allen, London, iL 188.
^ Sharpe, London and the Kingdom, i 351$ Ellis, Introduction to Fabyan,
Chronicle, p. ii, Pre£ice.
♦ 405, fc. 61 a.
^ Wardens' Accounts, i493-4> 40^9 fe* 5^^*
^ The Archduke Philip was the son of Mary of Burgundy. and the Emperor
Digitized by
Google
I4-X Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the
destitute of sale and traffique, neyther reteyned so many covenant
servants and apprentices as they were before accustomed, and
in espedall, mercers, haberdashers, and doth workers, nor yet
gave to their servants so great stipend and salarie as before that
restraynt they were used to do. For this cause the sayde servants
entending to worke their malice on the Easterlyngs, the Tuesday
before Saint Edwardes day, came to the Stiliard (Steelyard) ' in
London, and began to rifle and spoyle such Chambers and Ware-
houses as they could wtt into ; so tnat the Easterlyngs had much
ado to withstand and repulse them out of their gates, and when
their gates were shut and made £ist, the multitude rushed and
beate at the gates with dubbes and leavers to have entered.' '
The journeymen and the apprentices of the Drapers took no pan
in the riot probably because they were extensive buyers of Flemish
doth, the import of which by the Easterlings had not been
forbidden. They accordingly gave the Mayor substantial assis-
tance in putting down the riot, and subseouently sent a force
to guard the Steelyard for the seventeen following days.^ The
riot being thus quieted, the King exacted a monetary guarantee
from the Easterlings that they would not carry on any trade
between England and the Netherlands until the dispute with the
Archduke had been settled. The interruption of the trade with
the Netherlands was, however, too serious a matter to be neglected
dther by Henry VII or the Archduke, and shortly after negotia-
tions befi;an which led to the treaty of February i^p6. By this
treaty Philip undertook to abandon the cause of the pretender,
and die commercial relations of the two countries were placed on
thdr old footing. No forther burdens beyond the customary
ones were to be hud on the merchants of either country ; traders
Maximilian, and therefere grandson of Charles the Bold, Duke of Barenndy.
Margaret, the second wife of Charles, was sister of Edward IV. That lady and
her stepson, the Archdnke, were the chief supporten of the Yorkist claimants
and pretenders.
' The Steelyard was the London honse of the members of the Hanseadc
League. Cf. Panli, Pictures of Old London, and Encycbpaedia Brit., articles
on Hanseatic League and Steelyard and authorities quoted there.
' Herbert, L 40^, quoting from Grafton's Chronicle.
^ 405, fb. 58 a: 'Payd tot cresset stuf and bere and bred ale and candyl!
during XVII days the watche after the Ryot at the Styllard l^/^*
Digitized by
Google
ToUtical Events from Henry Vto VII 143
were to enjoy mutual protection^ and piracy was to be suppressed
as &r as possible.'
In spite of this treaty, the Archduke shortly after imposed the
duty of a florin on English cloth landed at Antwerp. Henry
forthwith removed the market to Calais and levied a special duty
on English wool at the staple at Calais.
This brought the Archduke to terms. He promised to abandon
the duty at Antwerp though not in Flanders,* while Henry con-
sented to consider the question as to the duty on the wool
at Calais. Finally, in May 14.99, Henry reduced the duty
on the wool, while the Archduke removed the duty on English
doth at Bruges and further allowed English merchants to export
coin and worked gold and silver .^
In all these negotiations the Diapers, as we should expect, took
part. In 14.94.-/ we are told of a deputation consisting of
Warden Hawkins and others going to me King in the West
Country, probably on this matter, in 14.9/^? we read of ^ a Bill
made and considerations engrossed against the Archduke of Bur-
goyne ', and of a payment of ^^d towards ^ Ambassador's chains to
Archduchess by the Maire's commandment ', while in September
1496 Robert Fabyan, the Chronicler, was one of a Committee
a^inted to ride to the Kine fer redress of the new impositions
levied on English cloths in uie Archduke's lands.^
The aim of Henry YII throughout these transactions had been
to encourage the English cloth industry. He had already, in
1487, renewed an Act of Edward IV (14X^7) which had ferbidden
foreigners to export wool, except to Venice, unwoven worsted
or unfuUed dotn,' and at the same time ordered shearing and
' The name of 'Tlie Intercarsos Magnus ' given to this treaty by Bacon in
his History of Henry VII is a creation of the writer. It appears in no con-
temporary aothortty. On the whde question of the relations of Heniy VII with
the Netherlands, cf. Bosch, England under the Tudors, English translation,
pp. 88, 12^, 148$ Rymer, Foedera, xL $79^ 581,^55, 714-18.
* Rymer, Foedera, xiL 6$$. The towns of Flanders were the centres of the
cloth industry and were jealoos of the English doth, while Antwerp in Brabant
depended on its trade, and welcomed the English cloth. The protective policy
adopted by Flanders was one cause of the decline of Bruges at this time.
^ Rymer, xii. 714-18.
^ 403, fos. 5 9 b, ^i b, 77 a $ Ellis, Chronicle of Fabyan, Prefiice, p. 1 1 .
^ The policy was continued in later reigns, e.g. 33 H. VIII, c. 195 8 Eliz.,
Digitized by
Google
14-4 Relations of the Drapers' Gild to the
carding to be done in England. He also encouraged the
settlement of fbrekn dothworkers in England and forbad the
importation of silken goods, hoping thus to encourage the
weaving of silk.' The Hanse towns, annoyed at this restric-
tion of their trade as well as at the duties imposed on English
wool at Calais, threatened to retire from the staple at Calais,
but Henry VII was immovable.
While thus attempting to encourage the cloth and silk in-
dustries by these measures of protection, the royal policy was
one of discrimination. In those industries in which England
had little hopes of competing with the Continent, the Xing
considered the interests of the consumer by removing the re-
straints on importation passed by Edward IV and Richard III,
and allowing foreign competition. Whatever may be thought
as to the wisdom of a policy of protection, it must be allowed
that Henry was at least no blind advocate,^ and that he
was supported by a considerable body of genuine if mistaken
opinion.3 it may be that these protective laws were largely due
to the vested interests of those who manu&ctured cloth and other
articles, and that^ as the free trader would argue to-day, the raf»d
rise of our cloth industry during the later decades of the fifteenth
and the beginning of the sixteenth centuries was really due, not
to the protective policy of the English kings, but to the
superiority of our wool and the advantages of the English
climate, and to the fact that our Flemish rivals were even under
greater restraint and were persisting in antiquated grooves.*
r. 6'y thoagh limited by licences. Price, Monopolies, Boston, pp. ii, 141,
147,149-
' Materials for reign of Henry VII, Rolb Series, ii. 154. Grant to John de
Salvo and Anthony Spynile, nanves of England, to introduce foreign clothmaken
and employ them in the art in one or more parts of the kingdom.
' On Henry VII's protecrive policy, c£ Bnsch, England uider the Todors,
English translation, p. 154.
^ Cf. e. g. Discourse on Commonwealth, Cambridge Press, 1 893, p. ^3, * As for
some things (e. g. cloth) the strangers make it oat of our own commodides and send
it us again $ whereby they set their people on work and do exhaust much treasure
out of the realm.' p. ^5 : ' It were better for us to pay more to our own people for
wares than less to strangers.' Cf. also Pauli, Drei volkswirthschaftliche Denk*
schriften, pp. 5*, 3^.
^ Cf. Pirenne, Une crise industrielle au xvi^nie siecle,p. 495.
Digitized by
Google
Tolittcal Events from Henry V to VII 145-
Mr. Unvrin is indeed of opinion that unfinished cloth was still
our chief export, and that hy forbidding the export of this a serious
blow was dealt at what was then our most important industry.
In any case we must admit that, clothmaking increased in
volume. The author of ' The Ciommodities of England ', writing
somewhere about 14.5 o, speaks of * the woUen cloth ready made
at all times to serve the merchants of any two kingdoms '.' The
Commons in a petition of \^s^ declare that ^the making of
cloth had become the greatest occupation and living of the poor
people of the land '.* And we have good evidence to show that
in the sixteenth century there was a great advance not only
in the quantity but the quality of our cloth.^ Possibly the
true conclusion to be derived from these fects is that the influence
of a Protective tariff either for good or evil is often very much
exaggerated.
' Tiie author was possibly Fortescne $ c£ Fortescne, GoTemance of Englandj
p. 81, ed. Plammer.
* Rot. Pari., ▼. 174. 3 We shall return to this later.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
CHAPTER V
CHANGES IN THE ORGANIZATION OF THE FELLOW-
SHIP OF DRAPERS BETWEEN 1441 AND i^op
N the internal affairs of the Fellowship,
however, the accounts naturally give
much more information — though again
only incidentally — ^and by the h^p of hter
ordinances which we possess we can gain
some idea of the changes which have taken
place since 1441.
As we have a fidl list of the Members
recorded for the year 14.93 » it will be
well to take that as our first date, and
then summarize any changes or events of
interest which took place between 14.93
and lyop, the year wnen Henry VII died.
In the year 1493 the total numbers of Namben of
the Craft* were 243, of whom 1x4. were Members in
in the Clothing or Livery and up out of '^^^
the Livery, or Bachelors. Thus since the year 1424-^ the
numbers have increased by 74. at least.^ Not for many years did
the numbers of those in the Clothing and of the total membership
of the Gild touch these figures*
' The initial comes from Charter No. V.
' They term themseWes the Craft, Fraternity, or Brotherhood.
^ Cf. Appendix, toI. i, No. XXI. One name has been crossed oat in the list of
the Lirery and fixir in the list of the Bachelors. These have not been counted.
Heibert's nnmbers, 1,40^, are wrong. He also makes a meaningless distinaion
between the Bachebrs and the Freemen.
(0
Digitized by
Google
14-8 Changes in the Organization of the
Mention of In the list of 14.93 no Sister is mentioned, but in 1480-1
Sisters. Elynore Sampton pays quarterage.' If the Christian name be
that of a woman (and she may have been the widow of Thomas
Sampton, who was one of the Wardens in 14.77-8), this is the
first recorded mention of a female member by name, though
Sisters are mentioned in earlier accounts of 1414.-40, wmle
in 1487 Lady Drope is in arrears fer two apprentices. This last
entry, unless indeed the arrears were owing on her husband's
account, who died in 1485', shows that widows were at that date,
as they certainly were afterwards, allowed to carry on the
business of their husbands, and to have apprentices. In any case
an ordinance of 15*04 allows women to l>e admitted by Redemp-
tion, and one of lyos definitely recognizes the right of Sisters
* freed in the Fellyship ' to take apprentices.*
The Livery. The admissions to the Livery or Clothing, which were made
by the Master, Wardens, and Council, varied very much. The
highest number was reached in i4p2-3, when it was 21. In
four other years it was 14, 13, 11, and 10. In five other
years firom 5' to 2 were admitted, in two years only one,
and in seven years none. As a consequence the numbers of
those in the Livery declined. They fell suddenly in 1484-5-
from ss to 75-, and they never recovered till 1793-4, when
they rose to iio.^ With the exception of some of the officials
of the Company, such as the Chaplain and the Bedell or Clerk,
those in the Livery alone enjoyed the right of wearing the
clothing, the colour of which was continually changed. . All
' 403, £>. 19 a.
* 405, fo. 41 a. Ordinances, Appendix, toI. i^ No. XVII. For widows retaining
the apprentices of their husbands c£ p. 1 1 5, note i, of this Tolume 3 for Sisten (?
the Taylors* Co., Clode, I. ii, p. 42.
^ In 1501-1 we have a list of the Companies that have the Livery and the
numbers. Thus :
Merchant Taybrs ) g
Grocers / ^
Drapers 80
Fishmongers 76
Mercers 66
Skinners 54
Goldsmiths 51
City Records. Quoted Jupp, Carpenters, p. 290.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers ^ 1441-15-09 149
except the officials paid for the Livery themselves, unless
a specif present was made ; ' and anv one refusing to take up
his Livery when called to it was fined 6j. 8//.' All those in the
Livery paid a quarterage of ii^. a year, as well as a fee of 8//.
for dinner,^ and u. a year when a new Livery was ordered,
IS. when it was not.
During the years i^'^S'^ to 1487-8 it was customary, as
befere, to make a selection from those out of the Clothing of
persons who, without reaching the Livery, paid quarterage and
dined at the Election dinner. In 14.87-8 as many as 67 were
thus selected. This was probably a concession to the Bachelors,
but the numbers of those thus selected fell to 14. in 14.8^-6, and
in 14.88 the custom was abandoned.
It is about this time that a more complete organization of the The
Bachelors was effected, and in the list or 14.93 they are definitely j^c^^low or
arranged under their four Wardens.* eomcn.
But it is not only in the matter of the Bachelors that the
years be&re us are years of chanjge. The number of those Admissions
admitted into the Freedom through Apprenticeship varies in J?*'**.^'^^
a very remarkable manner. In 14.75—6 we find 2} ; in 1^76-7, ^^^^^f^
14.. Between that date and i4f8i-2 the numbers fall to 6 dup, Re-
and are never higher than p. In iiL8 1-2 they rise again to 2p. demmion.
But they then fall once more and vary between is and (f, and by
to close in 14.P3-4. with 22.* All those thus admitted pay 3 j. 4^. ^*^""*°"y-
as ' spoon silver ' on admission.
It is, however, in the admissions by Redemption that the most
significant innovations are to be noted. They are not, indeed,
numerous. There are only twenty-seven admissions during the
nineteen years from 14.75^-6 to 14.93-4., and the number never
exceeds three in any one year, but among them there are at least
' Thus in 1477-8 Master Rygby is eiTen i\ yards of 'Tiolet engrayne' at
10/. 3<^. the yard, as well as a hogsnead of wine, by the advice of the Cooncil for
his ]aboar and counsel ' for the wele of the fellyship '. Similar gifts of smaller
amoant were given to 'Sir Alysamider', their chaplain, and others. 403,
fo. II b.
■ 40^, fo. ^^ a. ^ Ordinance of 1475.
^ Ct Appendix, vol. i^ No. XXI« List of Members.
' In 1489-90 we find one entering into the Freedom throagh apprenticeship
with his father. 403, fo. 47 a.
Digitized by
Google
Number of
Apprenriccs
bound.
ISO Changes in the Organization of the
four who are evidently not Drapers by trade at all, and one
is a Draper of Coventry."
It is also during this period that we meet with the first instance
of an admission by patrimony in the case of Wm. Haryot, son of
Wm. Haryot the Mayor in 1481-2/ and of the grant of an
honorary freedom in the case of Lord Lisle.^ Most of those
admitted by redemption or patrimony paid the usual ^ spoon
silver' oi is. ^. Some, however, paid additional fees, varying
from j^2 1 3 J. 4f^. to j^io, while a few were admitted gratis.
Once more there is considerable fluctuation in the number
of Apprentices bound. In 1478-p, 1485-7, 14PI-2, there are
exceptionally few (4, 5-, i respectively) ; in 14^2-3 there are 5-3.
But the average is somewhere about 24 a year. These fluctua-
tions are probably partly due to the variations in the amount
of the fee, which was paid by the masters. In 1488-p it was
reduced from \\s. 4^. to 6s. 8^/. It was raised again in 1491-2, to
be once more reduced to 6s. 8^. in 14P2. The other explanation
is to be found in political circumstances of the day. We should
expect that the business of the Craft, and therefere the demand for
Apprentices, would be adversely affected by the troubles of the
reign of Richard III, and that it would improve when Henry VII
had securely established himself on the throne. As stated above,
the Livery itself seems to have been affected in the same way.
We have no statement in the accounts as to the exact number
of apprentices or of journeymen employed by one master, but,
judging from the enrolments of new apprentices, few had many.
Thus in the year 1488-p of thirty-four masters who enter appren-
tices, thirty-one enter only one each, two enter 2 each, and only
one, J. Stokker, who had been Master in 1480-1, is responsible
for 6. In the following year Alderman Isaac, who had been
' 14S0. A country Draper of Coventry. 403, fi>. iS b. Fee, f 3/. ^d,
148^. John Skot, a gentilman. 403, fe. 3Sa. Fee, £1 6s. Zd.
1487-S. Richard Comyssh, a gentleman* 403, 17, fe. 40 b. Fee, 401.
1491-3. J. Ricioft, Gentylman, pays 3/. ^d.^ but lox. next year. 403, fes.
14^, J7a.
1491-3. W. Corteman. 403, 3^, fi>. f4b. Fee, /i lox.
N.B. — Ricroft and Corteman were admitted to the LiTery the same year.
' 1480-1. 403, £>. 18 a.
^ 1490-1. 403, fo. 51 b.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship qf Drapers^ 1441-15-09 lyi
Master in the preceding year, and was to be Master five times
subsequently, enrolls 4; one enrolls 3 ; four, 2 ; and twenty-five,
but one each.
This of course does not help us to decide how many apprentices
each man had. Apprenticeship lasted for seven years, and if
a master entered apprentices every year, that would multiply the
number by seven.
On the whole it would seem probable that most of the masters
were in a small line of business, but that a few of the more impor-
tant were running large concerns. Thus we learn that Sir
Thomas Ciooke, the victim of Edward TV's suspicions, was * a man
of mark and of large possessions V sii^d Wuliam Haryot,* the
Mayor of 148 1-2, was, according to Fabyan, *a merchant of
wondrous adventures into many and sundry countries, whereof
the King had yearly of him notable summes of money for his
customs '?
The Craft have now, since the Charter of Henry VI, a Master Tbc Master
as well as four Wardens and a Renter or Renters.* The Master and War-
and Wardens were elected every year on the first Monday after *******
the Assumption (August 15-). On the Assumption all the Livery
had to attend at Mass, oflfering a silver penny on the Altar, and
again at Evensong, when a Dirge was sung for deceased members.
On the next day they were to hear the Mass of Requiem and offer
another silver penny, and then walk two and two to the place
ordained for the Election Feast and the Election. The Master
and Wardens were originally elected by the whole body of the
Freemen, but by the ordinance of 14^4--^ the new Master and
Wardens were to be nominated by the outgoing Wardens, the
Aldermen, and the Council, and were only presented to the
Freemen for approval.
' Of. Orridge, Cidzens of London and their Rulers, pp. ^6 ff,
' He is sometimes called Marryat.
^ Fabyan, p. 667, These men were probably < Merchant Adrentiiren'. Cf.
▼oL ii, p. 41.
^ We first hear of Renters in 14^9-70. There were then twa They were
to be eleaed annually, one erery year. Cf. Ordinance of 1469-70, Appendix,
▼oL i. No. XVII, X. 4. In 1493 ^^^^ ^ ^^^Y ^^^i ^' Leveson, who dies in 150^.
403, fo. ii a. Then there were two again. Between if 10 and 1510 the foarth
Warden is the Renter with an nnder-Renter.
Digitized by
Google
Wardeni.
IS^ Changes in the Organization of the
In the accounts for the year 1481-2 we have a reference
to the election ^ Garlands ' or caps which were worn by the
incoming Wardens at their election.'
Refusal to serve as Master or Warden or to take the Livery
when admitted entailed a fine unless the person was specially
exempted.*
Danes of The office of the Master was almost entirely an honorary one.
Masters and and except that he presided at all the functions of the Fellowship,
as well as at the meetings of the Council or Court of Assistants^
he had no special duties to perform.
Those of the Wardens, however, were fiir more onerous. They
had to make all arrangements with regard to the Dinners, the
Elections, and other functions of the Fraternity. They decided
on the colour of the Livery and superintended the granting
thereof They controlled the admissions to apprenticeship and
to the Freedom through apprenticeship, and altnough the entries
by patrimony or by redemption were originally in the hands
of tne whole Fraternity, these subsequently were decided by the
Master and the Wardens,^ and if admission to the Livery and to the
Court were in the hands of the Assistants, they were important
members of that Court. It was the Wardens who read the
ordinances at stated times, who conducted the searches, adjudi-
' The election ^ garlands ' were apparently at that time only worn by the
Wardens. They were velvet caps, decorated with the arms of the Company,
roses, and emblems of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. The entrance
in the account is as £d11ows : ' Item paide to the Goldsmyth for xix oz. save
a peny weight of silver for the iiii Garlands Pris the once iiir. iiiii^ Samma
iii/i. iiij. ud. Item for the facion and geldyng of xxiiii peces, that is to sey viii
scocheons, viii assampcions and viii Reosis. Samma xlviixj. Item for setting
on of the same nppon the garlands ii tymys iix.' 403, fo. lo a.
Garlands or circlets are still worn by the Master as well as the Wardens at the
elections. They are now of red velvet, with badges of the Company's arms, the
fleur-de-lis, and the Rose enamelled on metal. It is not known how old these
existing garlands are, but we know that in 1 5^9-70 the original garlands were
altered to the present pattern. Wardens' Accounts, 1^^9-70, Na 176^
fo. 9 a.
Illustrations of the »rlands of the Grocers may be found in Heath.
' Thus in 1483-4 ^John Wodechirch pays i6 13/. ^d for a fine nnto the
Fellowship to be discharged of all maner of offices apperteynyng onto the
Fellowship for evermore *. 403, fo 19 b. Cf. 66 a.
^ For Redemptions cf Ordinance x. i,with its alterations of the year 1504-f.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship ofDraperSy 1441-15-09 lyj
cated disputes between the brethren of the Fraternity, punished
the refractory, and distributed the alms to the almsmen. Finally,
as we shall see directly, they, with the Renters, looked after the
financial affairs of the Fellowship.' In a word, so numerous
were their duties that they were not allowed to reside outside the
City except by special licence.
The cnief subordinate officers were, as before, the Bedell or Sabotdinate
Clerk • and the Scrivener, who were nominated by the Master, Officers,
the Wardens, and the Council.
The first list given of this body ,3 which subsequently became The Coun-
known as the Court of Assistants, is of the date i+l^, * M** that the ^^
XVI* daye of Septembyre in the XIP yer of kinge Edward the
iiii^ was sodanly come to Drapers Hall all my maysters the
Aldermen, the Wardens, and the Councell of the Crafte, and ther
was at that the same semele the sayd daye and the said yer these
persons as ther namys appeyr here aftyr wrytyn, that is to saye ;
My mayster William Haryot, mayster ofthe Felychypp.
Wardens — William Braye, Richard Langton, John Becham.
My mayster Sir Bartylmewe Jamys,
My mayster Robert Drooppe.
My mayster Sir William Stokker^
The Councell of the Crafte —
Thomas Barnwey.
William Wauntyngffeld»
John Potter.
Thomas Thorndon.
* For the kt% of the Wardens, cf. vol. ii, p. $6.
* 405, fo. 7 a, 61, The Scrivener is also called Secondary. In 1489-90
Heniy Wodecocke held the office. 403, fo. 48 b. He appears to ha?e been
the solicitor and conveyancer to the Company. He received no salary, but was
paid £ce%. He was a member of the Company and sometimes received his
Livery. There is also the Serjeant, who apprehended offenders against the
ordinances. He was retainea by an annual fee and received a Livery.
Ibid., 61 a.
^ Introduction to the Wardens* Accounts, 403, fo. i a. The reason why we
have no earlier list of the Council n^.ay be because it would not necessarily
appear in the accounts, while the Minutes or Repertories do not begin till if 15,
The members of the Council are called Assistants first in if i^. Rep. 7, p. 48.
The Grocers had a Court of Assistants as early as 1379. Heath, Grocers,
p. 57.
Digitized by
Google
15*4- Changes in the Organization of the
Thomas Wells.
Harry Ebanon.
William Butstrone/
Only three Wardens are given. There was a fourth, John
Worsop, who is not mentioned presumably because he was absent.
The Council was probably then, as it was subsequently, a self-
elected body, and consisted of some five to seven members who
with the Master and Wardens controlled the affairs of the Craft,
and as time went on became its government.
Fines. The authority of the Fellowship over its members was enforced
by fines, the scale of which is of some interest.
The use of ungodly words entailed a fine of ijj. 4^., while
misbehaviour against one of the Wardens was mulcted only
at IS. 4^/., ^and misbehaviour both in words and deed' at %d.
The same fine of 3 j*. 41/. was imposed on one who bought cloth at
Blackwellhall on a Thursday before noon, contrary to the ordi-
nances. Another for * setting ' (i. e. putting to sale) a short yard
had to pay 6s. 8^., while another, who * had sette ffordns (i. c.
strangers) awark and left freemen of the company ', got off with
12^. We are also reminded that in the case of an ofi^nder being
recalcitrant he would be pursued before the Mayor.'
The The receipts of the Wardens' Accounts included fees for Quar-
Wardens* terage, enrolment of apprentices, admission to the Freedom, and
Accoonts. jjjjQ jj^g Clothing, as well as fines, bequests, and gifts. Among
the disbursements we find presents to the Mayor; costs oi
* ridings ' and barges; the Marching Watch; potations for those
who conducted the search for cloths at Our Lsidy Fair in South-
wark and at St. Bartholomew's, and on other occasions ; election
dinners and the Mayor's Mess ; payments to the Chaplains and
the Bedell ; pensions to the almsmen ; mending of the plate and
other property at the Hall ; expenses incurr^ in lawsuits and
other matters concerning the Company's interests, and costs of
repairing the City wall.
There were four keys of the Wardens' Box, two of which were
in the hands of the Master for the time being, and the other two
in the keeping of two of the Wardens.*
« 403, fi)s. 27 a, 57 a, ^3 a, ^f a.
' 403, fb. 5 X a. There were also three keys of the pbte, one in the hands ot
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers^ 1441-15-09 iss
The Renters* Accounts were kept in a separate box, and con- The
tained the receipts of the * ly vehode *, i. e. of the rents derived Rcntcn'
from the property of the CJompany/ Accoants.
Their disbursements consisted of quit-rents for lands or houses
rented by the C!ompany ; building and reparations ; allowances to
tenants ; expenses of obits and some salaries. Any deficit in the
Renters' accounts was made good by the Wardens, and the
balance, if any, of the Renters Accounts was, after 14P4, paid
to the Wardens at the annual audit.' The balance on the
Wardens' Accounts was usually handed on to the incoming
Wardens, but occasionally was kept back owing to arrears in
payments.
The four Wardens and the Renters presented their accounts for Auditing of
the post year a short time before the day of election, the accounts Accounts,
having been previously submitted to auditors, who are first men-
tioned in I4p5. For the auditing, which was done in a separate
^ Chekker Chamber ', counters were apparently used, as was the
oldpractice in the Royal Exchequer.^
From the accounts of the Wardens and the Renters we are Financial
able to judge of the financial position of the Craft. In the year Position.
1441-a their rents, paid by ten tenants, had amounted to
£'XS> i^* 4^-* I^ 14^1 they had twenty-four tenants, who paid
j^p los.y as well as an unlet house, which was valued at ^s.
a year.* The receipts of the Renters in 14.81 amounted to
£4^9 los.y their expenses to £1^ ^- ii|^*9 leaving a balance
of ^i^ fs. o\d.
the Master and the other two in those of two Wardens \ and two of the
' Eridences ', one kept by the Master, one by a Warden. It is curious that they took
more care of their accounts and their plate than of their evidences or dtle-deeds.
' By ordinance of 14^9-70 the Renten were also to receive fines and ht^ fer
apprenticeship and entry into the Freedom. But from 1481 they only receive
the rents. Cf. Appendix, voL i, No. XVII, x^ 4.
* Wardens' Accounts, 403, fi>. f 8 a.
^ For the Ludus Scaccarii cf. Hall, Antiquities of the Exchequer $ Diabgus de
Scaccario} Stubbs, Charters, ed. 1890, p. 168$ Poole, Ford Lecture, The
Exchequer.
. '* Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII.
' London, twelve tenants paying ixj 4/. and the empty house at fiowe 40/. \
Sonthwark, ten tenants paying j^io 6s. ; Whitecrosstrete, two tenants paying 40/.
Renters' Accounts, 148 1-2, Appendix, vol. i. No. XX B.
Digitized by
Google
rs6 Changes in the Organization of the
In the first year (144T-2) for \i^hich we have the Wardens'
Accounts, the receipts had showed a substantial balance over
the disbursements. But the expensive controversy with the
Shearmen ' turned their balance into a deficit of ^^17 5^j. %d. for
the year 1477-8.
By the year 1480- 1 their position had materially improvei
In that year the Wardens handed over to their successors a
balance of j^o lu. 6d.^ which was increased to £^s 7^- i|^- by
the end of the year, not including debts owed to them to the
amount of ;fi2 6s. SJ.*
During the years 1482-4 the Company were rebuilding and
repairing houses in Southwark, more especially *The Bell'.*
Towards this H. Eburton lends j^2oo on * grete ' annuities.* But
the Renters' Accounts prove that this sum was not sufficient, fof
vhereas in 1480-1 there was, as above stated, a balance of over
£8^ excluding debts owing, in 1482-3 the balance had £illen to
£1^ Ss. o|a., and in 148J-4 this balance was turned into
a deficit of ;^i8 17J. 6d.j while for the next three-quarters of
a year the deficit is £1 I4r. sl^.^
In i48^-<^ the receipts again exceeded the disbursements by
£8 ifs. 7</., but in the next three years the alterations and
repairs at their Hall in St. Swithin's Lane, and, in 1488, the
bmlding of a water stair for their river processions, which cost
something like j^^oo, once more reduced the balance to 6s. 9^.,*
although j^4o was contributed to the water stair by Sir Wm.
Parker.^ By the year 14P3-4 they had, however, completely
' Cf. p. 119, note 1.
' As the Renters* Acconnts af>pear fer the first time in 1481-1, I have
printed them, as well as those of the Wardens, in Appendix, vol. i, Na XX.
^ The fact that the house was called * The Bell ' and had a sign did not
necessarily imply that it was a tavern. Indeed, all the eleven houses they were
now bnilding had signs.
^ Renters Accounts, 141, for years 1481-5 ; Wardens' Accounts, 405, fo. 33 b.
Among the items is * Paving stone from Spain *. 403, fe. 39 a.
' Renters' Accounts, 148 1-5 (141).
^ We have not, unjbrtunatcly, the Renters' Acconnts fer this year, nor for the
years between 1485-1505.
' 403, fos. 38 a, 41 a, 43 b. The repairs in I488 were chiefly to the windows
and roof. The work took two months and two days.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers y 1441-15-09 15-7
recovered their position. The Wardens of that year handed over
to their successors a substantial balance of over ^io2.'
As in 14.24.-^ we are reminded that the carpenter, now
Richard Banaster, who had come out of Essex, took the work on
contract. The way in which the work was done is of some
interest. The Senior Warden bought the materials and paid the
unskilled labour. The carpenter prepared the plans and pro-
vided the skilled workmen on contract. He had apparently-
made a bad bargain, for in I4.85--7 he declared that he was
^ on don ' (undone) by the transaction, and the Ciompany consented
to increase the sum,* The Clerk or Bedell acted as Clerk of the
works.
Owing to the increased expense of the Elections and of the
Election dinners, an alteration in the sums allowed to the Wardens
for those purposes was made in 14.7^. Hitherto they had only
received the is. payable when a new Livery was ordered, and 3 j.
when there was no new Li very ,3 and a sum of loj. when the
Mayor not being a Draper dined, and 40^. when he was a
Draper. In that and following years several changes were made ;
at first they were to have the tee for apprenticeship 13/. 4^/., but
finally in 1477-8 it was decided that all members should pay
a fee of 8i£ to the Wardens and that, besides that, the Wardens
should have the Quarterage and half of the Livery money,
as well as an allowance oitjS igj. 4^/. for guests at the Mayor's
Mess, for the players and minstrels, for garnishing the High
Table, and for rushes to strew the Hall withal.*
When the Mayor or SheriflF was a Draper, the * Fellyship * did
' Wardens' Accounts, 403, fos. f 7 a, $8 a.
'405, fo. i^b, 38 a. C£ also Randolph Banks, Carpenter, 1484-f,
ibid., fi). 33 b.
The following prices of materials used in the work may be of interest :
Bricks 3 J. 4<j. per 1,000, Lime 5/. per cwt., 'sixpenny* nails at $<i per 100,
'fi?epenny * nails at ^d. per 100, 'fearpenny ' nails at 3 <^ per 100, c»ken boards
at is, 3^. per 100, 'plaonche ' boards at ix. ^d. per 100, ' hert ' laths at 10/. %d,
per 100, 'sappe' laths at 8x. ^d, per load, oaken quarters at 8/. Zd, per load,
Ra2gestone at i4dL a ton, and a wheelbarrow zt iid,
Mfhe reason of this difference was that the Livery men had to pay fer their
Lifety. This sum was originally levied on all members. It was now only
evied from the Liverymen.
^ Ordinance of 1477-8.
Digitized by
Google
Changes
between
1493 and
If 09.
Admissions
throagh
apprentice-
ship, by re-
demption!
and oy
patrimony.
iy8 Changes in the Organization of the
him special honour. They spent larger sums on the civic pro-
cession, which followed the election.* They also gave the Mayor
a tun of wine * and lent the Sheriflfsome of the Company's pkte
for his term of office.'
It is during the reign of Henry VII that the pageants increase
in splendour, but as they do not touch the magnificence of
the more spacious days of his son, or of Elizabeth, we shall
reserve our account of them till later.
During the fifteen years which elapsed between 14.93-4 and
the death of Henry VII there are a few changes wonh
noticing. We have no definite evidence by which we can
decide whether the total number of the members increased or
fell.^ All that we know is the number of admissions. The
number of those admitted through apprenticeship was i^p
during these fifteen years, which was not much above the
numbers of the preceding eighteen years (when it was 247). But
it is in the admissions through Patrimony and through Redemp-
tion that the most significant changes took place. For whereas
during the nineteen years from xa^J'-C to 1493-4 only two
were admitted by Patrimony, in the fifteen succeeding years
no less than eighteen were granted this privilege,' while between
' Thus in 147^, the pageant for Ralph Joscelyne, Draper and Mayor, cost
{,% 15/. \oL 403, fes. 9 a, 9 b. This \& one of the earliest of which there is
much detail in the accounts. We hear of 70 archers, of minstrels and morrice
dancers, gold and silTer paper for the Pageant, and of fourteen men who bore
the Pageant.
In 1488, when Will. Isaac was Master and Senior Sheriff, 37 (just half) of
the Clothing accompanied him in his barge to Westminiter. 403, fo. 43 a.
In 1489, when two Drapers, the Master Wm. White and Sir Wm. Capel,
were Mayor and Sheriff, they hire a barge of Lorde Nottynghame to attend
Capel, and his feast eclipsed that of the Mayor. Ibid., fo. 47 a. C£ also i^oi.
Sir Lawrence Aylmer, Sheriff; 403, fo. 71a.
1503. When Sir Wm. Capel was Mayor and Robert Watts, Sheriff. The
Drapers presented 1 3 Pageants at the Midsummer Watch, and the cost came to
3^38 13/. \o\d, 403,77 a.
^ e. g. 403, fo. 8| b. The value of a tun of wine was about i6 10/.
^ e. g. 403, fe. I a.
^ Because the' Bachelors are now paying their Quarterage into the Bachelon'
Box, and no account survives.
^ One of these was Thomas Wryth^leys (Wriothesly),sonofJoiinWrytheleys,
Draper and Garter King of Arms to Henry VII. 403, to. 78 a.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers y 1441-15-09 15-9
14,93 and 1^07 seventeen sons of Drapers were also admitted
through apprenticeship.' This evidence goes to show that the
Fellowship was to some extent billing under the influence of
certain families. The change is still more remarkable in the
admissions through Redemption. Here the numbers for the two
periods are respectively 27 and ii7.* This startling variation
will prepare us for the next point, the change in the character of
those admitted. Up to the year 1453-4, as before mentioned,
there were only five of whom it can be affirmed that they were
not Drapers by trade. But in the following years the number of
g arsons who are evidently not connected in any way with the
rapers' trade steadily increases, and was certainly not less than
forty. Thus between 14P4 and 1498-5 out of nineteen who were
admitted, one was a gentleman of Maldon, one came from Boston,
one was the Ciommon Serjeant of the City. During the same
period one was translated from the Goldsmiths, this being the
first recorded instance of translation. Of these none were ad-
mitted gratis, except the Ck)mmon Serjeant, and all but one paid
varying sums from 1^4 to ;^i in addition to the usual fee of 3/. 4^.
In the year 1498 an inquiry was made into the regulations for
admission by Redemption, apparently with the aim of reducing
the fees and allowing greater laxity with regard to the qualifica*
tion for admission, since in the following years the change in
those directions is still more strongly marked.
Thus in 1499-15^00 of the five admitted, John Cope obtained
the privilege through the request of the King's mother, and
Thomas Dowes at that of Sir Wm. Capel,^ wmle another was
admitted by the consent of the Council or the Craft, and all these
paid no fees. In the following seven years, i j^oo-i to 1^08-9,
the admissions by Redemption are still more loose. Out of
a total number of 103, thirty-one at least had no connexion with
the trade. One was a knight; one a squire; one a yeoman;
two, Guyllam de Rivera, and * a Gascon born ', were foreigners-
Seven came from outside London ; thirteen were gentlemen, one
being of Lincoln's Inn ; one was the son, another the cousin,
' Wardens' Accoants, 403, fes. 57 a to 84 a.
^ Wardens* Accounts, 403, fos. 58 b to 84 b.
^ 403, fo. <?8a.
Digitized by
Google
i6o Changes in the Organization of the
of a Draper ; one was a servant of Master Dudley, the King's
financial agent j and two were * Doctors ', probably of Law.
The list also includes the following omcials: a squire of the
King's Ck)uncil ; the clerk of the Spy eery with the King ; the
Chamberlain of London ; the under SheriflF of Middlesex ; the
Baillie of South wark; the Steward of St. Giles in the Fields; the
Attorney of the Guildhall ; the Prior of Marton, and the Mayor's
Serjeant. No better proof could be found that the Drapers were
passing through a period of transition and that they were ceasing
to become a purely business society. Meanwhile the number
of admissions without any fee increased, and where a fee was paid,
it was generally lower than formerly.' In two cases, that of
William Mylborn Chamberlain of London and John Wilkinson,
admission to the Livery was accompanied by admission to the
Freedom, and in both cases without any fee.
Nevenheless, the £ict that the number of the apprentices bound
every year somewhat increases * reminds one that there were many
who were still devoting themselves to the lucrative business of
trading in, if not of making, cloth ; while the number of trans-
lations from other Gilds is a proof that they were still insisting
that those who pursued their Craft should be enrolled as members.
Seven were thus translated: two from the Weavers, and one
each from the Salters, the Sheremen, the Glasyers, the Scriveners,
and the Woolpackers.'
' Eighteen were admitted without any fee, thirty were only charged the
clerk's Tee, and only twenty- three paid anything beyond the usual 'spoon silver '
of 3/. 4</. There is a curious entry in 1498-9 : John Gibson, entered by
Redemption, who after taking the oath refuses it. He pays 3/. 41/., and sabse-
quently 40/. He is discharged of his oath < for dyvers considerations toching
his grete avauntai^e and pro^y t, as he and his ffrendes said ', but he is ' to pay
his Quarterage and to obey his somens at all times and other acustamable
charees '. 403, fbs. ^S a, 71 b, 73 a, 7^ a, 78 b, 80 b, 8i b, 84 b, %6 b.
' In the eighteen years between i475~93s about 3^1 were bound; in the
fifteen following years, 419.
^ There were two reasons for these translations: (i) To obtain the Freedom
of the Qty, some were admitted into a Gild, which was in no way connected
with the trade they subsequently adopted j (i) some might enter one Gild by
Patrimony and yet work at another trade, and though, by the Stat. 38 Ed. Ill,
c. z, which repealed Stat. 37 Ed. Ill, c. ▼, a member of any Gild could, by the
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers ^ 1441-15-09 161
Meanwhile the notice of Kytters admitted by Redemption, the
fint instance of which occurs in ijoi, seems to indicate that the
Drapers were invading the province of the Tailors, since Kytters
are described as makers ot garments, that is to say, ' gownys,
doublets, jakkets, kyrtvls, peticots ', and such-like.*
This loosening of tne cnaracter of the Company is also accom- Admissions
panied by a restriction of the numbers admitted to the Cloth- ^.^^^
ing* and a consequent reduction in the number. Between ^^^^'
1493-4 and 15-08-9 the total number of the members in the
Livery never reached higher than 80, and then steadily fell,
to end with 5-^.3 It was customary for some of those in the
Livery to dine in the Guildhall at the Mayor's Feast. In 1^04
those who could not be accommodated in the Guildhall were
ffiven a dinner at Drapers' Hall, and this was continued in the
following years.*
As we should expect, with this closing of the Livery, the Increase in
power of the Council is evidently increasing, and in every way pp^erofthe
the Company is becoming somewhat more oligarchical. Thus by ""^ '
an alteration in the ordinance of the date of 15^04-5-, the Master
and Wardens were given authority to admit by Redemption with-
out the approval of the rest of the Fellowship,^ and by an altera-
tion of another ordinance, with regard to the election of the
CQstom of London, work at any trade, this was always objected to by the Gilds.
Letter Book K, xxxvi, p. 203. There are a few instances of Drapers being
tianslated to other Gilds, e. g. John Wynne, transbted to the Goldsmiths, 1416.
Letter Book K, fo. 38 b.
' Fire Kytten were admitted in 1501-z. Wardens' Accounts, 403, fe. 71 b.
This is the first notice j between this date and 1509 twenty-four are admitted.
Cf. Ordinance of 1511, Appendix, vol. i, No. XVII, x, 15.
• In I year . o \
In 6 years . i
In 1 „ .2
In I year . 3
In I „ .7 I Total
In I J, . 9 f lof.
In 2 years . 13
In I year . 15
In I » .17
In I „ .18
3 C£ Statistics, i. Appendix, vol. ii. No. XXXI. ^ 403, fos. 81 a, 83 a, 87 a.
^ CfOrdinanceof i455-^(x.i)asalteredin i504*5,Appendix,vol.i,No.XVII.
Digitized by
Google
i6% Changes in the Organization of the
Master and Wardens of about the same date, it is expressly stated
that the choice of the Aldermen, old Wardens, and members
of the Council shall be accepted by the Fraternity.'
Financial The annual balance was subject to considerable fluctuations.
Position. \^ 14-P3-+ it was £,\oi. IJ. 7^.; in i^oo-i it had risen to
;^2op 1 2 J. 7|y. In the very next year it suddenly fell to
£lS ^J- lol^/., then in \so4fS to £,s i+J. 3^., and in the follow-
ing year to jj. 4^/., which in 15^08-p was turned into a deficit of
£1. I2J. 8|^.* This sudden fell in the balance in and after 15-02
is sufficiently explained by the purchases they made in those
years,3 and by the rebuilding of the house called the * Gote in
Chepe', which had been devised to them by Richard Norman
in 1472.* On the other hand they receive some jfioo in cifis
from brethren during the years i4.75'-i^op, most of which is
spent in plate. For some reason there was an increase in the
number of the brethren who fell into poverty at the close of the
Eeriod under review. In 1485-7 there was only one almsman,
lackborne, who received 23J. 4^. But in iyo8-p there were
five, who were receiving ;^i 05- 4^-. 6d. a year between them. Two,
however, died that year. Almshouses are also mentioned at that
date. The contribution to the poor who were not members was
small enough. In 15-08-9 it only amounted to 15^^. 7^., and in
15^0 J one *Ffeder Pend* was given the sorry pittance of 4^.
in his sickness.^
' Ordinance of 1454-5 as altered, Appendix, vol. i. No. XVII.
^ Cf. 403 under the respective years. It must be remembered that fiom
1493 ^^ balance of the Renters' Accounts was paid to the Wardens.
^ In 1 501 they bought tenements of Sir Lawrence Aylmei^ cost /'214. In
1507 a little house in St. Lawrence Lane of Richard Hartwell, iC^S, and a little
house in Chepe of the Master and Brethren of St. Giles, ii i. On the other
hand they sold to the Prior of £lsyn Spytyll a house in Lawrence Lane £>r i6%,
403, fbs. 72 a, 85 a, 85a, 87 a.
^ Note. — The first entry of Expenses for building is amusing. It runs :
' Item to Thomas Smart (their carpenter) in amest lor making of ourkous in
Chepe newe, called the Gote and for making of viii newe kechinges in Southwark
and £>r potacion 5dL' The work was evidently done by contract and cost some
C^o. 403, fb. 87 a. The carpenter was admitted into the Freedom gratis in the
year 1 50^-7. Ibid., £>. 82 b j Wardens' Accounts, 403, fbs. 38 b, 77 a, 85 a, 87 b $
Renters* Accounts, 142, 1508-9, Appendix, vol. i. No. XXII B.
^ The pensioners were : (i) Robert Brygges, who had probably been a Warden,
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers y 1441-15-09 163
The other items of interest alluded to in the accounts must Incidental
be briefly summarized. In i^p^-iJ further additions are being i^««« ^^
made to the Hall. These necessitated the building of a new "**«"*^-
chimney on the ground adjoining, which belonged to St. Mary
Abchurch, and for which a quit-rent of 12^. a year had to be paid.
They also now made a * halpase ' (haut-pas or dais), and we are
incidentally reminded that there was a Lady's Chamber.' But
the Drapers had not only to spend money on their own Hall. In
common with members of the other companies, they were assessed
in 15^01-2 for the building of a new kitchen at the Guildhall, the
total contribution coming to over £zi*
The fines during this period of sixteen years are somewhat Fines,
numerous and are illustrative of the general conduct of the
members. These include misbeluviour against a brother both in
words and deeds, 8^.; giving &lse measure to a stranger, ij*. ;
keeping an apprentice two years without presenting him, and then
selling his terms to one not of the Fellyship without licence, 2 j. ;
Mr. Rysse for keeping a shop in partnership with a Taylor and
using nis apprentices with the said Taylor, 6s. %d. The same man
Rysse was also fined 6s. SJ. for refusing to take his livery when
a^nitted. These are comparatively small sums, but when Sir
Wm. Capd, a powerful man, was judged of misbehaviour against
since his pension is at the rate of I4</. a week, which was the rate (or one who
had been Warden. Bat we haTe not a complete list of Wardens so early as this,
(x) Will. Aithorp, 13/. ^d, a quarter, the pension £>r a liveryman. (3) Richard
Stukeley. He is probably a pensioner, as he is paid the same as Aithorp, although
the sam is entered as ^ wages '. (4) Geoffrey Kent does not receive his rail
pension, apparently became of his death. (5 and 6) The other two, Thomas
Payne and Thomas Hayward, receive only 6s, ZiL and 10s, a quarter respectively.
As they do not appear to have been in the Liveiy and are receiving a lower
pension, this looks as if the freemen at this time coald be pensioners. It is
not likely that ' F£ider Pend ' was a member, although a John Pend was
apprenticed in 1501. C£ 403, fb. 71.
' 403, fbs. ^i a, 83 a.
' 403, fo. 75 b. In 1483 they had contributed £s towards building the
Gnildh^l, a somewhat niggardly contribution, since the Mercers gave 1C40, the
Goldsmiths fio, and even the Shearmen ifio. Herbert, i. 103. In 1 491-1
they contributed another £^ fer the same purpose, 403, fe. 53 b; while in 1503
they paid 6d, for a lock and key for a bastard door to receive meat at the Mayor's
Feast, 403, fo. 77 a.
Digitized by
Google
Settlement
of Dispittesw
Acquisition
of the Ad-
▼owson of
St.Michael's,
Comhill.
164 Changes in the Organization of the
Maister Skipwith ^ by most part of all the council ', he had to
pay 40J.'
Gapel, who had been Warden three times and was to be Warden
several times subsequently, appears to have been a troublesome
man. In 1^04 he had an action against one of the Wardens,
which he however withdrew," and we know that, whether justly
or no, he had, in 14^4 and 1^07, fallen out with the King.
The final appeal in case the offender was recalcitrant lay to the
City authorities as before,^ and in the year 1468 we have an amusing
case of a Draper, Wetherley, who had to my damages for wisely
accusing the Sheriff of having imprisoned him in the Counter and
of so binding him and treating him that he despaired of his lifo.^
The settlement of disputes, however, they still attempted to
keep in their own hands. Thus in 1494 William Brasebrig and
William Clerke submitted a complicated case about some mer-
chandise to arbiters chosen by themselves, who heard the case in
the presence of the Wardens. The arbitrators not only settle the
matter in dispute but ^ ordayn that either party shall deliver to the
other a general acquitance of all manner of actions personall from
the beginning of uie world \ And, on the plaintiff demurring,
they command that he shall not ^ attempt accion in the spiritual
law or temporall ' on pain of a fine of ;^4o to be paid to the
Temporal Box.
The Statute of 15^03-4. altered all this. It forbade any Gilds
to restrain their members from appealing to the King's courts, and
accordingly an ordinance of 1^43 allowed any member to * pleyne
where him liketh '.
In the year i^oyHJ the Drapers secured the advowson of
St. Michael's, Cornhill. This had been a complicated affair. In
the year 1^03-4 ^^^Y ^^^> ^7 ^^ favour of the Bishop of London
their Chancellor, which was refreshed by a gift of four hogsheads
' 403, fes. $^ ^66sL. Even the members of the Court appear to have been
onmly, since in 1497^ they bay a hammer, id.^ to knock on the table and keep
order. Ibid., fo. 6f b.
* 1 5 04- J. ^o^yfo. 79 a-
^ Cf. Expenses with the Recorder and Coansell of the Qtie for Thomas
Hertes reformacion, 1^07-S. 405, fo. 8f b.
^ Letter Book L, fo. f 9 b.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Drapers^ I44i-ij'09 i6r
of wine of the value of over £f ,' prevailed upon the Abbot of
Evesham to come to terms. Accordingly, in the March of the
year 1503-4 an indenture was made between the Abbot of
Evesham * on the one part and of Simon Hogan, Thomas Cremer,
and other members of the Company on the other part, whereby,
in return for an annual rent charge of £s 6s. 8^., issuing out of
tenements in London, the Abbot, with the consent of the Pope
Alexander VI, granted the advowson to the said persons.^ The
grant to the members of the Company was in accordance with
the usual practice, and was probably so framed to avoid any
troubles with regard to the Mortmain Laws. Shortly after
Thomas Cremer and the other grantees released their share in the
right to the advowson to Simon Hogan,^ who, in return for the
enjoyment of the patronage for the present, gave to the Fellow-
ship a tun of wine and six chased gilt cups weighing i ip| oz.,
and the promise of a burial-cloth on his death.' On his decease,
15-04, he left the patronage to the Company.* The advowson
was, however, subsequently disputed by the Abbot of Evesham,
and it was not till the year 15-07 that he gave way and that the
patronage was confirmed to them * by the assent of the Pope, the
Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and other well
learned and mighty men ', at a cost of over ;^4.o.^ In 15-06 the
Parson, Master John Wardroper, Bachelor or both Laws, was
admitted a member of the Fellowship.^ Henceforth St. Michael's
became their special place of worship instead of the Church at
Bowe. In 15-00-3 tney had, however, received j^iij 6s. SJ.
from Mistress Peak in return for the right of presentation, pre-
sumably after the death of Hogan, and she finally surrenders the
patronage to the Company some time before lyiS.^
' 4 hocsheads of wine, value £^ 31. ^d.^ given to the Bishop ' to have his favour
towards the patrimony of St. MichaePs '. 403, (6. 74 b.
' The Abbot appears to have been in debt to the Company, since in the
previous December he had executed a bond for if 300 to the Drapers.
^ These documents are in the possession of the Company. Cf. Q^ 14,
If, 22.
* Q:.»3- ' 403, fo. 75 b.
^ Q;^2o ; Sharpe, Calendar of Wilb, ii. ^07.
^ 403^ fo. 81 a. C£ also Book of Evidences A, 198 b.
^ 403, ib. 82 b.
^ 403, fbs. 71 a, 7$^i Stow, ed. Kingsfbrd, i. 195. Such seems to be the
Digitized by
Google
Position of
the Drapers
among the
Uvciy Com-
panies.
Relations
between the
Drapers and
the Taybrs.
i66 Changes In the Organization of the
By the end of the reign of Henry VII the precedence of the
Livery Companies, in all pageants and other civic ceremonials,
had been practically settled. The decision lay in the hands of
the Mayor and the Court of Aldermen, but the question had been
the cause of much dispute, and the order had varied. Neverthe-
less since the reign of Richard III the Drapers had gradually
established their claim to stand third, after the Mercers and the
Grocers, and this order was finally confirmed by the Court of
Aldermen in the fourth year of Henry VIII, it being understood
that the Company of which the Mayor was a member for the
time being should always lead the way/ Their position was well
deserved, for since the year 1+74 seven Drapers had held the
position of Mayor, eight had been Sheriffs, and six members for
the City. And yet it was just at this time that their control of
the cloth trade was being threatened by the Taylors and others.
The relations between the Drapers and the Taylors, their old
rivals, had during this period been at first friendly. In 1493-4
the Masters and the Wardens of the Taylors met at Drapers'
Hall * for the graining of cloths and to have a potacion '.* This
was no doubt for the purpose of taking measures to carry out the
Statute 4 Henry VII, c. 8 (1488-p), which, while fixing the
prices of many kinds of cloth, forbade the retail sale of * grained ' '
cloth at a price beyond 16s. the broad yard.
Again in 1497 we find the two Companies acting in common.
In the year 1483-4, in answer to a peddon of the Drapers and
Taylors, an Act of Richard III (i, c. viii) had been passed,
which * for the eschewing of great filsede and fraud which had
grown of late ' fixed the lengths of certain cloths and forbade the
fraudulent drawing out of the length and breadth thereof and
fraudulent dyeing of the same. No cloth was to be sold by retail
or exponed undl it had been sealed *in every county, cide,
meaning of two rather obscure passages : ' Received of Maistress Peak ' £66 3 /. 4^.
and £^6 13/. ^d. ' towards her good will ' for the patrimony of St. Michael's, L e.
towards ^200, the total sum to oe paid by her. When the balance was paid does
not appear.
' Ct Herbert, i. loi and note.
^ 403, fb. 58 a. Cf. Rastall, Statutes, p. iif, 36.
^ Grained cloth originally meant scarlet dyed, but later was used for any fast
dyed cloth.
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship: of Drapers ^ 1441-1 $-09 1 67
borough and towne ', and none was to be sealed except that made
after the Feast of St. Michael next following.* This left a great
deal of * old made ' cloth on the hands of Drapers, Taylors, and
others. Accordingly the Drapers and Taylors pressed for the
* Reformation ' of the Act ; the cost to the two Companies * for
vitelles, supplications and learned counsell' amounting to
£1 14J. 4i/.* They succeeded in their suit and the said Act
of Richard HI was suspended.^ In 15^04 the Drapers ask for
a * placard ' of the Crown allowing the sale of the * old made
cloth ', and in i^-o^-S a placard to the same effect is purchased
by the Drapers, the Taylors, the Mercers, and the Sheremen.*
Nevertheless cause for disagreement with their old rivals still
existed. In the year 15-02 the Taylors or linen Armourers, who
had up to this time chiefly confined themselves to the making of
cloth and of linen doublets for armour, obtained from the Crown
a Charter of Incorporation under the new title of the Merchant
Taylors.5 Although in this Charter they are still spoken of as
makers and cutters of men's apparel, they claim in the recital of
the Charter to have exercised of old every kind of merchandises
and of buying and seUine; them, especially woollen cloths, as well
wholesale as retail. The Charter confirmed their claim and
further authorized them to * augment and increase the Fraternity '
and to receive into it * whatsoever persons, natives ', they may
wish, * without hindrance or disturbance of any other Art or
Mystery of the Citie '/ It also confirmed their right of search,
' Rastall, Statutes, p. 114 b, 34. C£ the original petition, Letter Book L,
lbs. 179—80. The grievances complained of were 'Deceite in the makyng,
ihllyng, drawyng or settyng of leneeth in the Teyntoors, Sheiyng and
powderyng with Flokkes of woollen cloth in biyng and sellyng of the same ', in
London and in England. The pedtion soes into considerable details.
' 403, fo. 61 a. C£ also 403, %6 a, £s. x6 b.
^12 Hen. VII, c. 4 } Rastal^ Statutes, p. i if, 37-
♦ 403, fos. 79^9 87 b.
^ Clode, Merchant Taylors, vol. i,p. 198.
^ The Stat. 37 Bd. Ill, c f , had forbidden a member of a Craft to work at
any other craft, bat this was repealed in the following year, 38 Ed. Ill, c. z, and
henceforth, according to the custom of London, a member ofany Gild could work
at any trade. The difficulty was met by ^ translations ', which of late had
become very frequent. Letter Book K, fbs. 29 b, 135 b, 174, 117, %%6h^
Introduction, xxxyi.
Digitized by
Google
i6S Changes in the Organizafion of the
governance, and correction of all men of their Fraternity, and also
of natives, strangers, and foreigners, using the said Mysteries of
Merchant Taylors and Linen Armourers, or anything apper-
taining to the said Mysteries in the City and its suburbs.
The Charter, which was evidently intended to grant to the
Taylors the privileges of trading as well as making, and by which
right of search was definitely confirmed, at once aroused the
hostility of the Drapers, more especially since of late the
Merchant Taylors had been admitting into their Fraternity men
of other trades.' With little consistency, considering the way in
which the Drapers themselves had of late been admitting persons
of other trades to their own Fraternity, they proceeded to dispute
the same right to the Taylors. They moved for a return or the
* redemcioners Taylors ' since the reign of Edward III, and even
suggested that the Taylors were admitting, or at all events em-
ploying, Frenchmen.* They consulted counsel ; they paid fees to
the Recorder, and to the King's attorney ; they drew up a suppli-
cation to the King's Council against the said ' redemcioners ' and
against the incorporation of tne Merchant Taylors. But their
efforts, which cost them £x^ 8x. 4^/., besides certain * potacions '
which they had with their opponents, as well as with Haber-
dashers and others, were all in vain. The Merchant Taylors
were a powerfid body. Besides a great number of influential
persons, five kings at least had worn their livery. Henry VII him-
self was a member, and, according to Strype, sat in their Common
Hall at the elections of their Master and Wardens in a gown of
crimson and a citizen's hood.^ From henceforth, therefore,
the Merchant Taylors became formidable rivals in the trade
of cloth.*
'e.g. a Brewer, a Talloir-chandler, a Vintner, a Grocer, a Shereman,
a Dyer.
» Cf. 40J, fos. 7% b, 74 aj 74 b.
^ Qode, Pt. I, pp. 131 and 195.
* That the Merchant Taylon appreciated the value ok royal support is shown
by their refusal to join some of the other Crafts in the petition to Parliament of
If 12 to have the Stat. 19 Hen. VII, c. 79 rescinded. This Act had revoked the
Stat. 15 Hen. VI, cc. 6, 7> which had given the authority to confirm Gild
ordinances to the Justices of the Peace and to governors of dties, towns, and
boroughs. See next page. Sharpe, London and tne Kingdom, L 357-
Digitized by
Google
Fellowship of Papers y i^^i-ij-op 169
Nor was this all : two other Companies began to compete in Rivalry of
the trading business. In the year 15-00 the Haberdashers, who tt« Habcr-
had been dealers in Haberdashery, with an industrial element, ^V " *"^
receive the title of Merchant Haberdashers and absorb the workers.
Cappers and the Hatters.' In 15-27 the Shearmen and the Fullers,
united under the title of the Clothworkers, find the last place
among the twelve Greater Livery Companies. They obtain the
right of search over denizens and aliens in all matters pertaining
to their two Mysteries, to woollen cloths and fustians and afl
other goods used in the same, and for restraint of foreign workmen
not 01 the Freedom, and rapidly extend the trading part of their
business."*
Finally, it should be remembered that in the year 1x03-4^
the authority of the Crown over all Fellowships of Crafts or
Mysteries was enforced by the Act which ordered that in future
all ordinances of such Fraternities should be examined and ap-
proved, no longer by the Mayor as hitherto, but by the Chan-
cellor, the Treasurer, and Chidf Justices of either Bench or three
of them, or by both the Justices of Assize, and further forbade
Gilds to restrain their members from appealing to the King's
Courts.
By this Act the Crown definitely asserted its intention to control
the trade and industries of the country and thereby rang the
death-knell of that system of Town Economy which had been
the chief feature of the Middle Age and the true foster-mother of
the Gild System.
' Herbert, li. 537.
' In 1 5 1 5 a Shearman, having prospered in his business, gQt translated to the
Drapers, to the indignation of his old Craft. This and other cases of translation
were no doobt one reason £>r the desire of the Shearmen to obtain the Charter.
Unwin, Industrial Organization, p. 44. The Merchant Taylors also quarrelled
with the Haberdashers and Clothworkers on the question of apprentices, on the
ii2ht of search, and the limits of their respective trades. Clode, i 102-4. The
whole question as to the ri^ht of powerful Companies to admit persons dT other
Crafts was raised again in ue reign of Elizabeth $ but though a Bill passed the
Commons in 1575 forbidding translations, it was challenged in the House of
Lords and never received the Royal Assent. Qode, i. zo6.
3 19 Hen. VII, c. 7.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
APPENDICES TO VOL. I
PAGE
L An Account of the chief original Documents up to 1^03
in the possession of the Drapers' Company . • ^73
II A. Drapers in the Thirteenth Century . . i8i
II B. Evidences as to the fnnctions of the Drapers in the
Thirteenth Century 184
III A. Drapers in the Fourteenth Century up to the date of
the first Charter, 13(^4 185:
III B* Evidences as to the fimctions of the Drapers in the
Fourteenth Century ij^i
IV. Ordinances of the Brotherhood of Our Lady of Bethlehem,
1371 19^
V. Stat. 37 Edward III, c« y, 6. That merchants and artificers
sludl keep to their own merchandise and Mystery.
Stat 38 Edward III, c. x, repealing same . loa
VI. Letters Patent of July if, 38 Edward III, 13^4 . 104
VII. Petition of the Mystery of Drapers against the election
of Nicholas Brembre as Mayor in 1384 . . . xp8
VIII. Grant of a Quit-rent bv Fitzalwyn, paid by the Drapers'
Fraternity. September 30, 7 Henry VI, 14x8 . .an
IX. Letters Patent of Henry Vl. Charter of Incorporation.
November 30, 17 Henry VI, 1438 . . 214
X. The Grant of the Farm of Aulnage. February i(f,
17 Henry VI, 1439, New Style %i6
XL Grant of Arms. March 10, 17 Henry VI, 1439, New
Style XXI
XII. Inspeximus Charter of July %6y 6 Edward IV ( 14(^6), con-
firming and expanding that of 17 Henry VI . . 2x9
XIII. Confirmation of the Drapers' Right of Search. October (f,
atf Henry VI, 1447 X3X
XIV. Ordinance of the Mayor confirming the Right of Search
of Woollen Cloths. October 6y x(f Henry VI, 1447 • ^33
Digitized by
Google
I7X appendices to Vol 1
?AGK
XV. Letters Patent of Edward IV, promising that Shearmen
shall have no Corporation. April 9, 19 Edward IV,
H79 ^jy
XVI. Letters Patent of Richard III releasing the Drapers from
all forfeitures for oflfences committed before Fet>-
ruaiy ai, 14.84. May ai, i Richard m, 1484 . . ^6
XVII. The Oath Book or Book of Ordinances, originally drawn
up in 140^ and entered in the book in 14(^0, with
later additions up to 159 1 ^41
XVIIL Transcript of the earliest Wardens' Accounts from 1414
to 144a iSi
XIX. The First Drapers' Hall. Grant of site .... 348
XX A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for the year
i48i-x 3^1
XX B. Transcript of the earliest Renters' Accounts for the
year i48i-x ^^6
XXI. List of Members of the Drapers' Company in 1493 . . ^6^
XXII A. Transcript of the Wardens' Accounts for tiie year
1508-9 3(f7
XXII B. Transcript of the Renters* Accounts for the year
1508-9 37+
Digitized by
Google
AN ACCOUNT OF THE CHIEF ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS
UP TO Kfoj IN THE POSSESSION OF THE DRAPERS'
COMPANY
CbMTtfrs,
No* m Catahgitf.
IX. Letters Patent of 38 Ed. Ill, July i;, 13^4. On vellum
with seal. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. VI. There is
also a copy of this at the GuUdhall. Herbert's copy, L 480,
comes from the recital in the mandate commanding publica-
tion by the Sherifis, which difters slightly from the Drapers'
Patent, especially in saying that the four Wardens elected
are to be sworn twice a year instead of once as in the original
Patent.
A. V. a87. Charter of Incorporation, Nov. 30, 17 Hen. VI, 1438.
On vellum with seal, which is broken. Transcribed in
Appendix, voL i. No. IX.
A. V. a88. Urant of the farm of the aulnage of doth, 17 Hen. VI,
February Kf, 1439 (New Stvle). On vellum with seaL
Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. X.
Ch. XXI. Grant of Arms, March 10, 17 Hen. VI, 1439 (New Style).
Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XI.
Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fb. idea.
Confirmation of Drapers' Right of Search, i(f and 27
Hen. VI, 1447. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XIII.
Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 160 a.
Order of Court of Aldermen concerning Meteyards,
October (f, %6 Hen. VI, i44<f.
Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fb. 160 %.
Inspeximus Charter, 6 Ed. FV, 1^6. On vellum with
illuminated initial letter E and border, in good preservation,
seal attached. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. i. No. XII.
Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fo. 1^7 b.
Letters Patent of April 9, 19 Ed. IV, 1479, promising
that Shearmen shall not have incorporation. Transcribed in
Appendix, vol. i. No. XV.
Digitized by
Google
174 Chief OriginalDocuments in Tos session of
No, m C^alogne.
Book of Evidences A, No. }88, fo. \^6h.
Licence to bold in mortmain. Edward IV.
A. V. 189. Letters Patent of i Ric. Ill, May xi, 1484, releasing
Drapers from Forfeitures. On veUum with seal. Transcribed
in Appendix, vol. i. No. XVI.
Ch. X. Bargain and Sale of Cromwell's House and garden by
Henry VIII to the Drapers. On vellum, seal attached.
Ch. V. Grant of Cromwell's House, iy+3-4, JT Hen. VIII, for
consideration of 1,800 marks. On vellum, with initial
enclosing fic;ure of Henry VIII, and elaborate head-line.
Seal attached.
Ch. XX. May xi, i(fii, 6 James I. Letters Patent reconfirming
grant of Cromwell's House.
Ch. III. June ix, i Eliz., i;5'9. Exemplification of a Memorandum
in the Exchequer of a Judgement in Michaelmas Term,
% and 6 Philip and Mary, releasing the Drapers' Company from
the royal claim for ^lyx 6s. W. representing eight years*
arrears on the annual sum of ^10 ox. \od, arising out of
obits under the Chantries Act, i £a. VI, c. 14- On vellum,
with initial enclosing figure of the Queen, and elaborate
head-line. Seal attached. A copy of the same, A. IIL 131.
Ch. XI. Inspeximus Charter, April ix, x Eliz., i^(fo. On vellum,
with an initial letter enclosing figure of the Queen. Seal
attached. Transcribed in Appendix, vd. iL
Ch. XVII. July y, I %6\ . Confirmation by William Hervy, Qarencieux
Kmg of Arms, of the Arms granted to the Drapers' Com-
pany bv William Bruges, Garter, on March 10, 1439, with
an adaitional gnint of crest and supporters. Framed at
Drapers' Hall. Transcribed in Appendix, vol. ii.
Ch, XII. Decree of Chancery re Howell's legacy, September 4,
6 Eliz., iy(f3-4, with pedigree attached. On vellum, with
seal.
C. 6\. Exemplification of a Decree in Chancery, made June X4,
I Eliz., 1^58-5^, in case of Cysely Thomas and others^ kin ot
Thomas Howell, plaintifis against Sir W. Chester and other
Masters and Wardens of the Drapers* Company. On vellum,
with seal.
Ch. (fy. 17 Eliz., May 30, 1^75.
Decree m Chancery ratifying order of Master of RoUs,
discharging Master and Wardens from payment to one of the
plaintim, in whose favour a decree had been made, she not
being found in the Herbal or Pedigree of Howell.
Digitized by
Google
the Drapers' Company up to 1603 17$-
N^. in Catalogue.
Ch. XVI. January i, 1594, ^6 Eliz.
Exemplification of a Bill in suit dt Kath. Phyllyp and
others of kin of Thos. Howell^ plaintiff, and Benedict Barnham
and others, against the Master and Wardens, defendants.
Also of answer, and orders certifying pedigree made June 11,
y Eliz.
Ch. VI. February (f, lyj^g, 40 Eliz.
Confirmation of the grant of The Herber to the Drapers.
On vellum, with initial enclosing figure of the Queen, and
elaborate head-line. Seal attached.
Ch. I. Promulgation of Ordinances by the Chancellor, Nic.
Bacon and others, November 18, 19 Eliz., 1^7^-7. On
vellum, with elaborate initial letter and head-line. Seal
attached.
A. V. ajo. Certificate of Will. Camden, Clarencieux King ot Arms, as
to arms borne by H. Fitzalwyn, First Mayor of London, and
that he was free of the Drapers' Company. October jo, 161 3,
James I.
A. III. 115^. Certificate of obits presented to the King's Commissioners,
1547. Transcribed, Appendix, vol. ii.
A. y?y. Quaint Schedule of Obits. 34 Hen. VIII, iy4*-3«
140 Warden^ Aecaimts. The earliest that we have begin in
141 3, and are continued with some gaps to the year 14^1-1.
TTiey are written in Norman French. These have been fully
transcribed in the Appendix, vol. i. No. XVIII, with a brief
description.
4-795: From the year i4fx to 1475: we are left without anv
authorities except that of the Book of Ordinances, ^icn
contains the oidinances originally drawn up in 140; but
onlv committed to writing and added to in the year 14(^0.
This is followed by further ordinances as revised in I ;(fo. This
book is described and partly transcribed, partly abstracted,
in the Appendices, vd. i* No. XVII : vol. ii.
We have also an Ordinance Book for the Bachelors as
revised in 1^60. This book is bound very much like the
other Ordinance Book. But the ordinances only take up
four pages written on both sides. The rest of the pages are
blank. Appendix, vol. ii.
With the year 1475* the Wardens' Accounts again become
our most important authority, and from henceforth are
continuous. In the year 148 1 they are supplemented by the
Renters' Accounts, which are also continuous, except fi>r
the interval between 148; and 1^06.
Digitized by
Google
1^6 Chief Original 2)ocumenfs in Tossession of
No. in Catalogue,
These accounts are found in the following volumes :
40; I. Wardens' Accounts, i4.7f-<f to 1^08-9. This is a
folio volume measuring 16} x 1 1 inches, in its original
leather binding on stout wooden boards, with an impressed
diagonal pattern. The first leaf is of vellum, the rest paper.
The vellum leaf and the three following leaves are filled
with miscellaneous entries, one of i^yz-j, the rest of a later
date than the first account, headed with the name Ihesus, or
the names Jhesus, Maria. Among these entries is a list of
the plate owned by the Fellowship in 14.93.
llie accounts occupy eighty-four leaves. The accounts
are in £ngllsh, but till 14.77-8 the headings are in Latin.
< In tempore '. In the following year the English heading is
added, and in 1493 the Latin disappears. The writing,
which is in court hand, is good up to the year 140 1 and
embellished with ornamental initials, but after that ckte the
ink is bad and the handwriting poor. The eight last leaves
are again filled with miscellaneous entries, and with an inven-
tory of the plate in i^H* C^* Appendix. The book is in
excellent preservation.
143 1. Wardens' Accounts, 15:08-9 to 1^4^-7. This and the
following volume are wrongly labelled ^ Renters' Accounts '
and nunS)ered in that series. The accounts are not in book
form, but each consists of a separate section, written on
paper, the whole being enclosed in a vellum cover. After
lyijT they contain only casual items not included in the
Repertories. The volume is much begrimed with dirt.
140 A. Rough Minutes, i^x^^. Loose ^eets in very bad con-
dition. These were found unfastened, in an old cover of
vellum. The cover also contained the earliest Wardens'
Accounts, which are now printed. Appendix, vol. i.
No. XVIIL
148 3. Wardens' Accounts, 1547-8 to iy(fi-i. A continua-
tion of the volume immediately above, bound in vellum.
The paper is very much torn in parts, and in a filthy con-
dition. The volume is much larger tiian its predecessor,
the vellum cover having been made to fit one of the
accounts, which is larger than the rest, and is greatly torn and
mutilated.
iy6 4. Wardens' Accounts, iy(fi-3 to 160^^. Unbound;
in a bad condition.
Renters' Accounts. These deal more especially with the
rents of property, chiefly house property, belonging to the
Digitized by
Google
the Drapers^ Company up to 1603 177
Ni». m CstMlogue.
Fellowship, the expenses of building and reparations, and the
quit rents due by the Fellowship. There are four volumes
of these accounts up to the year i^6oy all of them on paper
loosely stitched in stout vellum covers.
141 Vol. I. 14.81-5.
14.1 Vol. II. i;o(fT-i4.
144 Vol. Ill, lyxy-jS.
14^ Vol. IV. i5r35Hfo.
4d>4 Vol. V. iy6i-i(fof.
The accounts for the years 148(^-1505 have disappeared.
Until the year 1494 the accounts of Uie Renters were kept
quite separate from those of the Wardens, After that date
the balance of the Renters' Account was paid over to the
Wardens' Account for the year.
i^ Renters' Accounts of Thomas Howell's Lands, i ^^o~^6*
433 Leases of Howell's Lands. A thin paper folio with
tattered parchment cover; only seven leaves are written on.
It also contains a brief list of the title-deeds of his property.
In Accounts, 1547-^1 (148), fo. 11 b, will be found <a tryall
of all the several payments of Howell's orj^ns throughout
all the Repertories and Journals '.
404 Thomas Howell's Ledger. Giving an account of his
property and commercial transactions from 1515^ to 15x7.
A large volume on paper in vellum binding, much worm-
eaten, with his initials both on the outside and on the first
page. Appendix, vol. ii.
147 Rental, i ^80-4. This book was compiled by John Brooke,
who was elected Renter November xi, 1580. It contains
a list of the tenants of the Company's lands, and of Howell's
lands arranged under localities, followed by an account of
the payments of each tenant at the quarterly terms firom
If 80 to i^i^ An alphabetical index of tenants is prefixed
to the volume. Bound in leather with stamped diamond
pattern, but decayed and in need of repair^ At the end of
this book are found the following documents ;
!• A receipt given bvthewidowofAntonyHussye for certain
moneys repaid her by the Society of Merchants of
Russia.
X. A Bill <^ Exchange paid on account of the Merchants
of Russia.
3. A Petition to the Lord Treasurer to be allowed to
re-export certain goods brought from Russia.
4* A Bill of lading cf cargoes of goods, belonging to
A a
Digitized by
Google
178 Chief Original Documents in Tossession of
members of the Eastland Company. Appendix,
vol. ii«
The Repertories. These are the minutes of the Fellow-
ship, which were probablj read at the Quarter Day Meetings
of the Court.
The main subjects treated of are :
I. Notices of Public Events in which the Fellowship was
concerned,
a. Precepts of the Mayor.
;• Admissions to the Council or Court of Assistants, the
Livery, the Freedom, and to apprenticeship.
4, Elections, election feasts, and civic pageants,
f • Adjudication of disputes, fines, puxiishments.
6. Particulars of obits, chantries, charities, gifts.
7. Ordinances framed by the Council or Court of
Assistants.
8. Purchases of property.
9. After 151 y they contain many of the Wardens*
Accounts,
in short, they supply us with information as to the public
events with wUdi the Fellowship were concerned, and on
the internal government of the Gild.
130 The first (^ these Repertories commence, as we find stated,
<in the time of John Mylbom Alderman and Master of the
Guild or Fraternity of^ St. Mary of Drapers of London,
Peter Starkey. John Hasylwood, William Dolphyn and
Anthony Bui^h, Wardens of the same Guild or Fraternity *
... in the year of our Lord lyiy *. It runs from lyiy to
iff^. As this series is numbered 7 it seems probable that
there were earlier series which have been lost. It is written
in court hand on paper, and bound in rough calf. The
handwriting varies, but it is sometimes excellent and always
legible, except on the four last pages which are stained and
injured by damp.
Besides this Repertory 7, lyiy-yj, we have two addi-
tional Rough Minutes or Accounts which cover the same
period:
140 A. I. lyxy-^.
x^i X. 1731-^- The last leaf of this volume contains
an extract from the Husting Pleas of Land of the date
I Ric. in.
' Rep. 7, p. I.
Digitized by
Google
the "Drapers^ Company up to idoj 179
I^. im Catmbgue.
In the minutes of Rq)ertory 7 for December 3, ^^^6^ we
meet with the following meniorandum : ^ AH the rest of
Mr. Monmouth's tyme (Le. when he was Master^ ^TS^-?)
fblloweth consequently in Libro Octavo, and here not
written as well for lacke of Paper, as also for that the tyme
of Sir Wyllyam Bowyar Knight (Master from i;37-8) bothe
worthie of fame and memory ^ould not be here lefte owte
containing matters of greater consequents than Mr. Mon-
mouth's tyme, and yet paper skant suffydejit left, therefore
as yt appeareth following/ This memorandum ^ows that
the minutes between December i%i6 and September 15:38,
which Repertory 7 contains, were entered from the rough
minutes, and probably at some later time. They only
occujpy two pages and four lines of a third, although they
are followed by twenty-five blank pages. Unfortunately
Liber Octavus is missing. The records, therefore, between
December i53(f and September 1^38 are very fragmentary*
Perhaps the unsatisfactory condition of the records is due to
the clerk, Wm. Hartwell, who was apparently not a satis-
factory person. He got into debt and pledged some of the
Company's plate. Rep. 7, p. 501.
In the Renters' Accounts for 15:40-7, too, there is some
of the quaintest spelling that we have come across. Thus
^yengke' for ink; ^pottashea' for potation; ^Hosse' for
house ; ^ diobbs ' for a carpenter's ^ jc^ '•
128 For the five years between 1547 and if^x we have an addi-
tional Repertory, described as ^Repertorium 1547-14^5:1',
which is (^en referred to in Repertory 7. The minutes in
this < Repertorium ' are more detailed than in Repertory j.
They deal with Precepts of the Mayor, adjudications dt
disputes set out at length and signed by the parties, and
other matters which it was thought fit to enter at greater
length; whereas in Repertory 7 we find a shorter and at
the same time a more comprdiensive record, which was
apparently the one read at the Quarterly Meetings of the
Court. Sometimes, however, the entries in both are
identical.
154 Then follows Repertory B. This commences in 15:5:1
and continues till iT5:7* The Repertory ends with the
following note : ^ Here ended William Bere his tyme, and
Edward Messenger, admytted Clerke in his roome, proceeded
his doings in a new Repertory, signed with the letter C on
the forreU and backside of the saide Booke.' The last ninety-
Digitized by
Google
i8b Chief Original Documents in Tossession of
No. in CMimUpif.
five pages are blank with the eiception of an entiy of
October 04, lyyS.
xyj From the year i^yj when Repertory 7 ends, Repertory B
is accompanied by another Repertory or Journal whidi runs
to February ly^f. The book is a large one bound in
vellum, witn straps ; but the Repertory occupies only ninety
pages, many bong blank. It probably bears the same
relation to Repertory B as did Nos. ayx and 140 a to
Repertory f. It contains many references to Repertory B,
and many of the notices in the two Repertories are identical.
At the reverse end of this Repertory (x^}) there is a
roister of payments to pensioners under various trusts from
if^y to idiy.
xy y Repertory C then follows, running from June 30, i yy 7, to
April II, i^6i. This is in a very bad condition, llie
greater part is almost illegible fix>m stains, and in some
parts the writing is entirely obliterated, while several pages
at the end are decayed.
%^6 We find in Repertory 9, p. xoif, a reference to a
Repertory D, which presumably covered the period between
iydi-7. But it has been lost, and it is not till the year
15^7 that Repertory E commences and runs to the year
1574. Then follow in succession :
xyy Repertory F,whichcoversthe period between iy74and 1584.
1x9 Repertoiy G, which runs from 1584 to 1^94.
X58 Repertory H, which is divided into two parts : {a) the acts
and proceedings of the Wardens from 1794 to Kfo], and
{I) those of the Court during the same period.
All these Repertories are in a fair condition.
Besides these the following documents up to the year 1^03
are to be fiMind at Drapers' Hall :
388 Book of Evidences A. This is a large vellum book bound
in strong leather with a flap and clasps. The original
bindine shows a stamped panel or border, which has been
covered with fresh leather highly decorated with a diamond
pattern. It was probably compiled in i^oi^x, since in that
year we find a sum of ^3 6s. id. paid to Maister Wodcock,
a scrivener, < for devising and making of all our evidences '.
Cf. 403, fo. 7x a.
The evidences consist of copies of the various Charters
granted to the Gild, with translations which are very inac-
curate, and transcripts of the legal deeds and wills, or extracts
from wills, whidi constitute the title to the Company's most
Digitized by
Google
the Drapers' Company up to 1601 181
Not in Catalopit.
ancient properties, with some additions of a later date. For
the purpose of readily finding the separate sections, small pro-
jecting balls of vellum, termed * labells ', are used, and a list is
given of the documents to be found under the several ^labells'.
jgp Book of Evidences B. A large folio paper volume^
originally compiled in the later half of the sixteenth centunr,
with later addiitions. It contains brief descriptions of tne
title-deeds of various properties belonging to the Company,
beginning with Drapers' Hall. It is well written and in
fairly good condition, but has lost one of its covers and
greatly needs rebinding.
418 Bequests i^6%^i66i \
434 ,, 15(^7—5)0 >in foolscap unbound.
4.IP Schedule of Trust Estates^ i^po-Kf oy . Small folio volume,
unbound, compiled at the beginning of the seventeenth
century.
1^6 Ordinances and Statutes by William Lambard, founder
of the College of the Poor of Queen Elizabeth, at Green-
wich, for the regulation of the College. A folio paper volume
written in 15*78, in contemporary calf binding with two
clasps, and a large stamped design of the Company's arms
on each cover. The book contains a licence granted by
Queen Elizabeth on November zy, 1575:, for the establislt-
ment ot the College; the regulations for its government
devised by William Lambard, the founder, and signed by
him with the date *Aug. 1^78*; a description of the
College buildings and lands, and of the property belonging
to it, including the Manor of Brenchesley alias Criells;
various deeds relating to the estates ; and extracts from the
Court Rolls of the Manor of Brenchesley alias Criells, hom
38 Hen. VIII to i<; James L
See also Charter XIV. The same orders republished in
1849.
-f 153. Poor Rolls, 1 5:97-1 (fi9, found in the Minutes Book, i^^yj-y.
+ j8y. Poor Rolls, 1^0 1-^8.
+ X79. Freeman's Admission Book, i^6']''i6^i. Bound in paper,
outer leaf torn. Compiled about KS17, with subsequent
additions. Many addresses and occupations of Freemen
given. Names arranged alphabetically*
+ X78. Freeman's Admission Book, 1^6^-16^6. Bound in vellum
on cardboard. A companion to + t'j^* Written about
i(?i8, with later additions. Arrangement chronological.
Digitized by
Google
i8i Documents of Draper i Company to idog
N#. in CataUgMe.
+ xoo. Dinner Book, i^6^~i6o%. A folio paper volume in its
original vellum binding of the middle of the sixteenth
century. The book is well written and in good condition.
A minute account of the cost and management of the
Quarter Day Feasts and Great Election Feasts is given,
including the incidence of the charges. This supplements
in many important particulars the facts which may be
gleaned from the Repertories.
410. Book of legal. precedents. Sixteenth century. On the
reverse of folio 6x there is a receipt for making ink, and a
memorandum dated September 7, 1591, concerning a Robert
Howell of London. The book is without covers, and its
first three leaves are missing.
II A
DRAPERS IN THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
41, including Hardel but not Fitzalwyn, of whom y were Mayors
(4 of whom had previously been Aldermen and Sheriffs), 8 were Alder-
men and Sheriffs, i Alderman and M.P. for the City.
Note. — ^To the best of my belief, all these were Drapers of London,
but in one or two cases the evidence is not quite conclusive. The
dates given are those found in the authorities.
Pentecost le Draper, iiia. Hist. MSS. Com., Rep. IX. i b, quoted
by Ashley, Economic Hist., II. iiL 14.9.
Lawrence Fitzalan, 11x7. Pays 10 marks. Pipe Roll, 11x7 ; Guild-
hall Transcripts, iv. 66^.
John Tolesan. Pays ^ marks to King. Pipe Roll, 1117; Guildhall
Transcripts, iv. 66^. Alderman of Candlewick Street and Cripple-
gate; Sheriff, 1137-8, 1149-50; Mayor, iiyi-j. Letter Book F,
to. 131 b; Baddeley, Aldermen of Cripplegate, p. 346 ; Beaven, Alder-
men, vol. i, pp. 341 note, 373.
Ralph or Richard Hardel. Alderman of Aldersgate, 1141; Sheriff,
1145^50 ; Mayor, iiir3-8 or 1154^9. Beaven, Aldermen, vol. i, pp. 341
note, 371 ; Letter Book F, fo. 131 b.
John Adrian* Alcjerman of Bassishaw, 1 148 ; of Walbrook, 1 1^0-85 ;
Sheriff, 11^%-^ or iiy^-tfc, 1x66-7 ^^ 11^7-8; Mayor, 1170-1.
Beaven, vol. i, pp. 373, 40^ ; Calendar of Wills, i. 70 j Letter Book F,
fo. 13 1 b ; Letter Book A, fo. 7.
Digitized by
Google
Ihrapers in the Thirteenth Century 183
William Ashwy or Eswy. Alderman of Coleman Street, 1 144: SheriflF,
ia^4-y, layif— 7. Collections of a London Citizen, ed. Gairdner,
1 8 ^6^ pp. X47-8 ; Beaven, Aldermen of London, vol, 1, p. } jx. According
to Gaminer, a Draper; according to Beaven, a Mercer.
William Fitz Richards. Sheriff, ix5'o-i; Mayor, ix^^-60y ii(fo-i
^cording to best authorities). Letter Book F, fb. 179 ; Beaven, p. 34.1 ;
Fabyan, ed. Ellis, i8ii,p. 3(^1 ; Stow, Survey of London, ed. Kingsford,
ii I5(f, 1^7.
Ivo de Linge, laf 9. Fitz Thedmar, Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs
in Lib. de Antiq. Legibus, Camden Society, p. lac ; Riley, Chronicles
of London, p. ixy.
Robertus Barnard, ixy^. Fitz Thedmar, Chronicles of Mayors and
Sheriffs in Lib. de Antiq. Legibus, Camden Society, p. no; Riley,
Chronicles of London, p. izy.
Edward le Blund. Alderman of Bassishaw, 1x66 ^ 1x71 ; Sheriff,
ix<ff-^. Beaven, p. 374; Letter Book F, fb. xji b.
Gcrvase le Draper. Some date at close of reign of Hcniy III. Hist.
MSS. Com., Rep. V. 5^9, quoted by Ashley, Economic Hist., II. iii.
HP-
Peter de Edelmeton. Alderman of Castle Baynard, ix7x-8o« Beaven,
pp. 88, 97^ ; Letter Book B, fbs. jx, loi b ; C, fb. 88.
Copyn de Troys, 1x75. Letter Book A, fbs. x b, 8 b.
Joseph le Acatur, ix75r-^. Member of Parliament, 1x83 or 1x84.;
Alderman of Bridge Ward, 1x83-^0. Letter Book A, fos. i, x^b,
4+b; Beaven, pp. yj, x(f j, 37(f.
Roger Beyvin, draper, 1x^6. Letter Book A, fb. 4.
Wifiiam de Bosco, ix7<f. Letter Book A, fb. y b, d b ; Patent Rolls,
ixxy-3x, p. X3+.
William Bukerel. Alderman of Broad Street, ix7<f-8. Patent Rolls,
1x73, pp. X5^ xif ; Beaven, pp. 70, 375; Letter Book A, fbs. x, 13.
William Vlel, 1x7^?. Letter Book A, fb. 4-
James de Treys, it'j6. Letter Book A, fo. <f b; Qose Rolls, ix7x-5>,
p. 8^.
John Adrian, junior (probably son of the Mayor of 1x70-1). Sheriff,
1x77-8. Letter Book A, fb. (f; B, fb. ii8b; Beaven, Aldermen,
PP- 37J> +05, +otf.
Robert Renaume, 1x78, probably a Draper. Letter Book A, fo. ii.
Stephen Young, 1x78. Calendar of Wills, L 34.
Hiomas Fitz Thomas. Sheri£^ ixdx-3. Letter Book A, fb. x^ b.
John Lincoln, ix8x. Patent Rolls, 1x73, p. 38; Catalc^e Drapers*
Company, vol. ii, A. vil. x^-y.
Jcnrcc dc Eynsham, ix8x. Letter Book A, fb. X7.
Jonn de Stowe, 1x83. Calendar of Wills, i. <fy.
Anketin de Betevile. Alderman of Bread Street, 1x83-91 ; Sheriff,
Digitized by
Google
184- "Drapers in the Thirteenth Century
laSi-;. Letter Book F, fb. xji; Letter Book A, fos. 71, \^6^ 157^
Bcavca, vol, i, pp. +7, 37^.
John de AbindoD, 1289-^8. Letter Book A, fo, fi; B, fb. 31 b»
Rothard le Draper, 1189. Hist. MSS. Com., Rep, V. 3 id, quoted hf
Ashley, Economic Hist., U. iii. 145^.
William de Winton, circ. 1190. Pays xos. Subsidy Roll, circ. ix^.
Will, le Huver, 1x91. Letter Book, fb. 6\.
John le Blund. Alderman of Bread Street,- lapi— 8; Alderman of
Cheap Ward, 1x98-1309. Letter Book C, fbs. 37 b, y7b, 71 b, 73, 83,
89, 9+b; Beaven, op. +5", 59, 377-
£lias Russell. Sheriff, 1 19x^3 ; Alderman of Colepian Street, 1x93-
8^ Aldermanof Billingsgate, 1x98-1303 ; Mayor, 1x99-1301. Patent
Rolls, 1x99, p. 480; 1300, p. 53X; Letter Book C, fbs. 8, <fxb; B^
fb. 41 ; Beaven, pp. xx, 107, 377.
John Cole, 1x95-1300. Letter Book B, fbs. X7 b, 43 ; Calendar of
Wills, i. 155.
Reginald de Frowick, 1x95'. Letter Book A, fo. 91 b..
Ridiard de Gloucester. Alderman of Bassishaw, 1x95-1301 ; Sheriff,
ixaf^5. Letter Book B, fb. 34; F, fb. X3X.
Richard de Berkyng, 1x98. Letter Book C, fb, 37.
Henry Costentin, 1x98. Letter Book B, fb. 3X.
Mark le Draper, 1x98. Letter Book C, fbs. x^ b, \\% b.
Johnde Armentiers. Sheriff, 1x99-1300. Letter Book C, fb. 47 b;
Beaven, p. i(f(f.
James le Botiller, 1x99. Letter Book C, fb. 3^.
II B
EVIDENCES AS TO THE FUNCTIONS OF DRAPERS IN
THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
(i) Instances of Drapers dealing in foreign doth.
1x75:. Copyn de Troys owes ^x8 to a burgess of Louvain fbr doUu
Letter Book A, fo. x b.
Will. Bukerell owes a merchant of Brabant ^xo (probaUy for doth).
Ibid*, fb. X.
His executors owe ^xo 9/. \d. to John Dunden and his partners,
merchants of Cahors. Ibid., fb. 1 3.
Licensed to export wool. Patent Rolls, i^73> pp« 1^9 ^^*
ix7<f-77. Will, de Bosco owes ^x8 fbr cloth bought of a merchant
of Douai, and ^30 to John de Solis and his partners, fbr doth. Letter
Digitized by
Google
l>rapers in the Thirteenth Century i8t
Book A, fos. 5 b, 6 b. Jdm de Soils was apparently a general merchant
of Bordeaux. Wc find him selling wine and wool as well. Cf. Patent
Rolls, ixxy-jz, p. XJ4.
James de Troys owes ^38 to the same Jdm de Soils and anodier
fprobably for doth). He is to pay the debt at the fairs of St. Ives,
Stamford, and St. Botolphs. Letter Book A, fo. tf b. He also exports
wool. Close Rolls, 1x7x^5^, p. %6.
1x78. Robt. Renaume buys cloth from merchants of Douai. Letter
Book A, fo. II.
ix8d. Joseph L'Acatur owes Baranchin de Luca ^8 ; but this
perhaps for merceries. Ibid., fos. 31, 44 b.
ixp8. Peter de Eddmeton and H. Constantyn owe a merchant of
Deest in Brabant ^ay (probably for doth). Letter Book B, fo. jx.
(x) Drapers selling doth. Of this there are numerous instances.
ix7(?. John Adrian sells ^9 worth of cloth to a Mercer, and ^3^
worth to Sir Rob. de Montfort. Letter Book A, fos. <f, 7.
Will. Viel sells 38/. worth of cloth. Ibid., fo. 4.
1x98. John de Lincoln sells doth to the value of ^17 lo/. to Sir
Hugh Le Spencer. Ibid., fo. 3X.
1x99. James le Botiler. Letter Book C, fo. 3^.
(3) Drapers being general merchants and buying and sdling other
goods.
IX95H1300. Elias Russell appointed to purvey wax, fiirs, linen,
canvas, and grocery for the Great Wardrobe. Patent Rolls, 1x5^9,
p. 480; 1300, p. y3x.
(4.) Drapers exporting wool.
1x73. John de Lincoln has licence to export wool. Patent Rolls,
1173, p. 38.
niA
DRAPERS IN THE FOURTEEl^TH CENTURY UP TO
THE DATE OF THE FIRST CHARTER, X3<f+
Number 130. Out of these 7 were Mayors (of whom y had been
Sheriff and Aldermen), 9 more were Sheri£fs and Aldermen, y more
were Aldermen only. During the period also 11 Drapers were Members
of Parliament for the City.
Marc le Draper, 1300. Subsidy Roll, Record OflBce, ij^j Letter
Book C, fos. xy b, 1x8 b.
John de Linccin, 1300. Sheriff^ 130^-^; Alderman of Bassishaw,
iMt«i B b
Digitized by
Google
i8d 7)rapers in the Fourteenth Century
1310. Qose Rolls, I309> P* n^; 131I9 PP- 3^i> 35K>; i3^3> P* '93;
Letter Book C, fo. 7^? b; Bcaven, Aldermen of London, vol. i, p. 980 ;
Catalogue Drapers' Company, yoU ii, S. Laurence Pountney.
Richard de Gloucestre. Alderman of Bassishaw, ixp5'-i30i ; Alder-
man of Comhill, 1301-13 • Sheriff, 1x94^):. Letter Book B, fo. ^.yb;
F, fo. X3X ; D, fb. 123 b ; Beaven, p. 378.
John Cole, 1300. Calendar of Wills, L 15T ; Letter Book B, fo. 43.
Walter de Cantebrige, 130a Letter Book B, fb. 4^.
£lias Russell, 1301. Letter Book C, fb. (fxb; Beaven, p. %%.
John le Blund. Alderman of Cheap Ward, 1x98-1309; Mayor,
1301-8. Letter Book C, ibs. 37 b, yyb, 71 b, 73, 83, 89, ^^.b; Beaven,
p.QO.
Walter Swan, 1301. Letter Book B, fb, 4.9 b.
Matthew de Christchirche, 1301. Letter Book B, (o. ^^
John de Armentiers. Alderman of Langboum, 1300^. Letter
Book C, lb. 7tf b J Beaven, pp. \66y 379.
Roger de Lincoln, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8xb.
Gregory le Bokeler, 1303. Letter Book C, fo. 8x b.
Peter le Rey, i J03. Letter Book C, fo. 8x b.
Thomas de Kidemenstre, 1304^ Letter Book B, fo. 6^h.
Ralph de Abenhale, 1304* Letter Book B, fo. 6^.
Richard de Wyrhale. Alderman of Aldersgate, 130^-19. Beaven,
Aldermen, p. 379.
Ralph the Tailor, 1305:. Letter Book C, fo. 88.
Peter de Edelmetone, 1305:. Letter Book C, fo. 88.
Walter de Harlested, 1305. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b.
John Bonde, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b.
Mark de Christchurch, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 1x7 b.
William de Wyndessore, 130^. Letter Book B, fo. C-j.
John le Mire, 1307. Letter Book B, fo. 74.
Ralph de Abeale, 1307. Letter Book C, fo. 130 b.
Henry Nasard, 1308. Alderman of Broad Street, 1318-xc, 13XI-X.
Close Rolls, 1308, p. Ty7J i3iT>P-i^+; ^%^lyV^¥>9'y iJi^jP-^iTi
13x0, pp. X3f, X73, x8i ; i3xd, p. 5^4.^ 1338, p. ^6^'y Letter Book B,
fo. 91 ; Beaven, pp. 70, 381.
Walter de Saunford, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 13.
John < of the Nonnes ' de Norhamptone, 1 3 09 ^ Letter Book D, fo, 1 1 •
Robert ^o* the Nonnes % 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 11.
Roger Harold, 1309. Letter Book B, fo. 98 b.
Richard Ingayn de Hereford, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 13.
James de Coyn, 1309. Letter Book D, fo. 11 b.
Reginald de Frowick, 1 3 10. Letter Book D, fo. lox b.
John Adrian, junior, 13 10. Bailiff (in the place of Sheriff). Letter
BookD, fo. 13^ b.
Digitized by
Google
up to the Date of the Charter^ 1^6^ 187
William de Paris, ijio. Letter Book B, fo, xj.
Thomas de Abindone, ijii. Letter Book B, fb. 19; Close Rolls,
1318, p.yyx; ij39, p. 3?.
Henry Costentin, i3ii« Letter Book D, fo. 123 b.
James Le Botillen Sheriff, 1308-^. Letter Book D, fo. ^3 ; F,
ft). X3X.
William de Welleft)rd, 13 iz. Letter Book D, ft). 66.
Hugh Trip, 13 11. Letter Book D, ft). 3^ b.
Robert Le Tanner de Abyngdone, 131a. Letter Book D, ft). 70.
Thomas Le Spicer de Abyngdone. I3iz. Letter Book D, fo. 70.
John Simeon, i3iz. Letter Book £, ft). 4.
Stephen de Abyndon, 13 ix. Sheriff, 13 14^1 y; Mayor, 13 15; Alder^
man of Dovtrgate, i3ix-zi ; Member of Parliament, 1213, 1318, 1330;
Coroner, King's Butler, Chamberlain. Letter Book D, ft). 4^ £,
ft). 43 ; Beaven, pp. %6^y 1(^5, 380; Close Rolls, 1304, p. 143.
Simon de Abyndon. Member of Parliament, 13 1<^; Alderman of
Broad Street, 131^-18; Alderman of the Tower, i3i8-xz; Sheriff,
1315^x0. Letter Book D, ft), y b ; £, fi>. 5^ b; CIoseRolls, 1318, p* yyx j
Beaven, vol. i, pp. 70, 197, x<f4, 381.
Ralph de Walcote. Member of Parliament, iii6. Close Rolls,
1318, p. yyx; Beaven, Aldermen, p. %6^
Henry de Stowe, 1317. Letter Book £, ft). 93 ; Close Rolls, 13 3 7^
p. 138; Stow, Survey, ed. Kingsfi)rd, i. X37.
William de Winton, 13 18. Record Office, 4|4; Subsidy Roll,
13 18-19.
John de Pulteney. Sheriff, 13 18-19; Alderman of Coleman Street,
13x7-34; of Candlewick Street, 1334-y ; of Vintry, 133(^-8; Mayor,
November 1330 to November 1331, November 13 31 to November 133X,
November 1333 to November 1334, November 133d to November 1337;
Knighted, 1337. For his life cf. text, p. 88. Beaven, Aldermen, pp. 80,
xoy, 383 ; Letter Book £, fos. 4, 106 b, X33 ; F, ft)s. 3X b, 34, 61 note,
i3xb,x3xb;CloseRolls,i334,p.xy<f; I337,p.x4; 1338, pp. x(f4, 4(^4,
?o+5 i339> PP- 50,51, io+> 307, 61% <fxo; 1340, pp,4i, 553, 619,
^xo; X341, p. x88; 134T, PP* 6oiy 6^x8; Patent Rolls, 133X, pp. 338,
3+T; 1337, p.+i<f ; 1338, P- iMi i3+i,P- "o; Sharpe, Calendar of
WUls, i. 3j8, 55:4, ^09.
nomas Cok, 13 19. Letter Book £, ft). 99; Close Rolls, 13 18,
p. ifiy; 13x0, pp. xx8, X35r; 1338, p. 4(^4.
Simon Godard, 13 19. Letter Book £, ft). 9X.
Richard Costanty n. Alderman of Bassishaw, 1 3 19-3 x ; Sheriff,! 3 x i-x ;
Alderman of Cripplegate, i33<f(?). Beaven, vol. i, pp. i(f, 1x8, 381;
Calendar of Wills, i. 374, note.
Roger le Draper, 13XX. Subsidy Roll, 13XX, p. 3 ; Record Office,
Digitized by
Google
i88 Ihrapers in the Fourteenth Century
Morice Turgis, i^xC* Letter Book D, fo. 44 b; E, fo. 16^ b; F,
fbs. 4 b, 34.; Qose Rolls^ 1338, pp. 41^, fja.
Henry Darci. Sherifi^ 13x7-8^ Alaerman of Walbrook, 1330-49;
Mayor, 1337—9. Letter Book E,fo. 181 b; F,fbs.4b, ix, 33 b; Beaven,
Aldermen, voL i, pp. %i6y 384J Close Rolls, 13x0, p. 23; ; ^3^79
p. ny; 13*8, p. 3*8-
Simon de Swanlond. Alderman of Candlewick, 13x7-34; Mayor,
13x9-30; Member of Parliament, 1340, 1344. Letter Book £, fo. tfx;
Beaven, pp. 80, 384; Close RoUs, 131;, pp. 170, 49^; 13x0, p. X3y;
i3X7,pp.8y, lox.
Richard de Welleford, 13x8. Letter Book £, fo. 190; F, fo. 4b;
Close Rolls, 1318, p. ^49; 13x8, p. 30X ; 1338, p. 61^.
Geoffrey I ~ ---...-
QoseRoUs,
_ P- H9'j -
Geoffrey Le Botder, 13x8. Letter Book £, fo. 190; F, fos« 4 b, 33 ;
lose Rolls, 1310, p. X3^; Patent Rolls, 13 jx, pp. 338, 34^.
Thomas de Blakeneye, 13x8. Letter Book £, fo. 178 ; Close Rolls,
»Ji8> P- +T?-
Thomas le Benere, 13x9. Calendar of Wills, i. 348.
John de Writele, 1330. Letter Book E, fos. X17, X17 b.
Ralph de Uptone. Alderman of Coleman Street, i334^x; Sheriff,
133^-^; Member of Parliament, 1338. Letter Book £, fo. 137 b; F,
fois. 4 b, 33, 5x ; Calendar of Wills, i. 45:3 ; Close Rolls, i33<f, p. 5(^4;
Beaven, pp. 107, xdif, 384.
Richard de Berkynge. Alderman of Aldgate, i33T^TT> Sheriff,
1341-x; Member of Parliament, 1340-8. Letter Book £, fo. X37b;
F, fos.4b, 33, 60 '^ Close Rolls, 1348, p. 611; Calendar of WiU^ i*
(87 ; Beaven, Aldermen, pp. 9, %66^ 384.
John Someresham, I33<f. Letter Book F, fo. 4 b.
Thomas de Swanlond, 11^6. Letter Book F, fo. 4b; Close Rolls,
1339, PP- lOj 15^8; 13+0, P- yoi ; 1345, pp. 601, 6x% ; I34(f, pp. 170,
J7+> ¥^j +i^j M+8) P- <f"; 13+9. P- 80; ijyo. P- iW; Patent
Rolls, 1338, p. ytfy ; 1348, pp. yo, 99, 104, 145; 13^0, p. 548; 1371,
p. 98.
Hugh de Dedham, I33<f. Letter Book F, fo. 4 b.
Hugh le Marberer, 1 3 ^6* Sheriff^, 133 8-9. Letter Book F, fos* 4 b,
X17.
John Joye the elder, 1338. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1338, p. ^r 34.
John de Westone, 1338. Letter Book F, fos. idb, 33 b; Calendar
of Letters, p. xx ; Calendar of Wills, i. 41 3 ; Qose Rolls, 1 3 35, p. 484.
John Pecche, 1339* Member of Parliament, I'^Cu Letter book F,
fos^3 b, i8ob ; Beaven, p. x6'j.
Thomas de Canterbury, 1339. Letter Book F, fo. 34.
Thomas de Northampton, 1339. Letter Book F, fo. 33.
John de Kilingworthe, 1339. Letter Book F, fos. X3, xo(f; Qose
Rolls, 1339^ p* 113 ; Calendar of Wills, i. 700.
Digitized by
Google
up to the Date of the Charter^ 1364- 189
John Lcvclyf, ijj^. Letter Book F,fo. 3+; Calendar of Wills, u %^u
John de Kiselyngbery, 13 39. Letter Book F, fos. 4.6, 33; Close
Rolls, 1338, pp. +X4, +31.
Gcoflfrey dc Westonc, 1340. Letter Book F, fo. 5:7 b; Close Rolls,
1318, p. 301 i iJ37,P- 130.
Richard de Kyslingbury. Sheriff, 1341-3 ; Alderman of Queenhithe,
i34i(-yx; Mayor, 1 370-1. Letter Book F, fo. 33 ; Close Rolls, 1374,
p. 60 ; Beaven, vol. i, pp. 185^, ^iC.
John Lovekyn(once a Shearman), 1340. Letter Book F, fly-leaf, p* i.
Walter dc rreston, 1343. Close Rolls, 1343, P* ^T'-
Richard atte Valeye, I34<(. Letter Book F, fo. 113.
John Somer, i34<(. Letter Book F, fo. ixi.
John de Northtxirgh, i^^. Letter Book F, fo. i%6 -^ Close Rolls,
i33^> PP- yi> 96^ "<f ; Patent Rolls, 1334, p. 539; 1341, p. 480.
William Holbech, 134^. Alderman of Cheap Ward, 1358 ; Sheriff,
1 3(f i-x 'y Member of Parliament, 1 3(^3 • Letter book F, fos. 133b, 149,
fy J Close Rolls
d, i347» Lette
\%6'y Calendar of Wills, i. 6^^.
»33 'j Beaven, pp. 99, xtfy j Close Rolls,_i34tf, p. 6^.^
Joh
John de Hatfeld, 1347. Letter Book F, fo. 151 ; Close Rolls, 134^?,
William Pycot, 1349. Letter Book F, fo. i66h.
Hugh de Stouwe, 1349. Letter Book F, fos. 166^ 166 b.
Thomas Pyeke, 1349. Calendar of Letters, p. 41.
William de Macchyng, 1349. Calendar of Wills, ii. 5:7.
John de Sellynge, X349« Letter Book F, fo. 1^5 b.
Thomas de Kent, 1349. Letter Book F, fo. 175.
William de Welde. Alderman of Coleman Street, 1 34$h-72' ; Sheriff,
1373-4; Member of Parliament, 1358. Letter Book F, fo. 123; G,
fo. IX b; Beaven, pp. 107, x(f7, 387.
John de Essex, 1350. Letter Book F, fo. 193 b ; Calendar of Wills,
ii4if.
John Costantyn. Alderman of Castle Baynard, 1349-58. Beaven,
pp. 88, X30, 387.
Thomas dc Uptone, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. 198 b; Patent Rolls,
Thomas atte Noket, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. 103 b.
William de Aras, 1351. Letter Book F, fo. xo4.
Richard de Essex, 1351. Calendar of Letters, 29; Calendar of
Wills, ii. 30.
Roger de Flete, 1 35x. Calendar of Letters, p. 3X.
Simon de Bedyngtone. Member of Parliament, 135X, 1355, i3;7>
i3(fi, I3<f3; Sher&, 1359-^0. Letter Book F, fo. X33; G, fo. 78;
Beaven, x(f7.
Walter de Baumbton, 1353. Letter Book G, fos. d b, 33; Close
Rolls, 1340, p. ^13.
Digitized by
Google
190 Drapers in the Fourteenth Century
William attc Dyk^ 13^3. Letter Book G, fo. 11.
Richard de Cavendishe, i3T3* Letter Book G, fb. ii.
Thomas Motte, i3T4* Calendar of Close Rolls, 13^4^0, p. ^o.
Richard Dyk, 13^4.. Letter Book G, fb. i8 b.
Andrew Godyn, ii^6. Letter Book G, fb. ^8 b.
Hugh de Bermoundeseye, ij^if. Letter Book F, fb. xy.
Nidiolas Rous, i357- Calendar of Qose Rolls, i^^^r^Oy p. fxjr.
John Penne, 1357. Calendar of Letters, p. 91 •
, Henry Welwes, 1357. Calendar of Letters, p. 5^1.
Richard de Oxon, 1357. Letter Book F, fo. xixb; Calendar of
Wills, ii. f I ; Rymer, Foedera, III. ii (fyS.
John Botiller, 1357-8. Letter Book F, to. xxxb; Calendar of Wills,
ii. 51.
Stephen Caundysshe. Sheriff, 135^7-8; Aldernun of Bread Street,
1358; Member of Parliament, i3<fo^ Mayor, i3dx-3. Letter Book F,
fi^. 170, XXX b, X33 ; Beaven, vol, ij JPP, +<^, t^^j ; Patent Rolls, 354.
Henry Galeys, 1358. Letter Book G, fb. 6i ^ Close Rolls, 1 34X, p. ^6^
JohnBures. Sheriff, I35r8--p. Letter Book F, fb. X33; G, fo. 6^^
Calendar of Letters, p. x^; Close Rolls, 1345, p* 575 » ^iS9y P* ^4^9
Patent Rolls, 13+x, p. 554.
Adam de Seint Ive. 1355^. Letter Book G, fo. 79 b.
Thomas de Cavendish, 1355^. Letter Book F, fo. 33 ; G, fb. 83.
William de Oysterle, 1 3^0. Calendar of Close Rolls, 1 3^0-4, p. 1x5.
John Utlicote, 1 3(^1. Calendar of Wills, ii. 58.
Richard Atte Moure, i^6u Calendar of Wills, ii. 16.
Philip de Irlaund, 1^61. Calendar of Close Rolls, 13^0^4, p. x8x.
Robert de Guldefbrd, 1361. Letter Book G, fo. 5^7 b.
John Cory, 1^61. Calendar of Wills, ii. 51.
James Andrew. Sheriff, i3(fx-3; Alderman of Bassishaw, 1^6^*
Letter Book F, fbs. 17X, 18^, X33 ; Qose Rolls, I33'> PP- 4^4p9
1340J PP- ^?+f 538 5 Beaven, pp. i(f, 385^.
John Chaumpeneys, i3<fx. Calendar of Close Rolls, 13^0-4, p. ^^.
John Bonmarche, 13(^3. Letter Book G, fb. nob.
John Burgeys, 1^6^. Letter Book G, fo. nob; Close Rolls, 1338,
Wilham de Draycote, i3<^3. Letter Book G, fo. nob.
Thomas de Swafham, 13(^4. Letter Book G, fb. 137 U
John Fyshe, 1^6^ Letter Book G, fbs. 138 b, 139.
Walter de Iweyn, 1^6^ Letter Book G, fo. 137 b.
Richard de Qaveryng, 13^4. Letter Book G, fo. 137 b.
Digitized by
Google
Functions of Drapers 191
IIlB
EVIDENCES AS TO THE FUNCTIONS OF DRAPERS IN
THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY UP TO THE DATE
OF THE FIRST CHARTER, 13^4
(i) lyrMfers. Bujmgnuooh
We hear of wool of Oxfordshire, Cotswold, Berkshire, Boston.
Of had nu9ol^ Peltewolle, Lambwolle, Cobbewool, Malemort. Patent
Rolls, 1 341, pjp. XIX, 3(^0, 473.
1305. Will, de Wyndcsore buys wool of woolmen. Letter Book B,
fo. 6^.
1308. H. Nazard owes Hugh le Despenser ^o, probably for wool.
Qose Rolls, 1308, p. f57.
1 3 18. H. Nazard, Thos. Cok, and others, owe Earl of Arundel
{^*^66 13/. \d,y probably for wool, since in 1338 we find the Earl lending
wool to the King. Close Rolls, 1318, p. 6\^ ; 13389 P- 4^4-
13x0. Thos. Cok owed 100 sacks of wool (worth 1,200 marks) by
lohn. Abbot of Abingdon. Close Rolls, 13x0, p. xx8.
13x3. John de Lincoln owes King money for wool from Manors
formerly belonging to the Knights Templars. Qose Rolls, 13x3 , p. 193 .
13x7. H. Darcy owes MAxA of Netlcy ^100, probably for wool.
Close Rolls, 13x7, p. 5:7 y.
1339. John de Northbury buys wool fix>m Jdm Pulteney. Close
Rolls, 1339, p. 51.
134^. John Bures owes Prior of St. Mary's, Southwark, ^xx,
probably for wooL Calendar of Qose Rolls, 1345, p. ^y^r*
134^. Thomas Swanlond and oth^ owe Earl of Arundel
^1,198 13/. 4^^ probably for wool. Qose Rolls, 134^, p. 170. Also
the Abbot of Omterbury, ^800, p. 174.; the Earl of Suffolk, ^300,
p. 40^; Walter de Many, ^3,000, p. \\6.
1348. Thomas de Swanlond, draper, buys wooL Accused, together
with others, of oppressions in collecting of wool and increment of same.
Patent RoUs, 1348, p. 104.
1 348. Thomas Swanlond and Richard de Berkyng owe the Prior of
the Hospital oi St. John of Jerusalem ^410, probably for wool. Close
Rolls, i3482p. 6\i.
1340. lliomas
Swanlond owes Earl of Arundel £/)OOy probably for
wool. Qose Rolls, 1349, p. 8o.
135:4. Richard de Kiselynbury owes Abbot of Battle ^30, probably
for wool. Qose Rolls, i3y4, p. 60.
Digitized by
Google
ipx Evidences as to the Functions of
{%) Drspers fxf&rtimg v)ool smd 9tber g90dt.
1317. H. Nazard to have wool to value of ^100 out 6k pent of
London without paying customs. Close Rolls^ i;i7, p. 405^.
i;i8. Ralph de Walcote, Simon de Al^ngdon, Thomas de
Abjrngdon, and others, send their ship ^ La Petite Bavard' to Antwerp,
laden with wool and other goods, which is seized bf men of Calais.
Close Rolls, I J 18, p. ^^x.
13x0. Thomas Cok, H. Darcy, H. Nazard, Simon de Swanlond,
and Geoffrey Le Boteller, tppear, among native merchants, before the
Council against merchants of Brabant and Flanders, who claim to be
allowed to export wool to other places than staple towns. Close Rolls,
I}XO,p. XJJ.
13x0. M. Nazard accused of exporting wool to Flanders and not to
staple towns. Close Rolls, ipo, p. xf 3.
il%6. H. Nazard deputed with others to get fiill information as to
Staples of Wools. Close Rolls, ijx^f, p. ^6^
1334. Licence for John de Northburgh to take 4xx> quarters o^
wheat to Aquitaine, and elsewhere beyond the seas — to make his profit
of, notwithstanding any prohibition of the export of com. Patent
Rolls, 1334, p. «9.
1334. John de Pulteney exports ^8 sacks and xx doves ot wool from
London. Close Rolls, 1334, p* x)r<f.
13 3^. John de Weston exports wools, hides, wooliells. Close
Rolls, 1 3 35, p. 484.
1338. John de Pulteney sells wool to the King, and sends it across
the sea for the Kind's use. Close Rolls, 1338, pp. 4^(4, 504.
1338. James Andrew, Maurice Turgys, John Burgeys, and John de
Kesyngbery, export wool to Holland and Seland. Close Rolls, 1338,
pp. 4x4, 43 X.
1339. John de Pulteney and John Buigeys seU wool to one, who
sends it across the sea for the King's use. Close Rolls, 13 39, pp. yo, 307.
Pulteney is also owed ^3,000 by a merchant of the Society of
Peruzzi and others, probably for wool. Ibid., p. 104.
1339. John Bures exports wool to Antwerp. Qose Rolls, 1339^
p. 7.
1340. John de Pulteney exports wool to Bruges. Close Rdls,
i340j P- +!•
134X. Henry Galeys, as attorney for Robert of Artols, is allowed
to use the King's Right of Pre-emption in Suffolk, and to buy wool at
6 marks the sack, and export to Flanders, paying only ^ a nurk custoais,
because R. de Artois.was about to set out to Brittany at King's wages
with troops. Close Rolls, 1 34X, p. ^6%.
(3) Drapers acting as Collectors ef Customs om woo/^ vjoolfellsy amd
hides ^
Digitized by
Google
"Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 193
131 !• John de Lincoln. Qose Rolls, ^l^^y PP- 3^^9 390.
1315:. H. Nazard in port of London* Ibid., i;i5r, p. 16^
ijzj, John Pultcncy Warden for the City at Winchester Fair.
13J+. Ralph de Weston and Rich, de Berkyng appointed attorneys
of the City at Winchester Fair. Letter Book E, p. %%^
1 3 35^-4o. Thos. Swanlond in port of London. Close Rolls, 1 3 39>
p. 158; ij4o,p. yoi.
Inomas de Abyngdon at Southampton to see that all the King's
wool is sent thence to Antwerp. Ibid., 1339, p. 3^.
I J 39. Thomas de Upton appointed to be controller of customs of
wines, wools,hides. and woolfells mCaemarvon. PatentRolls, 1 3 ^p^p. jxx*
134.x. John de Northburgh, with others, to hasten the collection,
and supervise the quality of the 173^ sacks out of the 20,000 sacks of
wool assigned by the King to Master Paul de Monte Fiorum. Patent
Rolls, 134X9 p. 480.
134X. John de Bures, associated with others, to hear and determine
complaints against the collectors and receivers of wool granted to the
King in Surrey. Patent Rolls, 134X, p. 5*44.
1348. Thomas de Swanland. One of those to whom the King has
committed the custody of all customs and subsidies in England for a
time, excepting wine. Patent Rolls, 1348, pp. 50, 99, 145.
Richard oe Oxenford. Farms the subsidy due to the King in return
for remission of fine and forfeitures of cloth under the aulnage. Rymer^
Foedera, III, pars, ii, p. ^78.
(4) Drapers ienJimg money to the King.
There are many instances of this, but the following are the most
interesting :
1309. John de Lincoln, and others, to be paid ^i5rx 19/. out of
customs on wool, woolfells, and hides, for money lent to the late King
for his French wars. Close Rolls, 1309, p. iix.
1 3x8. Henry Darcy lends the King £^ 6s. iJ. on wool. Close Rolls,
13x8, p. 3x8.
in 1 3 3X John de Pulteney and Geoffrey Le Botiller are assigned
^i,5'x8 9/. tJ. on the customs at the ports of Southampton and London,
in return for money paid by them to certain merchants of Aquitaine,
creditors of the King. Patent Rolls, 133X9 pp. 338, 347.
In 1340 Will, de La Pole had lent large sums to the King. In
return the King makes large grants of wool ; and whereas Pulteney has
paid the merchants, to whom Pole is in debt, Pulteney is allowed to
have ^ a leaf of the court ' at various ports ; which means that Pulteney
can export wool, &c., without paying customs. Qose Roils, 1340,
pp. 6l^^o.
133d. Rich. Constantyn and Rich. Kyselyngbery lend 60s. each,
for ships sent to sea. Letter Book F, fo. 3.
itot-l c c
Digitized by
Google
194 Evidences as to the Functions of
In February 133(^-7 ii Drapers lend /;o between them to the
King, the Queen, and other magnates. H. Dard, Hugh Le Maberer,
£^ each; Hugh de Dedham, Tliomas de Swanlonde, £1 each; Ridu
Constantyn, Klc. de Berkynge, Ric. de Welleford, Maurice Turgys,
John de Keselyngbury, £% each ; Ralph de Upton, John Someresham,
£1 lox. each; GeoflFrey Le Botiller, ^i. Letter Book F, fo. +b.
13 J7, Orders to collectors of the New Custom in the City to pay
aoo marks to John de Pulteneye, as the King is bound to him in 100
marks, which he paid to G. de Say, admiral of the King's fleet, and
also 100 marks which he delivered to the King. Close Rolls, 1337,
p. a+.
March 13 35^4-0. The following 18 Drapers contribute to a loan
of £Sy^>oo ; part of it being paid to James de Arterddt, the Flemish
burgher, and ally of Edward III : Thomas de Cavendish, ^80 ; Ralph
de Upton, ^40; H. Darci, ^+0; John Lovekyn, ^30; Rich, de
Kyselyngbury, £%^ ; John Peche and his partner, £%^ ; Rich, de Berk-
yi^e, ^lo; Hugh Le Marbrcr. ^xo; Rich. Costantyn, John de
Kyselyngbery, Thomas de Nortoampton, John de Weston, Maurice
de Turgcvs, /ic each; Walter de Bampton, John Kelyngworth,
Geoffrey Le Botiller, John Levelif, Hiomas de Canterbury, £^ each.
Letter Book F, fos. 33, 33 b.
1 340. The pre-emption of ao,ooo sacks of wool having been granted
to Edward III, he sells it to James Andrew and others not Drapers.
They undertake to pay part of the purchase money to the King's wardrobe
beyond the sea. Close Rolls, 13+0, pp. T3+> yj8*
1 341. Order to Sheriff of Norfolk to pay John de Pulteneye 1,000
marks, in part satisfaction of ^1,100, which John lately paid for the
King at his request to certain merchants of London, who lent an equal
sum to the King in parts beyond the sea. Close Rolls, 1341, p. x88.
Order to the same Sheriff" to pay another 1,000 marks to Pulteneye,
which he promises to pay to the Bardi and Peruzzi creditor^ of the King.
Ibid., p. 194.
1345:. Thomas Swanlond and J. Pulteney are granted the 31/.
out of the customs in return for a loan. Close Rolls, 134.;, pp. ^01,
1350. Thomas de Swanlond, and others, allowed i mark out of
the customs due by them, in return for ^xo,ooo lent by them to the
King. Close Rolls, 1350, p. 1^9.
1 3 5*0. Lands of Thomas de Swanlond and of others seized for great
sums due to the King ; as well of the time when they were farmers of
his customs as for other causes. N.B. Swanlond and others had
received the * Great Crown* in pledge for jC+>ooo. Patent Rolls, 13^0,
p. 5+8.
13^1. Swanlond is detained in prison for money owed the King.
Digitized by
Google
'Drapers in the Fourteenth Century 197
His licence to go to divers parts for evidences relating to this^ and to
recover money due to him. Patent Rolls, ijf i, p. 98.
(5) Drapers imparting doth*
I )04. Stephen de Abyngdon buys cloth and other necessaries worth
Xi,ioo at Antwerp and Malines, for the King's Wardrobe. Close
Rolls, ijo4,p. 145.
i;j8. Thomas Blakeney lades ^La Paternoster' of London, with
salt, wine, and cloth, in Normandy for England. Close Rolls, i^jS,
p- +yy-
1-^6%. Jdin De Bures allowed to import a bale of striped cloths ot
Ghent, which the servants of Jdm Bures had bought in Flanders.
Ibid., 13^8, p, 4x0.
(6) Drapers hying and selling cloth and other articles.
There are manv instances of Drapers being owed large sums of
money by influential persons, which was probably for cloth, and of selling
doth to the King's Wardrobe.
131^. Simon de Swanlond buys cloth at Boston Fair and elsewhere.
Close Rolls, I jiy, pp. 170, 49^.
13x0. H. Nazard sells doth to King's Wardrobe, to the Queen,
and for men-at-arms at garrisons of King's Castles in Scotland. Qose
Rolls, 13x0, p. x8i.
13x7. Simon de Swanlond owed ^300 for cloth, and Simon de
Abingdon x^ marks for doth, by the King. Close Rolls. 13 17, pp. 85:, 19X.
13x8. Richard de Wdletord and Geofirey de Weston are robbed
near Stowe of cloth of various colours, coverlets, dorsers, canvas, and
other chattels value ^130. Close Rolls, 13x8, p. 30X.
I33<f. Ralph de Upton sells cloth {£ii 3/. 4^.) to the King. Close
Rolls, 133(7, p. 5r^4.
1337. John de Puhney is assigned £60 17/. xd. for doth and horse-
shoes bought by the King's order for the Earl of Salisbury. Also is paid
other sums for various articles, as cups, ewer, acd palfreys. Patent
Rolls, 1337, p. 4i(f.
1338. John de Pulteney had sold 51 tuns of Gascon wine to the
King n>r ^xxi. Patent Rolls, 1338, p. ix^r-
i339« Thomas Swanlond sells ^xoo worth of doth for King's use.
Close Rolls, 1339, p. lo.
13447. John de Hatfield seUs London-made cloth to fermor of the
Archdeaconry of Craven. Close Rolls, 134^, p. i^<?'
13^1. Licence for the Drapers of the City of London to sell all such
doths as they had at the time of the holding of the last Parliament,
which they cannot sell before September ist, notwithstanding that it is
provided that all doth found by the King's aulnager to measure less by
I cO than the assize ordained by the Statute of Northampton shall be
forfeited to the King. Patent Rolls, 1 3 5 1, p. 1 3 x.
Digitized by
Google
ipd Drapers in the Fourteenth Century
(7) Dtafirs exforting cloth.
Of this wc have no instance. But in all probabilitj thejr were doing
this, since a higher duty was imposed on aUens exporting their own
denizens. Patent Rolls, 1 347, p. 414.
(8) Drapers making cloth.
1338. Protection until Easter for servants sent by IThomas de
Swanlond^ citizen and merchant of London, to bring 10 sacks of wool,
bought by him from Master John de Ayleston to make cloth of, from the
parts of Lincoln to London* Patent Rolls, 1338, p. ^6^*
1384. John of Northampton has a Dighouse (Dyehouse) with x
adjacent tenements in Wendegooselane, near the Great Hall of
Estandia (i.e. The Steelyard). Patent Rolls, 1384, p. 581.
(9) Drapers followmg other trades.
1304. Thos. de Kyderminster, Draper and Hosier. Letter Book
B, fo. 6^ b.
1 3 10. Morice Turgys^ Draper and Woolmonger. Letter Book D,
fo. 44b; £, fb. i6^h.
1311. Will, de Welleford, Draper and Hosier. Letter Book D,
fo. 66»
1318. R. de Welleford (probably a Draper) seUs divers victuals
and garnitures to H. Nazard ior King's use. Close Rolls, 1318, p. 54^
1339. John de Northbury, a Clothier and Draper. Close Rolls,
John de Kelingworth, Draper and Hosier. Close Rolls, 1335^,
p. 113.
1340. Walter de Baumpton, Draper and Hosier. Close Rolls,
1340, p. 6iri Letter Book G, fo. 6h.
134^. Will, de Holbech, Draper and Cordwainer. Qose Rolls,
'34^>P-^9-
IV
ORDINANCES OF THE BROTHERHOOD OF OUR LADY
OF BETHLEHEM, 13 71
Record Office — Chancery Miscellanea ^^.
En hono^ Df e S<* J&u Crist & sa In Honour of our Lord Jesus
douce miere Seinte Marie nf e dame Christ and his Sweet Mother Saint
de Bethlem en quele Psseinte lieu Mary of Bethlehem, in which most
nf e dit S^ Jhu Crist eslyt estre nees holy place our said Lord Jesus
en salvacion de toute sa poeple en Christ elected to be bom for the
Digitized by
Google
Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 1371 197
quel lieu de Bethlem lesteylle appust
a lez PastoFs & dona & moastra
lumere a lez trois Roys de ColoYne
q offrerent en le dit lieu de Bethlem
trois dons cestassa9 or mirre &
ensens. Une fnte est oomonce i/
nicsme hono^ en amendement de
loF vies p assent iffrgr Will»m Tytte
flfiere de Hospital nfe Dame de
Bethlem de Loun3)es qest une
celle de la lieu de Bethlem & p au?s
bons gentz Draps de Comhult et
auts bons hoi&es & fedles q voloient
estr freres & suers & le mesme
£fra?nite meynteigii) a ?ms de lour
Ties en touz lez poins que ensuount
cestassa? le dit £[ra?nite comense
Ian de G^:e Mill ccc Ixj^ en le feste
de le Pu? n!>e Dame.
Adesomes q chescun q soit ou
3ra entree en la dite £Frite soit il de
bon loos & de bons condidons &
de bon port issint q pniy sa defaulte
null de la dite fiiite soit esdaundre
ne desho9e. Et in cas q null face
a lencountre apte son entree qil soit
reconsaille des au?s luy amender.
Et sil ne se voet amender ne est?
adresse p sa dite fl^ee & p lo' bon
consaill qadonq soit il oustee de la
dite £Fnte tanq il se voet amender
de soi3 mal porte et si il ne se voet
amender de son mal porte qadonq
soit il ouste de la dite flFnte as touz
Auxint soient ils accordez q
Salvation of all his people, in which
place of Bethlehem the Star ap-
peared to the Shepherds and gave
and showed light to the three
Kings of Cologne, who o£fered in
the said place of Bethlehem three
Gifts, that is to say, Gold, Myrrh
and Incense, and a Brotherhood
was begun in honour of the same,
for the amendment of their lives
by the assent of Brother Wm.
Tytte, Brother of the said Hos-
pital of our Lady of Bethlehem of
London, which is a Cell of the
Place of Bethlehem, and by other
good people Drapers of Comhill
and other eood men and women
who would be Brethren and sisters
and maintain the same Brother-
hood for the term of their lives
in all points which follow, that
is to say, the said Brotherhood
began in the year of Grace i;^i,
on the Feast of the Purification
of Our Lady.
Further, it was agreed that every
one who is or shall enter into the
said Brotherhood shall be of eood
fame and good condition and be-
haviour, so that no one of the said
Brotherhood may be slandered or
dishonoured by his default* And
in case that anyone do the con-
trary after his entrv, that he be
counselled by the others to amend
himself. And if he will not amend
nor reform himself according to
the advice of the said Brotherhood,
that then he shall be ousted fi-om
the said Brotherhood until he is
willing to amend ; and if he will
not amend then, he shall be ousted
for ever.
Also they have agreed that every
Digitized by
Google
TpS Ordinances of the Brotherhood of
cbescun deqr en avant ^ se yoille
entrrf dest? en la dite Sfitt paiera
po^ son entree a meyns zx" & cbes-
cun aan ap)s son entree il paiera ij*
cestassa9 chescun quar? yf queux
deniers ironnt receux gardez &
ministres p eux q serront gardeyns
ordeynez p tote la dite flFHte & p
Iff cofiie eleccion & issint dan en
an.
Auzint sonnt ils assentuz q iiij
foltz p an qu^nt ils soient garays
qils vecdront p^ eux assembler ou
qils Iront assignez p lo^ gardeyns
p' paier \cf quarterages & p*parler
& entrats dez busoknes toudiantz
a la dite ffFtee. £t si ascun se
absente ou soit en rille & ne voille
yenir sil ne soit en l^ice du Roi ou
malades qil paie a la dite ffnte
a chescun foitz qil se eist absente
vj-.
Auxlnt sonnt ils assentuz q touz
les ffreres & soers de la dite £Fnte
serront chescun an restuF dune
soute & ces 9ra encount? ]a feste
de la Purifid nf e Dame & q chescun
paiera p^ sa vestu? demene come
a£Fert de paier lendemayn apte la
feste tenu sanz delay & q chescun
garde sa vesture p deux anz sanz
doner a nuUy.
Auxint sonnt ils accordez q si
ascun de la dite f nte defaille de sa
paiement p' sa dite vestu? a dit jo^
limite & de son quarterage qil est
tenuz de paier de droit il serra
oustee de la dite f nte tanq il aula
fait gree de sa dite vesture & de
son quarterage & sil ne voet paier
& est de poer qadonq il paiera
one before he will enter the said
Brotherhood shall pay for his entry
at the least ^ox., and every year
after his entry he shall pay %s.y
that is to say, every quarter 6d,^
which moneys shall be received,
guarded, and administered by those
who are Wardens ordained by all
the said Brotherhood and by their
common election, and so from
year to year.
Also they are agreed that four
times a year, when they shall be
warned that they will be assembled,
or that they shall be enjoyned by
their Wardens to pay their Quar-
terages and to speak and treat of
business touching the said Brother-
hood, if any one absent himself
or be in the City and will not
come, if unless he be in the King's
service or sick, that he shall pay to
the said Brodierhood each time
that he absent himself, 6d.
Also they are agreed that all the
Brethren and Sisters of the said
Brotherhood shall be every year
clothed in a suit, and this shall
be on the Feast of the Purification
of Our Lady, and that each, shall
pay for his vesture as belongs to
him to pay on the Morrow afler the
Feast held without delay : and that
each one keep his vesture by two
years without giving It to any one.
Also they are agreed that if any
of the said Brotherhood fail in his
payment for the said vesture at the
said day appointed and of his
quarterage that he is bound to pay
of right, he shall be ousted ftooL
the said Brotherhood until he shall
have made satisfaction for his said
vesture and bis quarterage, and
Digitized by
Google
Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 13 71 199
double soloac ces q serra taxe p la
dite f Htee.
Auxint sonnt ils accordez & as-
sentuz q touz ceux de la dit fra-
tnite teadioat lour festes assembles
la ou ils voillount co&enent assentir
& le dit jour de lour fest ils Sronnt
illoeqs 6c pus touz irronnt ensemble
la ou lour place 3ra ordeigne p lo^
Go?no^ de la dite ff nte q serra p^
le temps paiant chescun ces qapp-
tiant a paler a sa porcon et de-
vant manger ils choyseront trois
Gardcins p lo^ cone assent pF gd^tier
la dite ffnte Ian ensuant.
Auxint sonnt ils assentuz q si
ascune de la dite fnte mene avesque
luy autr q de la dite f ntie aman^
qant ils teignent loF feste adonq u
paiera p^ luy come p^ luy mesmes
solonc ces q affiert chescun a sa
poroon & ces serra lendemayn de
lo^ feste.
Auxint lendemayn al hoeure de
tierce aps le jo^ de Iof dite feste ils
assembleront touz ensemble la ou
Us a9ont maungez p' accomp? &
paler qanq affiert chescun a sa
porcon. £t si ascun se absente
sanz resonable cause il paiera
a la dite fnte la double q auts
paient.
Auxint sonnt ils accordez q si
ascun de la dite fnte deveignent
a meschief p fortune qil nad donnt
de vi9e 11 serra ayde de la dite
Sfitc resoaablament donnt 11 puisse
nrr pnant de la cone boist p la
semaign xvj^ ob tanq il soit releve
siqil prie p^ touz mortz & vifs
if he will not pay and has the
power, then he shall pay double
according to that which shall be
fined by the said Brotherhood.
Also they are agreed that all
those of the said Brotherhood shall
hold their feasts wheresoever they
shall agree in common, and the
said day of their feast they shall be
there, and then they shall all go
together to the place which shall
be ordained by their Governor or
the said Brotherhood and each one
shall pay that which is his due to
pay for his portion, and before eat-
ing they shall choose three Wardens
by their common assent to govern
the said Brotherhood in the ensuing
year.
Also they have agreed that if any
one of the said Brotherhood bring
with him any one not of the said
Brotherhood to eat when they shall
hold their Feast, then he shall pav
for him as for himself each accorcU
ing to his portion : and this shall
be on the Morrow of their Feast.
Also on the Morrow at the hour
of Tierce after the day of their said
Feast, they shall all assemble where
they have eaten, to account for
and pay each as much as belongs to
his portion. And if any one absent
himself without reasonable cause
he shall pay to the said Brotherhood
double that the others pay.
Also they are agreed that if any
one fall into trouble by misfortune
so that he have not wherewithal
to live, he shall be helped by the
said Brotherhood reasonably where-
with he may live, taking from the
Common Box by the week i6\d.y
until he be relieved, so that he pray
Digitized by
Google
loo Ordinances of the Brotherhood of
de la di? f nte durant son dit mes-
chicf.
£t si null de la dite f nte devve
q touz ses confrers & soers si nulls
y soient s?ont a 1' dirige ove lo^
vestur yestue sil ne soit p resonable
cause qll ne poet vcnir & offrer
a iiij messes et q nully departe de
iliocqs tanq le corps soit eusevely
s' peyne de vj** a la cone boist.
Auzint si null de la dite f nte
devye & 11 nad de quoi estr en-
sevely adonq il 3ra ensevely a
Bethlem sil le coveyte si non il 3ra
ensevely la ou il desir as costages
de la dite f nte.
Auzint q chescun de la dite flFnte
sil voille deyyse en son) Testament
ou a son) darrein volente al dite
flFnte une porcon dargent solonc
son poer en amendement de la f nte
& de p)er deyoutement ^ luy.
Auxint sonnt ils accordez & as-
sentuz q si ascun desbut soit moeye
p entre ascuns de la dite f nte q
celuy q conte greve se doit pleynd?
al cute inte siq le trespace poet
est? redresse ent? les pties sannz
Ryate faire & null pleyne en aut?
place p Sic ne p au? man)e. £t si
null de eux soit rebell & ne voet
est? redresse p la dite ffnte qil soit
oustee de la compaignie as touz
jo^s.
AuYint si null de la dite f nte
soit trove fesant faux o9age en
desceit de la cone poeple & en
desclaund? de la dite f nte qadonq
for all the living and dead of the
said Brotherhood during his said
mischance.
And if any ofthe said Brotherhood
die, that all his Brethren and sisters,
if any there be, shall be at their Dir-
ige clothed in their livery unless
there be reasonable cause for their
not coming to offer at four Masses,
and that no one depart from thence
until the body be buried on pain of
paying 6d, to the Common Box.
Also if any of the said Brother-
hood die ana have not wherewith
to be buried, then he shall be
buried at [the Hospital of] Bethle-
hem if he will, and if not he
shall be buried where he shall desire
at the costs ofthe said Brotherhood.
Also that each of the Brotherhood
may, if he will, devise in his Testa-
ment or his last will to the said
Brotherhood a portion of silver
according to his power for the
good ofthe Brotherhood, and that
they shall pray devoutly for him.
Also they are agreed that if any
dispute arise between any of the
said Brotherhood, that he who
feels himself aggrieved shall com-
plain to the said Brotherhood so
that the trespass may be redressed
between the parties without making
a disturbance, and that no one
shall '^complain in any other place
nor in any other manner ; and if
any one be a rebel and will not be
reformed by the said Brotherhood,
that he be ousted from the Com-
pany for ever.
Also if any of the said Brother*
hood be found doing bad work
to the detriment of the Coomion
people and to the dishonour of the
Digitized by
Google
Our Lady of Bethlehem^ 1371 xoi
il serra 11 ouste de la f nte avantdit
astouz jo^s.
Auxint si ascun de la f nte jewe
en autP jeu q convenable & ad
vestu la li9e il paiera al pm)e foitz
jib de cire la scde sil trespace ijlb
de d? & al tierce foitz sil ne se
voet amender soit il ous? de la f nte
p^ touz j(/s.
£t si ascun jewe a lez Tables ou
a le Jew appelle Mounne ou au?
maiOe de Jewe de dees vestu la li9e
qil paie al cone boist yjT viij^.
Auxint sonnt ils accordez q touz
lez ffriers & soers q paient quarte-
rages al cfaapelcyn ou que p)ignent
li9ee ou noQ paieronnt pF la vestur
de le chapeleyn & Ku & Bedell
chescun solonc son por con qil 3ra
taze.
Auxint sonnt ils assentuz &
accordez q touz lez fifrers & soers
de la dite ffnte q voillount venir
al feste ne paieronnt plus p' lour
manger q xx^' quele constitucon fu
trete examine & conferme en le
temps Simond atte more& WUlHn
Waryn Ian Hmf.
la q la dite compaignie
mayn entour trois anz
Item
avoit en
passez une certelgne some dargent
p ceyvantz ou un certeign rente
fiiist a vend? le quel nest q de la
value de vj m^rcz p an ils bargayne-
rent le dit rente & p tant q lo^ dite
soAe ne suffisoit certeins gentz
ap^terent la remenant & sont
said Brotherhood, that then he
shall be ousted fiom the Brother*
hood aforesaid for even
Also if any of the Brotherhood
play at any improper game being
clothed in the Livery he shall pay
the first time i lb. of wax, the
second time if he trespass % lb.,
and the third time, if he will not
amend, he shall be ousted from the
said Brotherhood for ever.
And if any one play at tables or
at the game called Mounne or other
manner of game at Dice dressed
in the Livery, that he pay to the
Common Box 6s. iJ.
Also they are agreed that all the
Brethren and sisters who pay quar-
terages to the Chaplain, or who
take the Livery and do not pay for
the vesture c^ the Chaplain and
^ Ku ' [quarterage ?] and the Beadle,
evenr one according to his share,
shall be fined.
Also they are agreed and ac-
corded that all the Brothers of the
said Brotherhood who will come to
the Feast shall not pay more for
their eating than %od. This con-
stitution was treated, examined,
and confirmed in the time
Simon atte More and William
Waryn in the 44th year.'
Item that the said Company had
in hand about three years past a
certain sum of money, and know-
ing of a certain tenement which
was for sale, which is of the value
of 6 marks by the year, they pur-
chased it, and forasmuch as the
said sum was not sufficient, certain
people lent the remainder and are
9
cf
> This seems to mean the fbrty-fi)arth year of Edward III, Le. A.D. 13 70-1.
IMS'l Dd
Digitized by
Google
201 Our Lady of Bethlehem ^ 1371
enfeffez en le dit rente tanque lis enfeoflfed of the said tenement
eyent levez lo^ argent applstee qei until they shall have recovered
del dit rente q de lez p fitz p their money lent, as well fiom the
venantz a la dite companie queuz said quit-rent as from the profits
sont [illegible] paiez as ditzenfeffez proceeding to the said .Compftn|r«
p onnt q ne rest null monoie de9s which are • • • paid to the said
eux. £t fuist lentente del dit pichas feofiees, so that there remains no
tiel davoir p^suy au Roi de le avoir money due to them. And it was
amorteise en eyde de tro? un chape^ the intent of the said Purchaser to
leyn en la dite meson sil proit est?, have prayed the King to have it
£t si non q lez enfeo£(ez le denssent mortmained for the purpose of
avoir vendu arer & levez ces q lo^ finding a Chaplain in the said
fiiisse due & restore a la dite com- House, if so it can be : and if not.
paignie \cF some. that the fisofifees should sell it and
take that which was due to them
and restore to the said Company
the sum it had paid.
97 Edward III, Cap. ^, 6y 13^3-4
Translated {SiMtum tu Ltorii)
THAT MERCHANTS AND ARTIFICERS SHALL KEEP TO
THEIR OWN MERCHANDISE AND MYSTERY
c. V. Item, For the great mischiefs which have happened, as well to
the King, as to the great men and commons, of that that the merchants,
called orocers, do ingross all manner of merchandise vendible; and
suddenly do enhance &e price of such merchandise within the realm,
Jutting to sale by covin and ordinance made betwixt them, called the
ratemity and Gild of Merchants, the merchandises which be most dear,
and keep in store the other till the time that dearth or scarcity be of
the same : [The Parliament hath] ordained. That no English merchant
shall use no ware nor merchandise, by him nor by other, nor by no
manner of Covin, but only one, which he shall choose betwixt this and
the Feast of Candlemas next coming. And such as have other wares or
merchandises in their hands, than those that they have chosen, may set
them to sale before the Feast of the Nativity of Saint John next msiiing ;
and it any do to the contrary of this ordinance in any point and be
thereof attainted, in the manner as hereafter followeth, he shall forfeit
against the King the merchandise, which he hath so used against this
ordinance ; and moreover, shall nuke a fine to the King, according to
Digitized by
Google
Statute 37 Edward III xoj
the quantity of the trespass : And how this ordinance shall be put in
execution. It is ordained, that good people and lawful of every mer-
chandise shall be chosen and sworn, to survey that this ordinance be
holden and executed; that is to say, two merchants [in] every mer-
chandise in every town and burgh, and two merchants of every county,
and redress the defaults, and of tiut that they may not redress, they
shall certify the Chancellor, and the King's Council ; and commissions
shall be made to certain people, to whom and when it shall please the
King to assign, to enquire in cities, burghs, and counties, where need
shall bc^ as well of trespassers in this behalf, as of surveyors, in case that
they be negligent, or of Covin with the trespassers, by the oath of six
men sworn ; and moreover to make process [for to hear and determine]
daily, [and to punish]* the trespassers and surveyors ; that is to say, the
trespassers according as is above ordained^ ana the surveyors according
to the discretion of tiie justices, and that by the jury of xii, in case they
win put themselves upon the country of their accusement ; and whoso^
ever will sue for the King in such case, shall be thereto received, and
shall have the fourth peny of the forfeiture of him that so^ shall be
attainted at his suit.
c. Ti. Item, it is ordained, that artificers, handicraft people, hold them
every one to one mystery, which he will choose betwixt this and the said
feast of Candlemas, ^d two of every craft shall be chosen to survey^
that none use other craft than the same which he hath chosen, and that
justices be assigned to enquire by process, to hear and determine in this
article, as is ordained in the article beforesaid, saving that the trespassers
in this article shall be punished by imprisonment of half a year, and
moreover to make fine and ransom, according to the quantity of the
trespass. And the surveyors by the discretion of the justices, as before.
AkT tbe mtfnt of tie King and of bis Council //, that nvomen^ that is to say^
ire'wers^ trnkers^ carders and spinners^ and 'workers as well of wool^ as tf
Bnem cloth and of silky irawdesterSy and breakers of nvool^ and all other that
do use and vjori all handy v)orkSy may freely use and 'work as they have done
Ufere this time^ mthont any impeachment^ or being restrained hy this ordinance.
c V was however repealed by j8 Ed. Ill, c. 2, which enacted *That
all people shall be as free as they were at all times before the said ordi-
nance; • • . and that all merchants as well aliens may sell and buy all
manner of merchandises and freely carry them out of the realm, paying
the customs and subsidies thereof due. Except that English merctunts
shall not pass out of the realm with wools or woolfells ; and that none
carry gold nor silver in plate nor in money saving victuallers that fish,
and that they bring fish within the realm in small vessels which meddle not
with other mercbmdises ' ; and the words in italics in c. vi were repealed
by 5- Eliz. c. 4.
Digitized by
Google
104- Letters Tatent of^S Edward III
VI
LETTERS PATENT 38 Edward III [Jolt ly, 13^4]
Letter Book G, fb. \xx V also at Drapers' Hall, Charter Na IX.
Carta ^ v Edward p la gee de
Pannarijs. ) Dieu Roi Denglet?e
Seign' Dirhnde $ Daquitaigne As
tous ceux as queuz cestes tres ven-
dront salutz Sachlez % come entre
autres choses ordenez A nre darrein
{^ement si estolt p^ c^eines causes
p^poses en mesme le plement ordene
q nul Marchant Engleys ne vse
Sk:es ne marchandie p lui ne p
autre p nuUe manS de couine fbrsqj
vne soulement quel il vorroit elire
deuant la feste de la Chandeleure
darrein passe ^ceuz qauoient entre-
meins autres marchandises q cdles
qils issint esliroient les porroient
mettre a rente deuant la ieste del
Natiuite de Seint Johan le Baptistre
pchein ensuant come en ks dites
ordenances est contenuz plus au
plein Et ia soit monstre a nous $
a fire conseil \ p cause q gentz de
diQses mestiers qonqes nestoient
appntlces ne sufficiantment apris
en le mestier de marchandie de
draperie solonc les bones aundens
vsages de la Citee de Londres se
mellent du dit mestier si q^a peine
hoAe tro9a shope en la dite Citee
Edward, by Grace of God, King
of England, Lord of Ireland and of
Aquitainc^ to all to whom these
present L^ers shall come, greet-
ing. Know that whereas amongst
other matters ordained at our last
Parliament it was for certain
reasons in the said Parliament or*
dained * that no English merchant
should use no ware nor merchandise
by himself, or another by any man-
ner of covine [fraud], except that
one only, which he had chosen
before the Feast of Candlemas last
past, and that those who had en«*
gaged in merchandise other than
that they then chose could put
them to sale before the Feast of
the Nativity of St. John the Baptist
next ensuing, as in the said ordi-
nances is more fully contained.
And now it has been shown to us
and our Council that because
people of divers mysteries, who have
neither been apprenticed to, nor
sufficiently instructed in, the mys-
tery of uie dealing in Drapery
according to the good ancient
usages of the City of London,
engage in the said mystery, one
can scarcely find any shop in the
* The copy in the Company's Book of Evidences, + 389, fo. 1^4, is here and
there illegibie. It is preceded by the following note : ' Ista Carta am Re^
lecta & irrotalata q smu in Camb {ryhalde London in libro com tra G, fo. cxxiL
tempe Ade de Baiy maioris & lobjs de Cauitebragg came? Wdelt anno Regis
Edwardi tercii pos oonqm tricesimo octavo.' — Lucas. The copy in Heibert,
j. 480, taken from the recital in the mandate commanding its publication differs
in the wording. • 37 Ed. ftl, c f.
Digitized by
Google
Letters Tatent of^^S Edward III xof
daucune mestier en quele ne soit
tucun draperle ou meins ou plus
mis d monstre a c5e vente queux
gentz nount soufEsante conissance
en le pris de darrees de marchandie
dtt meatier de draperie $ p lour
nounsachantie $ auxint p les grosses
embracementz qils fount meins
sagemcnt de totes maneres de drape
si est la chierte de draperie deuenuz
si {nt qele ne purra legerement estre
amcnuse d auxint pluseurs deceites
font Autes en la fesance (| rente de
draps come p fauses moiUieurs (|
toundours (| drap de demy grein
yendu pur escarlet et les Teinturers
Tlstrers (| Fullers q soieient assi-
duelement faire lour labour j>pre
8Qnt deuenuz fesours de draps ^ ne
yoillent laborer sur le drap dautri
sil ne soit pF trop excessiue salarie
d nientmeins fount plusures fraudes
en lour oQaignes queux ne poent
bien estre appceus sinoun p drapers
soulement qont de tiels oQaignes
pleiSe conissance $ q pys est souent
ks teinturers chaungeont les leines
les Tisters la file (| les Fullers tout
le drap queux Teinturers Tistours
d Fullers auxint p colour qils sont
fesours des draps achatent autri
draps p voie de forstallarie $ puis
les vendent as drapers $ issint est
le drap deux foitz achate auant qil
vicgne a coAune rente (| le drap
qest si souent adiate (| vendue p
said City of any mystery in which
there is not some drapery more or
less offered for common sale, which
people have not sufficient know-
ledge of the price of goods belong-
ing to the merchandise of the Mys*
tery of Drapery (the selling price of
Drapery). And on account of their
ignorance, and because of the great
(embracementz) engrossment which
they make unwisely of all manner
of cloth, the deamess of cloth has
become so great that it cannot be
easily reduced, and also various
frauds have been practised in the
making and sale of cloth, such as
by false dampers' and shearmen,
and cloth of demy grein sold for
scarlet ; and the Dyers, Weavers,
and Fullers, who should confine
themselves to their own proper
work, have become makers of
cloths, and will not work on the
cloths of others except at an exces*
sive wi^, and also perpetrate many
fi-auds in their work which cannot
be well detected except by Drapers
who have fiiU knowledge of such
work, and what is worse, the
Dyers often change the wool and
the Weavers the yam, and the
Fullers the whole doth, the which
Dyers, Weavers and Fullers also,
on the ground tiiat they are makers
of cloth, buy other doths by way
€^ forestalling and then sdl them
to Drapers, and thus the doth is
twice bought before it comes to
open sale, and being thus so often
bought and sold by divers hands
' 'Moilllenr/ The damping or soaking of the cloth probably in the process
of foUoig or dyeing. Mr. Pirenne tells me that he has never met with the word
in Fmnca or Low Country' docaments.
Digitized by
Google
io5 Letters Tatent of 38 Edward III
diQses mains couient a forte estre
de molt le plus cfaicr q drap q nest
vendu q vne foitz p Marchant
draper queles choses entre autres
aont les greindres causes de lex-
oessiue <£erte de marchandise de
draperie ^ issint de tieuz deceites
d defautes tijnt damage ft pert
sont aduenuz deuant ces heures
sibien a nous come a tout le poeple
de nre roialme || plusgotz auendroat
q dieu defende si remedie le plustost
nv soit mys Nous entend^ntz les
dites choses issint a nous monstretz
estre tout contTiantz au dite ordi«
nance du plement ^ voillantz mesme
lordinance garder || meintenir en
touz pointz d de tout ouster les
fraudes $ deceites susditz si auons
p assent des {ntz || autres de nre
consail ordene $ gate q nully ne vse
le mestier de draperie en la Citee
de Londres non les suburbes dycelle
sil nelst este appntice en icelle
mestier ou p autre dime maSe receu
p coe assent de mesme le mestier
et q chescun des ditz mestiers des
Teinturers Tisters $ Fullers se
tiegne a son office j>pre || de rien
ne se melle de fesure achate ne de
yente de nul maide drap ne de
draperie sur peine demprisonement
ft de pdre tout le drap issint p euz
nit achate ou vendue ou la value
deOs nous et q nul q eit drap
a vendre en la dite Citee ou en les
suburbes ne les vende forsqj as
drapers enfranchiez en la dite
mestier de drapie sil ne soit en
becomes much mcure dear dun
cloth which is only sold once by
a Merchant Draper. The which
things amongst others are the chief
cause of the excessive deamess of
the merchandise of doth, and also
because of the like frauds and de-
faults great damage and loss have
of late accrued to us and all the
people of our realm, and greater
wiU befall us, which God forbid,
if a remedy be not speedily ap[died.
We, understanding that the said
things as above shown to us are
entirely contrary to the said ordi-
nance of Parliament, and wishing
to maintain and enforce in aU
points the said ordinance and to
remove the above-mentioned frauds
and deceits, have, with the assent
of the lords and others of our
Council, ordained and granted that
none shall use the said Mysterv of
Drapenr in the City of London,
norin toe suburbsof the same,unless
he has been apprenticed in the said
Mystery or in other due manner
been received by the common as-
sent of the same Mystery, and that
each of the Mysteries of Dyers,
Weavers, and FuUers shall keep
themselves to their own Mystery,
and in no way meddle with the
< making % buying, or selling of
any manner of cloth or drapery
on pain of imprisonment, and c^
forfeiture to us of all the doth so
by them made, bought or sold, or
ik the value thereof. And that no
one who has doths to sdl in tiie
said City or in the suburbs shall
seU them ezcq>t to Drapers en-
franchised in txie said Mystery of
Drapery, unless it be in gross t;9
Digitized by
Google
Letters Tatent of i^ Edward III 107
£ros as Seign's $ autres du coe qi
Its voillent achatre pour lour oeps
demesne || nemie a retaille sur
mesme la peine Et q les Drapers
enfranchlez en lamestere dedraperie
en la dite Citee puissent elire ches-
cun an quatre psones de lour mes-
tier |>pre q soient iurrez vne foitz
p an en p^nce du Mair de suruere
q nul defaute ne deceite soit vse ne
felt en les mestiers auantditz $ de
reuler ^ goQner le dit mestier de
draperie en mesme la Citee au coe
^fit du poeple $ de due punissement
cnt faire de ceuz en queux defaut
3ra troue selonc lauis ^ discredon
des ditz quatre psones p laide du
Mair || des viscontz ^nt il embu-
soignera les queux Mair $ visoontz
nous volons qils soient entendantz
as ditz quatre psones qant ils 3ront
a ce p eux requis. £t yolons auxint
Qt donons poair as ditz quatre psones
qi 3roiit issint eslieux || iurrez de
padre iement de toux ceux qi
Iront receux au dit mestier de
draperie en mesme la Citee de vsir
9 faire ce qapptient a mesme le
mestier bien || loialment sanz fraude
mal engin ou subtil compassement
faire encontre les pointz || orde-
nances auantditz Sauue touz io^s
a nre chier en dieu le Priour de
Smythfeld $ autres seign's qont
feires en les dites suburbes p fates
de noz |)genitO's || de nous lour
feires franchises || tranches custumes
the lords and others of the am-
mons who wish to buy them for
their own use, and h^ no means by
retail under the same penalty. And
that the Drapers ei:ufrancmsed in
the Mystery of Drapery in the said
City may elect each year four ot
their own Mystery^ who shall be
sworn once a year ' in the presence
of the Mayor, to oversee that no
default nor deceit be used or done
in the Mystery aforesaid; and to
rule and govern the said Mystery
of Drapery in the same City to
the common profit of the people,
and to duly punish those in whom
default shall be found, according to
the advice and discretion of the
said four persons by the aid of the
Mayor and the SherifiEs if need be z
the which Mayor and Sherifl^ shall
listen to the said four persons
when they shall be requested by
them.
And we also will and give power
to the said four persons who shall
be elected and sworn, to take an
oath of all those who shall be re-
ceived into the said Mystery of
Drapery in the same City, that they
will and do whatever appertains to
the same Mystery well and law-
fiilly without fraud, evil design, or
subtle compassing contrary to the
points and ordinances aforesaid*
Saving always to our beloved in
God, the Prior of Smithfield, and
other lords, who have fairs in the
said suburbs by grant of our pro-
genitors, or of us, their fairs, fran-
chises, and free customs whidi they
* In the mandate orderine the pablication of the Charter they are to be sworn
*wkt a year. C£ Herbert, Livery Companies, L 481.
Digitized by
Google
xo8 Letters Tatent of 38 Edward III
Jueuz ils ont vsez en leur ditz feires
u temps des dites fates encea as
qucux p colour de ctste nre fate ^
ordenance nous ne volons p)iudice
ne damage estre fait en aucun made
et sauue les franchises p nous fntez
as Marchantz Vineters Dengle?re
3; de Gascoigne queuz nous volons
emorer en lour force en touz pointz
En tesmoignance de quele chose
nous avons fait faire cestes noz tres
patentes Don A Westmoustier le
quinzisme iour de luyl Ian de ftre
regne trent oetisme.
p i^ Regcm || conS.
have exercised in their said fidrs
from the date of the said grants,
with regard to whom we do not
wish that any prejudice or damage
shall be done to them in any way
under pretext of this our grant
and ordinance; and saving the
franchises by us granted to the
Merchant Vintners of England
and Gascony, which we will shall
remain in force in all points. In
testimony of which we have caused
to be written these our Letters
Patent. Given at Westminster
the lyth day of July in the 38th
year of our reign.
By the King and his Council.
vn
PETITION OF THE MYSTERY OF DRAPERS AGAINST
THE ELECTION OF NICHOLAS BREMBRE AS MAYOR
IN ij8+
Ancient Petitions, File 94, No. 46^4, Pablic Record Office, London.
A ? sexcellent fie ? spuissant sF
nre sf le Roy & ? snobles & sages
s's de cest p)sent plement • • • • nt
hublement ses po9es liges Drapers
de sa Citee de Loundres & se pley-
nent 9s s Nichol Brembre Chtr
& sez acomplices & autres de
son assent de ce q le dit s Nichol
ove lassent de lez qux fiirent de
son assent accrocha sF lui roiale
poalr de ce q encontre Vf chartre
dez Roys g*unte & conferme de lo^
frauDchise de la dite Citee & en
mayntenance de sa mondre
fist Steins gentz q fiirent de son
assent al Gyhall du dite Qtee en
To the most Excellent and Puis-
sant Lord the King and the very
noble and wise lords of the preset
Parliament their poor lieges the
Drapers of the City of London
humbly [address themselves] and
complain against Sir Nicholas
Breinbre knight, and bis accom-
plices and others of his faction, that
the said Sir Nicholas^with the assent
of those who were of his faction,
accroached to himself the royal
power, in that, contrary to the
koyal Charters granted and con-
firmed concerning their privileges
in the said City of London, and
Digitized by
Google
Tetition against Nicholas Brembre 109
le feste de seint Edward Ian le Rojr
qorest viij^ pur eslire un mair £t
le dit s Nichol p assent z lez
autres qux fiunent de son assent fist
crier en di9§es pties du dite Citee
& diarger chescun home du dite
Citee & pejne denprisonement &
sFla peyne de qu^q^s p^ient faire
de9^ le Roy q nul ne Sroit si hardy
destre al cute eleccione fors ceux q
fiirent somonez & ceux qi fiirent
somonus furent somonus p lo' assent
£t mesme le jour a cele eleodon . • •
feust fait encontre lo^ fraunchise le
dit s Nichol & lez autres de son
assent ordeynerent Steins gentz
sibien ibreins come autres a g*unt
nombre lez qux furent armez al
• • • hall de Loundres p^ faire cele
elecdon p qe pleise a &re dit §^ le
Roi & lez isnobles & sages ¥s en
ceste pteent plement de ceste hor-
rible diose faite encontre la corone
• • • fsdxt, due remedy p^ Dieu &* en
eorre de charitee
Itm lez ditz suppliantz se pley-
nent ?s le dit s Nichol de ceo qil
ove lassent des autres sesacom-
plices accrocha ff lui Roiale poair
en ceo qil venoit en Chepe ove
g*unt Altitude dez. gentz armez
a g*unt aflfray & doute de touz bons
gentz du dite Citee . £t ap)5 p'
malice prist di9^es gentz du mt
mistier & eux mis en p^one a g*nt
doute de lo^ vies & pde de lo^ biens
sanz respouns ou ley Issent qil &
lez autres de son assent accrocherent
for the maintenance of its citizens,
collected certain fblk who. were of
his p^rt^ to the Guildhall on the
Feast of^S. Edward in the 8th year
of the King now reimin^ to elect
a Mayor; and the said Sir Nicholas,
by consent of those who were of
his faction, caused proclamation to
be made in various parts of the
Citv, and charged every man of the
said Qty, on pain of imprisoimient
and of what might happen to them
from the King, that no one should
be so daring as to be at the said
election except those summoned,
and those who were summoned
were summoned bv their consent.
And on the day of election, which
was fixed in violation of their [the
citizens'] privileges, the said Sir
Nicholas and others of his Action
ordered to the Guildhall of London
certain persons, ^fi^reigns' and
others in great numbers, who were
armed, to make the election* For
the which horrid deed done against
the Crown may it please the said
lord the King and the noble and
wise lords in this present Parlia«
ment to find a remedy, for the sake
of God and as a deed of charity.
The said petitioners also com«
plain against the said Sir Nicholas
that he, with consent of others his
accomplices, accroached to himself
the Royal authority in that he came
into Chepe with a great multitude
of armed folk, to tibe great terror
and dismay of all good citizens
of the said City, and after ma-
liciously seizing several of the said
Mystery put them in prison, to the
danger of their lives and the loss of
their goods, without giving them
EC
Digitized by
Google
xio Tetition of the Drapers against the
8F euz Roial potir cocontic k corone
fire dit 1^ le Roi q pleise t nre dit
9^1e Roi &lcz S'sayant ditzde ceste
chose fiut encontre la corone & ley
de Bre ent fidre solonc ce qils ont
deSvip^dieu & eneovre de diaritee
Itm lez dits suppliantz se pleynent
?s le dit s Nicol de ceo qU ove
lassent des autres avantditz de sa
covyne accrocha sf lui Roiale poair
de ceo qUs conspirerent & vma-
ginerent p^ avoir mis a mort pluso^s
Doos gentz de Loundres et p^ ce qils
ne p^roicnt fiure oelle chose sanz
ascune cause ils conspirerent de
euz enditer de felonie & treson &
mistrent s' lez enquestes de eux
enditer ceuz qi fiirent del affinitee
& assent le dit S Nichol & quz
furent.de male fame come o?tement
3ra j>vez si lez enditementz furent
devant vous ^ pleise a nre dit §^ le
Roi & lez ?s avantditz de ceste
horriUe matiere ent faire due re-
medie & charger Nichol Ezton ore
Meir de Loundres de faire venir
devant vous touz lez enditementz
ove lez endito^s quz sont en sa
garde en avauntage du Roy pF Dieu
& en eovre de charitee
Itm lez ditz suppliantz se pley.
pent 9s le dit S Nichol & ses acom-
plices q come cstatut fuit fait au
plement tenuz a WestA l$n du
regne fire dit s le Roi sisme q
comence en cestes poles
any right of answering or of Law.
Inasmuch then as he and those
of his P^i^ accroached to them-
selves the Royal authority against
the Crown of our said lord the
King, may it please the said lord
our King and the aforesaid lords to
do to them for this act against the
Crown and the Law of the Land
as they deserve, for God's sake and
as a deed of charity.
Also the said petitioners com-
plain against the said Sir Nicholas
that he, with the consent of tiie
aforesaid persons of his faction,
accroached to himself the Royal
power by conspiring and imagining
the death of several good men of
London; and because they could
not do this without any reason,
they conspired to indite them of
felony and treason, and placed oo
the panel of those who accused
them men who were connected
with and of the party of the said
Sir Nicholas, and who were of evil
fame, as can be openlv proved if
the indictments were oefore you.
May it therefore please our lord
the King and the above-mentioned
lords to give remedy for this hor-
rible a£fair, and to charge Nichdas
Ezton, our Mayor of London, to
cause all the indictments and the
accusers who are in his hands to
be brought before you, to the ad-
vantage of the King, for God's
sake and as an act of charity.
Also the said petitioners com-
plain against the said Sir Nicholas
and his accomplices that, whereas a
Statute was made at the ParUament
held at Westminster in the (fth
year of the said our lord the Kmg
Digitized by
Google
Election of Nicholas Bremhre as Mayor in
Km ordlatu est ta sUtutii qd nee
in dyitate Londofi nee in aliis
ciyitatibus burgis villis vel portubz
maris p totG regnii ^dSm aliquis
yitellanus offidu judiciale deceSo
fieat dioeat neq) occupet quoyis-
modo in viUis ubi alia psona sixf-
fidens ad huj^ statu hend repiri non
poilt du tamen idem Judex j> tempe
quo in officio illo stent ab d^ido
▼italkf subpena fbrisfactur victua*
liu suof sic venditoii: penii cesset
flc se abstineat j> se & suis [x/V]
oAino ab eod lui qud s Nichol &
scs acompiices lestatut avantdit oat
cont'riez a e*unde damage de touz
les CoAes da dite Citee q pleise
a fire dit ? le Roi & les i's avant-
ditz gaunter q le dit estatut solt
tenuz siba en la dite Qtee come
atlk/s £c mayntenant mb en ezecu-
doon nient encontre esteant ascun
estatut ou ordinance fiut en le
OQuntf depuisencea.
\diicfa begins with these words:
< Also it is ordained and established
that ndther in the City of Loo«
don, nor in any other cities^ bor«
oughs, towns, or sear-ports through
out the realm afbre&ud shall any
victualler have exercise or in any
wise occupy any judicial office,
except in such towns iriwre no
other person sufficient to have the
office may be found j in the which
case the judge durixif the time that
he diall continue in the same office
shall utterly omit and abstain hin^
self and his from the exercise ok
victualling upon pain of forfcituie
of his victuals so sold '«— the which
Statute the said Sir Nidiolas and hift
accomplices have disobq^ed, to the
great damage of all the commonal^
of this City. May it therefore
please our said lord the King isii
the lords aforesaid togrant that this
Statute be enforced, as well in the
Qty as elseiriiere^ and forthwith
be put into execution, notwith*
standing any Statute or ordinance
made subsequently to the contrary.
VIII
OyiT-RENT OF FIVE SHILLINGS GRANTED BY FITZAL-
WYN OUT OF LAND IN THE PARISH OF ST. MARY
BOTHAW, PAID BY THE DRAPERS* FRATERNITY,
Skptember 30, 7 Henry VI, 142,8 <
Ordinance Book, Drapers' Hall, Na 795, p. 4.
IsTK Henricus/kiV Major Primus This Heniv was the first Mayor
London obiit 13^ KaLOc^'»lV#/ve/ of London; he died on the loth of
» d9am§ Rtgit Jobmnns ft sepul- September in the tenth year ofKing
Digitized by
Google
IIX
Sij^t-Rent by Fitzalwyn
tas est intra introitum capellae in
medio sub lanura [lamina P] ' mar-
morea.
Sdant ptesentes et futuri quod
ego H. Filius Alwini de LondoiS
dedi ct concessi et hac presenti
Oirta mea confirmavi Deo et £ccle-
siae Sanctae Trinitatis LondoS)
Et Canonids ibidem Deo servienti-
bus pro salute animae Regis Henrici
et animae meae et antecessorum et
successorum mcorum- ct omnium
fidelium defunctorum in puram et
perpetuam elemosinam quinque
solidos quieti reditus de terra quam
Henricos Toltrych tenuit de me,
inter terram quam Allwinus Dubbur
tenuit versus orientem et terram
quam Laurentius Plumbarius tenuit
versus occidentem habendum et te.
nendum predictae Ecdesiae Sanctae
Trinitatis et Canonids ibidem Deo
servientibus in perpetuum libere
quiete integre et finabiliter ad fa*
dendum servidum pro animaprae-
dlcti Regis Henrid et pro anima
mea, ct animabus onmium fidelium
defimctorum in die anniversarii
oUtus md annuatim quando eve-
nerit ut tutem haec mea donatio et
concessio perpetua firmitate con-
sistat, presentem paginam sigilli
md munimine roboravi.
Et haec nomina solventium :
H. Toltrvch, Dubber, rdicU
Toltrych.
J<dm and was buried in the centre
of the porch of the Chapel under
a marble slab(?).
Let all present and future know
that I, H. Fitzalwyn of London,
have granted and conferred and con-
firmed by this Deed to God and to
the Church of the Holy Trinity in
London and to the Canons serving
God therein, for the weal of the soul
of King Henry and of mine uul of
TDj ancestors and successors and
ot all the fidthfiil dead, in perpetual
frankdmoign five shillings quit-rent
from the land which Henry Tol-
trych hdd of me^ lying between the
ground to the East whidi Allwyn
Dubbur hdd and the ground to
the West which Lawrence the
Plumber held, to be had and to be
held by the sdd Churdi of the
Hd^ Trinity and by the Canons
servmg God therein, in perpetuity
freely, quietly, fiilly and finally, in
order that they may do service for
the soul of the aforesdd King
Henry, and for my sod and for the
souls of all the fdthfiil dead every
year on the anniversary of my
death when that shall happen* And
that this, my gift and concession,
may stand fast for ever I have con-
firmed this document with the
guarantee of my sed.
These are tiie names of those
who have paid (the quit-rent) :
H. Tdtrych, Dubber, the widow
of Tdtrych.
' The word 'lanan' is not known. Linnra is used to mean'a woollen dppet%
and if this were read, it woald give some antiiortty for the tnditioa chat
Fitzalwyn was a draper, or connected with the wool trade. Bat the word is reiy
distinaly written 'lana' in the original. Probably the word shodd be read
' lamna *, a contraction for ' lamina ' j this wodd mean a 'marble slab % which
makes good sense.
Digitized by
Google
paid by the Drapers' Fraternity 113
R. Scott, G. Wolfe, anno 44
u. m.
John Klmesynge pistor, i Ed. II.
Relicta ejusdem, 5 Ed. II.
H. Aumener, 19 Ed* U.
John Kimesinge aurifaber, i
Ed. III^ qui concessit dictum
tenementum J. Hamond, quod
in parochia B. Mariae situtn
est.
R. Scott, G. Wolfe, in the 44th
yearQfH.ra.
John Kimesynge, baker, i Ed. IL
His widow, ^ Ed. II.
H. Aumener, 19 Ed. IL
John Kimesinge, goldsmith,
I Ed. Ill, who granted the
said tenement which lies in
the parish of B. Mary to
J. Hamond.
John Hamond^ 1 1 Ed. IIL
. Relicta ejusdem, 30 Ed. III.
Dominus Thos. Salisbury, 35
Ed. UI.
Paulus Salisbury, 8 Ric. 11— 11
Ric.IL
Modo fratemitas Pannariorum
et sic Magistri dictae artis — vid:
W. Crowmer, J. Gedney, W. Wes-
too^ J. Hygham, R. Att Lee, visa
carta prescripta, de consensu om-
nium artis predictae bene
aolverunt. Acquietantii inde re-
cepti cujus data est in crastino
S. Michaelis, 7 Henry VL £t in-
super copiam dictae cartae habue-
xunt^ et in papyro suo inscribi
fecerunt.
The aforesaid writing in all this
side contained is only for a quit-
rent of ^s. yearly to be paid at
Michaelmas to Cricbercbe out of our
lands in S* Mary Bothaw Parish.
John Hamond, 1 1 Ed. III.
His widow, 30 Ed. III.
Lord Thos. Salisbury, ^^ Ed.
Paul Salisbury, 8 Ric. II— 11
Ric.n.
Now the Fraternity of the Dra-
pers, that is to say, the Maisters
of the said Mystery, namely, W.
Crowmer, T. uedney, W. Weston,
I. Hyghatn, R. Att Lee, having seen
the aforementioned deed, have fully
paid (the said quit-rent) and re-
ceived an acquittance, dated the
dav after St. Michael's day 7 Henry
VI, and have received a copy of
the said Deed and have had it in-
scribed in their book.
Digitized by
Google
114- Letters Tatent ofrj Henry VI
IX
LETTERS PATENT OF KYNG HENRY THE VI" TO THE
MYSTERY OF DRAPERS CONSTITUTING THEM ONE
BODY AND PERPETUAL COMMUNITY, 17 Henry VI,
November jo, 14)8.
Drapers' Hall$ Book of EvideiKcs A, No. 3S8, £>. i^^a. a$ C&arter A.V. xS/.
Ires patcnti
Henricus Dei grS Rex Anglie
Sffi^nde ^ Dominus Hlbnie
mnib) ad quos p)sentes tre pue-
Sint sahm Sdatis qd de grS nnD
speciali ^ caritatis intuitu ac ob
qiecialem deuocoem quam ad
gtiosam dei genitricem ^ virginem
mariam nr8 mentis intuitu gerlm'
% bcmus concessim' j> nob hereSD
^ Successorib) nriS quantum in
nobis est dittis ligeis nrtS bominib)
mistere Pannarioi^ infra Ciuitatem
nfam londoA qd ipi in Quitate
pdc3 vnam Gildam siue ffirainitar-
tem in honore bte marie uirginis
de hominib) mistere p)dc9 % aiiis
vnire fundare creare erigere % sta^
bilire Gildamq; siue ffraioitatem
illam sic unitam fundatam creatam
erectam ^ stabilitam here % tenere
eademq) gaudere possint sibi ^
Successorib) suis ppetuis fiituris
temporibus duraturis Et qd ipi
eandtm Gildam siue ffra^nitatem
^gcre (| augmentare valeant quo-
ciens ^ quaodo eis videbitur nece-
sarm (| oportunum Et qd homines
Gilde siue ffraSnitatis illkis quott
Anno eligere ^ facere possint de
seipis vnum Nkgistrum % quatuor
Custodes qui tempore eleccSis eoij^
Letters Patent
Hekrt by the grace of God
king of England and France and
Lord of Ireland, To all to whom
these j)ccsent Letters shall come,
Greetmg : Know ye that we of our
especial grace and charitable intont
and on account of the e^iedal
devotion which we bear to tiie
glorious Mother of God the Virgin
Mary, Have granted far us our
heirs and succesaors as much as
lieth in us to our well belored
liegemen of the Mystery of Drapers
wiSiin our City of Londoa that
thev may unite, found, create, erect
anc establish in the City aforesaid
one Gild or Fraternity in boDov
of the blessed Virgin Maij fiom
among the men of the Mystci7
aforesaid and others, and that they
may have and hold sudi Gild or
Fraternity so united, founded, cre-
ated, erected and estabUshed, and
the same enjoy to them and thdr
successors to ul fotore times. And
that they may increase and augment
the same Gild and Fraternity as
often and when to them it shall
seem necessary and fit. And that
the men <^ the said Gild or Fra-
ternity may in every year elect and
make from among themselyes one
Master and four Wardens, who at
Digitized by
Google
Charter of Incorporation
riS
f QKnt pannarij (| libi boies Qvi-
tatis ^icB ad supportan3) onera
negoda^ tarn misteram pldcim <f m
Gildam siue flFraBnitatem illam tan-
genciu) || conceraenciu) Necnon
ad supinten3) regea3) || gubnanS
easdem misteram Gildam ^ flFra-
temitatem ft omnes homines (|
n^ocia eo]|^aem imppm £t qd
dci) N4bigister || Custodes ac ffratres
^ Sorores Gilde siue ffra^nitatis
predcS sint in re ^ noie vnum
Goqsus d vna Comunitas perpetua
fieantqj Successions ppetuam ^
Cos Sigjilum J) negodis tarn mis-
tere pdcS q*m Gilde Qt £Fra?niUt3
flddf Suitu? Et qd ipl Q^ Succes-
sores sui imppm sint psone habiles
Lcapaces in lege ad pquiren3) in
3) Q ppctuitate terras tSnta red-
ditus ft alias possessiones quascOqj
de qaibuscii|q^ psonls £t qd ijdem
magistex ^ Custodes Q eo^ Sue-
cessores imppm p nomen Magistri
^ Custodum Glide siue fira^nitatS
bte marie Pannario]^ london ptitare
possint d imptitari Coram quibus-
cuqj ludicib) in Cu? ^ Accionib^
qnibusciiqj In cuius rei testimoniQ
has tras nils fieri fecimus patentes
Teste meipo apud Warriewyk tri-
cesimo die Nouembris Anno regni
nn decimo septimo. Sturgeoa.
p bre de priuato sigillo Q^ j)
quadraginta libris solu? in Hanapio.
the time of their election shall be
Drapers and freemen of the City
aforesaid^ to support the burden of
business touching and concerning
as well the Mystery aforesaid as
the Gild or Fraternity ; as also to
overlook, rule and govern the same
Mystery, Gild and Fraternity, and
all the men and business of the
same for ever. And that the said
Master and Wardens and brothers
and sisters of the Gild or Fraternity
aforesaid may be in fact and name
One Body and one perpetual com*
munity, and that they may have
perpetual succession and a common
Seal to serve as well for the business
of the Mystery aforesaid as of the
Gild and Fraternity aforesaid. And
that they and their successors may
be fit persons and capable in law to
purchase in foe and perpetuity lands,
tenements, rents and other pos-
sessions whatsoever, from whom-
soever persons. And that the same
Master and Wardens and their
successors for ever by the name of
the Master and Wardens of the
Gild or Fraternity of the Blessed
Mary of Drapers of London may
plead and be impleaded before
whomsoever judges in Court, ai^i
in whatsoever actions. In Witness
whereof we have caused these our
Letters Patent to be made. Wit-
ness myself at Warwick the thirtieth
day of November in the seventeenth
year of our reign. Sturgeon.
By letter under the Privy Seal
in return for ^40 paid into the
Hanapen
Digitized by
Google
xi6 Grant of the Farm of AuJnage
X
GRANT OF THE FARM OF AULNAGE TO THE DRAPERS,
17 Henry VI, Februart itf, 1439 (New Style)
Dnpen* Hall) Charter A. V. x88.
Hbnricus Dei ^ratu Rex Anglic
% Frande % Dominus Hibnie Om.
nib) ad quos Ssentes tre puciUnt
safon Sciatis qd) cum Dni Magnates
9 Coitites rcgni nostri Anftt in
magno Consilio DoD E. nup R^is
Angt j>genitoris nrD apud Westn3
nup tento p remissione quam ad rc-
quisicoemeoi^demfecitde forisfcufis
ad Ipum de ylnagio pannoi^ venaliQ
infra idem regnQ nrffl) ptinentib^
concesserint eidem pgcnitori nro
quoddamsubaidiQ de singulispannis
venalibjtam vnius colorJs q*m aU
iius infra idem rcgnQ nrunu Angt
vlt* custumas inde debitas de ven-
ditore capien3) vidett de quott panno
deassisamquo gr'S nontui? quatuor
dcnarios || dedimi3)huiu'pannoduo8
denarios de quott panno de Scarleta
de assisa sex denarios % de dimi8|
hui' panno tres denarios ft de quott
panno de diou8| g*no de assisa
quinqj denarios ^ de dimidi hui'
panno duos denarios || vnu) ooolum
% de quott panno dimidiQ pannu de
assisa p tres ulnuas % ampUus exce-
dente qui pannus de assisa integ
non hiit. £t etiam de quott panno
pannu) integrum de assisa ptres vlnas
% amplius excedcnte iuxta ratam
subsidi j de panno inteero de eadem
sorte sic S0iUen8| ad opus nrSO
capiat?. Ita q8| quicq'm de eodem
Henrt bv the grace <^ God King
of England and France and Lord
of Ireland, To all to whom these
presentLcttersma]rcome,Grccting:
Know ye that, whereas the lords
and commons <^ our kingdcxn of
England in the Great Council of
the Lord Edward late King of Eng-
land our progenitor^ of late held at
Westminster, did, m return for a
remission of forfeitures due to him
from theaulnageof doth sold within
our kingdom which he nude at their
request, grant to the said ancestor
of ours a certain subsidy from every
cloth asweU of one colour as another
sddinour said kingdom of England,
besides thecustoms thence due from
the seller of the same, that is to
say, tiuit, on whatsoever doth of
assize (of legal measure) wherein
there is no grain four pence shall be
taken, and on every half sudi doth
two pence, and on every cloth of
assize of scarlet sixpence, and on
every half such doth three pence,
and on every doth half grain of
assize five pence, and on every half
sudi doth two pence half penny;
and on every doth exceeding the
half doth or assize by three yards
or more, which is no whole doth
of assize, and also on every doth
exceeding the whole doth of assize
by three yards or more, afler the
rate of the subsidy whidi is to be
paid on the whole doth of the same
sort ; provided always that on doths
Digitized by
Google
to the Drapers^ Fraternity xiy
subsidio de ftliqulbj pannis quos
aliquis p restura sua ^ faxnilie sue
fieri fecit aut de pannis sigillo col-
lectoris subsidij p)dcD ac sisnatis de
qoib) sub^diul pklcSd semelp vendi-
torem solutum Mi ad quorumcumq)
manus panni illi sic signati deue-
Sint md yenden8| vel alio modo non
exiga? vel vlna? ^ q8i omes panni
anteqxia sigillo ^co sic signati
ftidint vendicoi expositi nob sint
fbrisfic* ^ in manu) nraixi) p dciL
collectorem vel vlnatorem aut eoif,
alfius deputatum vel balliuos ville
vbi huiusmodi pannos venales non
sigillatos inveniri contif it capianf.
Acetiam in eodem Consilio ordi-
natum fuisset q8| ulnator Regis
pannos venales vlnare faS || signare
p quod signQ homo cognosSe poSit
quantum huiusmodipannus continet
in se et q8| ulnator capiat de quott
panno integro sic signato vidett de
>venditore vnu) obolum ^ de dimi8|
panno vnQ quadrantem (| q8| idem
vlnator se de vlnacoe alio]^ pannoi;:
q*m venaliu in aliquo non intro-
mittat £t insuper in diQsis statutis
continea? q8| pannus de Ray sit
longitudinis viginti ^ octo vlnzj^
mensuratus p listam (| quinqj quar-
iio^, latitudinis ^ pannus de colore
longitudinis viginti (| sex vlnzjf,
mensuratus p dorsum ^ latitudinis
sex quariioi^ ad minus et q8| dimi8|
pannus sive sit deRay sive de colore
teneat longitudinem ^ latitudinem
^3as juxta ratam Ac in statuto
yviddi a man maketh to clothe him*
self and his iamilv, and on cloths
sealed with the seal of the Collector
of the said subsidy on which the
said subsidy shall have been once
paid by the seller, into whosoever's
hands such doths thus sealed shall
have come for the purpose of being
sold or in anv other manner, cfo
subsidy shoula be demanded or
paid : and that all manner of cloths
^hich be put to sale before they be
sealed with the said seal, shall be
forfeited to us, and be taken into
our hands by the said Collector or
aulnager, or by the deputy of either
of them, or else bv the bailifis of
the town where sucn cloths for sale
not sealed shall be found. And
also in the same Council it was
ordained that the king's aulnager of
cloth shall measure the cloth and
mark the same, bv which mark
a man may know now much the
said cloth containeth, and how
much the ulnager takes on eadi
whole cloth thus sealed, namely
from the seller one halfpenny, and
on each half cloth one farthing,
and that the said aulnager shall
not interfere in the aulnage of any
other cloths except those exposed
for sale. And moreover in divers
statutes it is contained that cloth
of ray should be of the length of
eight and twenty yards mea^red
from the list, and of the breadth of
five quarters : and cloth of colour
of the length of six and twenty
yards measured by the back, and of
the breadth of six quarters at least j
and that a half cloth either of ray or
of colour shall have the aforesaid
length and breadth according to
scale. And in the statute of the
Ff
Digitized by
Google
ii8 Grant of the Farm of Aulnage
in pirlitmento dni R. nup Regis
Angt sctfi post Conquestum anno
regni sui dedmo sq>tinx> tento or^
dinatum existat q8| quitt homo r^ni
sid fade possit tarn panoos de Kxr-
seys q^m alios talis latitudinis %
longitudinis {Hit sibi placuerit ||
eosdem pannos vendicoi ezpond
9 vendere solvendo vlnagiu ||
subsidiu || alia denAi vidett de
quottpanno Hqualtpecia pannijuxta
ratam Aliquo statuto ordmacoe pro*
clamacoe restriccde sive defensione
incontrariu) fxris non obstante Et
q8| nullus aliquos pannos yendat
aut rendicol ezponat anteq^m pan-
ai illi p ulnatorem niA vlnenf ||
sigillo ad hoc ordinato sigiilent' sub
peniscontentis inStatutisindeeditis
£t insup in Parliamento DnD H. nup
Regis Angt aui nrD apud WestiS
primo die Marcij anno regni sui
septimo tento ordinatum fuisset ||
stabilitum q8| pannus de colore con-
tineat in longitudine viginti % octo
tUnas mensuratus p dorsum absqj
conoilcacoe pu^noa % in latitudine
sezquafioi^^ dimi3f(|si factorespan-
noi( pannos suos minoris latitudinis
vel longitudinisextunc fedrinti jdem
factores pannos illosqui pvlnatorem
minoris longitudinis vel latitudinis
inuenti fQint ibrisfai £t q8| idem
▼Inator dcos pannos capiat ^ eos ad
Garderobam nrand ad opus nrSO
libet Ac in statuto in Parliamento
dcd aui nri) anno regni sui vndecimo
tento in? ce?a ordmatum sit (| sta*
Parliament of the Lord Richard
late King of England the Second
held in the sev^enteenth year of his
reign, it was ordained that every
man of his realm might make and
Mt to sale and sell cloths, as wdl
Kcrsejrs as others, of such length
and breadth as him pleased, paying
the tulnage, subsidy, and the other
duties, that is to say, on every
cloth and every piece of cloth after
the rate, notwithstanding any
statute, ordinance, prodamation,
restriction or order to the contrary ;
and that none should sell or put to
sale any cloths before that thev
were measured by the King's aul-
nager, and sealed witii the seal
ordered for that purpose under the
penalties contained in the Statutes
published in this matter. And
moreover in the Parliament of the
Lord Henry late King of England
our grandfather, held at Westmin-
ster the first day of March in the
seventh year ot his reign, it was
ordained and established, that cloth
of colour should contain in length
twenty-eight yards measured by the
back without any crushing of the
doth, and in breadth six quarters
and a half, and if the Qothmakers
from thenceforth should make their
doths of less length and breadth,
that then the same makers should
forfeit the doths, which t^ the
aulnager should be found of less
length or breadth; and that the
said aulnager should seize the same
and deliver them to our wardrobe
to our use. And in the Statute of
the Parliament hdd in the eleventh
year of the reign of our said grand-
father, it was amongst other things
ordained and established that open
Digitized by
Google
to the Drapers^ Fraternity xip
Ulitum q8| jxdamacio apte fieret in
partib) occidentdib) (| alibi p totum
rq^nu nriiO pdd& q8j nulla psooa
fiiaens huiusmodi pannos || duo-
denas in partibj ocddentalib) pdcii
aut alibi infra dcfii regnO nrn)
cosdem pannos || duodenas non
takket aut simul plicet priuscf m
pdcus vlnator scrutiniu Q^ supvisA
sua debite fe&it de huiusnx>di
pannis || duodenis q8| ipi longitu-
dinem || latitudinem suas p statu-
tum ^cu) vltimo ordinatas teneant
sub pena fbrisfture eoi^dem. Nos p
manucapcoemldbis Stoker Almarici
matanj Wilti Northampton dufi
9 pannarioj^ Ciuitatis LondcuQ co-
misim'RobtoShirborn ^ loHiDerbjr
dvib) civitatis Lond<^ firmam sutv-
sidij 9 vlnagij pannoij: venaliu in
ciyitatepdcSac insuburbiis eiusdem
una cummedietatefbrisftureeo]|^dem
pannosjL venaliu a fcsto Sd Midiis
j>S fiitQ vsq) ad finem decern anno^^
cztunc pS sequeS) (| plenarie com-
pletoi^ Reddendo inde nob p annii
triginta || quinqj librassex solidos
ft octo denarios pu? Wiltus Cressv
Robtus Forset (| lobes Ruddok
firmarij ibidem nob reddent ft qua*
tuor libras tresdedm solidos ^
quatuor denarios vl? de incremento
ad festa Pasche ft Sci Midiis p
equaks porcoes. Ita semp q8| de
alta medietate fbrisfture pdcS nob
respondeant ad sc^m nifiil. Pro-
uiso semp q3) si aliquis alius dare
plus volui? de incremento p annul
p firma pdci sine fraude vel malo
ingenio q8| extunc 3)d Robtus $
iproclamation should be made in the
western and other parts of our
aforesaid kingdom that no person
making sudi sort of doth whether
singly or in dozens, in the western
parts aforesaid or dsewhere within
our said kingdom, should tuck
[takket, sew together ?] or fold such
kinds of doths before that the said
aulnager had duly made his due
search and survey of the same
cloths and had seen that thdr
length and breadth was according
to the aforesaid Statute upon pain
offorfeitureofthesame. We, John
Stolcker, Ahnaric Matany, William
Northampton, citizens and drapers
of the City of Ix>ndon standing
sureties, have granted to Robert
Shirborne and John Derby, citizen!
of the City of London, the farm
of the subsidy and aulnage of clotii
ofiered for sale in the City afore*
said and the suburbs, together with
one half of the doth forfeited, from
the feast of St. Mlchad next en-
suing for the term of full ten years
from that date; They on their
part paying to us yearly thirty and
five pounds six shillings and eight
pence, in like manner as William
Crcssy, Robert Forset, and John
Ruddock, farmers of the same, now
pay us, and four pounds thuteen
shillings and four pence besides, at
the feasts of Easter and of St.
Michad by equal portions^ So
always that for the other half of
the aforesaid forfdture they shall
be responsible to our Exchequer.
Provided always that if any other
will give more a year for the farm
aforesaid without fraud or evil
design, that from thenceforth the
said Robert and John shall pay so
Digitized by
Google
xio Grant of the Farm of Aidnage
lo&es UotQ |» etdcm 90I118 teoeant
si custoduun Ikere voluSint sup-
dcaflL £t insup assiffnauim* ip58
RdtXum Shirborn % lobein Dcxby
ttm ad om€s % singulos pannos %
pedas panni venales in civitate %
suburbiis pdcls anteq^m vendidoi
exponan? aut ext* diet civitatem %
suburbia ducantor p scft sufficientes
deputatoa suos uloanS^d sigillo ad
hoc ordinato coosigiianS q*in ad
denarios de huiusmodi vlnagio pue-
nientcs ac subsidiupdcA in eisdem
Civitate ^Suburbiis de omibsd'singu-
lis pannis ft pedis panni sic vlnatis
% sigillo vlnatoris sigilla? ad opus
nrnd de vendit(x*e levan8| CQlligen8|
H pdpien8| ct ad oAes domos shopas
^ alia loca in civitate ^ suburbiis
pddS vbi huiusmodi panni % pecie
panni inveniri poSuntperscnitan3) %
ad oAes huiusmodi pannos % pedas
panni vcndicoi expositos % sigillis
fklcis minime sigUlatos in manu
nrfiS tanq*m forisfcoi capie n3) ||
medietatem forisffe eoijidem pannoi^
ft peciai^ panni penes ipos Robtum
Shirborn || lo&em Deri)/ retinen8|
% nob de alSa medietate dusdem
forisfu?e vt pmitti? responden8| ft
ad oAia || singula in Statutis pkidi
contenta iuzta fbrmam eoijdem
ftdeo8| % exequenSi In cuius rei
testimoniu) has tras nras fieri fecim'
patentes. T. me ipo apud West A
xvj die Februa? anno ? nr9 decimo
septima
John Gladwyn attomatus dictA
firmaP. p Billam ThcS. Bate.
Irrotulatur in mem^ Scacc^ vid'
inter Rccorda de termioo Sdi
MicUs anno decimo octavo Reg'"
H* sextl Rotulo secundo ex parte
Rememoratoris Regis.
mudi as shall be ofiered, if they
wish to continue in the bokUng
thereof. And moreover we do ap-
point the said Robert Shirbome
and John Derbv t^ themselves or
their sufficient deputies to measure
all and singular cloths and pieces
of doth offered for sale in the said
City and suburbs before the same is
offers for sale or taken out of the
said City and suburbs, to seal with
the seal appointed for the purpose,
and to levy, collect, and recdve
from the vendor the money arising
from such aulnage and the afore-
said subsidy in tiie said City and
suburbs on all and single doths and
pieces of cloth thus aulnaged and
sealed with the seal of the aulnager,
and to search all houses, shops,
and other places within the City
and suburbs aforesaid Cerecloths
and pieces of cloth may be found,
and to sdze as forfeited to us all
such doths and pieces of doth ex«
posed to sale not being sealed by the
aforesaid seal, and that the said
Robert Shirbome and John Derby
shall retain the half of the doths so
forfeited and answer to us for the
other half as stated above, and to
do all and singular in tl^ same
Statutes omtained. In testimony
whereof we have caused these our
Letters Patent to be made. Wit-
ness myself at Westminster the idth
day of February in the seventeenth
year of our reign.
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
C
O
-3
O
OS 1^
Q 2
< 5'
<
Q
V
H <
^-:
2 ^
o ^
►^ c
^ §
Ed 'Z
X 2
O
Digitized by
Google
Grant of the Thrapers^ Arms xxi
XI
THE GRAUNT OF THE DRAPERS ARMES, March io,
17 Hen. VI, 1439 (New Style)
Drapers* Hall ; Book of Endences A, fe. 1^9 a 5 Ch. XXI.
ATocm nobles qui cestes pntes
yerront ou ocrount humble re-
comendacon premise pour moy
Guilliam Brugges autrement dit
Jarretier Roy Darmes dez Englois
le primier ' diceluv nonn [nomj et
humble Suiture Darmes a tout la
gentile^.
U a pleu a nf e soQain s' le tres-
hault trepuissant et tresexcellent
prince le tresxpien Roy Henry le
Sysine diceluy nom Roy Dengletd
& de ffraunce & s' dyreland de sa
benigne grace et habundaunce p
sez tres patentes ottroier grauntier
et accordier a sez humbles et
iblaulz lieges lez gentz du mestier
dez Drapiers fraunchisez en sa tres-
noble tresiamouse & renoAee Citee
de loundres fraunchise & libertee
dauoir corporackm entre eux du
dit mestier et en faire vne meister
et quatre gardeins pour regiminer
goQnier et auoir survien sur la dit
mestier et dan en an renouelier
chaungier et eslier entre eux meister
fetgarddns pour tout dys entretenir
To all nobles who shall see or
hear these presents, I, William
Brugges, otherwise darter King of
Arms of the English, the first of
the said title and humble servant
of arms to all gentles, offer my
humble respects. It hath pleased
our sovereign Lord the most high
puissant and excellent Prince the
most Christian King Henry the
Vlth of that name King of England
and France and Lord of Irdand,
of his benign grace and generosity,
by his letters patent to concede,
grant and accord to his humble
and faithiiil Heges, the men of the
Mystery o^ Drapers freemen in his
very noble, famous, and renowned
Cit^of London the right and libeity
to rorm a corporation among them*
selves of this said Mystery, and to
appoint a Master and four Wardens
to rule, govern, and have survey
over the said Mystery, and to
change and elect them year by
year. In order to maintain for ever
the governance of the said corpora-
tion.
' The office Garter King of Arms was created by Henry V in X4I7-
Broges was the first Garter j cf. The Book of Dignities, p. 3x7*
SirWm.
Digitized by
Google
xzz Grant of the Ihrapers" Arms
le conduyt de lour dit corportdon
les notables du mcstier fbundees
en tresgraunde honeur et ?tue onnt
ibndez entre euz de solcmpnisier
lour dit corportdon vne foitz diun
an Ccstassayoire le lundi |>9d)ein
cnsuiant la fcste de lassompdon de
pluis benoit vierge Dame mere et
emperisse de tout celestid et terre-
steer nfe tresglorious Dame seint
Marie du qud nasquist le cdestid
£c Imperial soleile le pluis glorious
Roy et sire de tout Justice nre
benoit s^Jhu Crist et en lonneure
dicelle pluis benoit vierge et de sa
tresglorious feste suisdit lez ditz du
mestier rasieses dune comune as-
sentment entre euz de diun au dit
lour estre ensemble a compaignies
de freres & soers du dit fratnitee et
en ycduy iour renouelier chaungier
eslier et insdtuer nouelx meistre et
gardeins auxi come le cas requerera
pour lonneure et valitee du dit
mestier lez notables du dit mestier
contendans daugmentier tout dys
ce que poet estre a lonneure du mt
mestier onnt fait falre requcste
a mqy le suysdit jarretiere Roy
Darmes dez Englois de lezvoulUier
aviser et deuiser enseingnc en forme
de blason solond le quel lis pour-
roient faire priente* en vne seal
comon tant soullement au dit
mestier seraler pour soubz ycd seal
passer a£fermer verefier et signefier
tout ceo que a lour dit mestier entre
euz du mestier pient doit ou pour*
The notables of the Mystery
founded in veiy great honour have
dedded amongst themselves to
commemorate tiicir said corpora*
tion once a year. That is to say,
on the Monday next after the Feast
of the Assumption of the most
blessed Virgin Lady Mother, and
Empress of all things in Heaven
and Earth, our very glorious Lady
Saint Mary of whom was bom the
heavenly and Imperial Sun the
most glorious King and Lord of
all Justice our Blessed Saviour
Jesus Christ, and in honour of the
said most blessed Virgin and of
her very glorious festivd aforesaid,
the said members of the Mystery
hav^ of common agreement, de-
cided to meet every year on the
said day, accompanied by the bre-
thren and sisters of the said Fra»
temity, and on the said day to
renew, change^ elect, and institute
a new Master and new Wardens
as the drcumstances may demand,
for the honour and welfare of the
said Mvstery. The notables of
the said Mystery, striving ever to
increase all that may conduce to the
honour of the said Mystery, have
made request to me, the aforesaid
Garter King of Arms of England,
that I would suggest and devise
a coat of arms cv the form of a
blazon, in conformitjr with whidi
they might have the mipress made
on a common seal,' to be used
only by the said Mystery for pass<^
ing, amrming, verifying,and attestr
ing all that can, ought, or may
appertain to their said Mystery
For the original seal see p. it^ of this yolome.
Digitized by
Google
Grant of the Drapers^ Arms xig
roit aiyjteignier et auxi pour envser
du ditblasm cntout autre cas come
honeur le requerra fie pient &: doit
requerer.
Je lesuit dit Jarretier Roy Darmes
ydant le eu^nt honneure que nfe dit
soQaln s'Te tresx^en Roy leur a fait
p SQQ noble ottroye et graunt suisdit
et auxi pour compUer a honurable
fiome Johan Gedney le primer
Meistre eslue au commencement
de suisdit corporacion p bon meure
delibacon et consentment entiere
de sa dit compaignie encorporees
au dit mestier des Drapiers et auxi
pour complier tant as quatre Gar*
deins Johan Wotton Jdian Derby
Robert Bertyn et Thomas Cook
aue as autres notables de la dit
nainitee et compaignie.
Je lez ay deuisez enseigne en
fb^e de blason pour demourer au
dit notable mestier pour memolre
pisetuell Cestassauoir en lonneur
du tresgloriouse vierge et meer
Marie le quel est en ovmbre du
sdeyll et replendlsant en tout
dantee et nestete leur av devisez
en lour blason troys Royes de
soleille issantz hors de troys nves
de flambe coronnez de troys corons
imperiale* dore assisez sus vne
escue dasure et come pient arooire
p la demonstraunce du dit hUson
assise en peinture et en ces drois
cdoFes en le merge de ceste psent
tre et pour verltablement blasonier
le dit armorie II covient due U
porte dasure troys sdeilles Issantz
de troys nves de geuUez coronnes
de treys Imperiale corons dore le
' See note on
amongst themselves, and also to
use the said blazon on all other
occasions as their dignity requires
and can and may require.
I, the said Garter King of Arms,
seeing the great honour that our
said Sovereign lord the most Chris-
tian King has done them by his
aforesaid noble concession and
grant, and also to pleasethe honour,
able man John Gedney the first
Master elected after the creation of
the said Corporation by the good
and ripe deliberation and unani-
mous consent of tiie said his Com*
pany incorporated in the said Mys-
tery of Drapers, and also to please
the four Wardens John Wotton,
John Derby, Robert Bertyn, and
Thomas Cook, as well as the other
notables ok the said Fraternity and
Company, have devised a coat of
arms under the form of a blazon to
remain to the said honourable
Mystery as a perpetual memorial.
That is to say, in honour of the
very glorious Virgin and Mother
Mary who is in the shadow of the
sun and yet shines with all clear-
ness and purity I have devised in
their Blazon three sunbeams issu-
ing from three flaming clouds
crowned with three Imperial
Crowns ok gold on a shield of
azure and as appears in the de-
monstrance of the said blazon
painted in their jproper colours in
the margin of the present letter.
And for the true blazoning of the
said coat of arms it behoves that
it should carry on azure three sun-
beams issuing fix)m three clouds
gules, crowned with three Imperial
the next page.
Digitized by
Google
114 Grant of the 7>rapers' Arms
Judle dit blason je le dit Jarretier
loy Dannes cert]£e nul auter pson
Jueconque de lisle de la graund
Iretalgne le portre ycelle dit tdasoa
le dit mestier de le processer pour
ppetuell memoire et le mestier dez
Drapiers dclusier a lonneur du dit
mestier en toutz cas licdtes con*
veniens & honourables et come de
droit le dit mestier le requerrera
£t pour apisaunce a toutz nobles
que je le suisdit Roy Darmes ay
devise le suisdit blason au dit
notable mestier des Drapiers en
loundres Jav sealle ceste ptoit tre
de mon seal le disme iour de Mars
en Ian du grace mil quatre centz
trent et neof et en Ian dyoeptisme
du Reigne nre soQiain s' le tresxpjen
Roy suisdit.
colden crowns; the which blazoa
ly the said Garter King of Arms,
certify that no other person what-
soever of the island of Great Britain
bears the same blazon, and that
the said Mystery shall hold it in
perpetual remembrance; and that
the said Mystery of Drapers shall
use it to the honour of the said
Mystery on all lawftil, convenient,
and honourable occasions, and ts
the right of the said Mysteiy shall
require. And, as a testimony to
all the nobility that I, the aiore-
said King of Arms, have devised
the above-mentioned blazon for the
said honourable Mystery of the
Drapers in London, I have sealed
this present letter with my seal on
the tenth day of March in the year
of grace one thousand four hundred
and thirty-nine and in the seven-
teenth year of the reign of our
Sovereign the aforesaid most Chris-
tian King.
The subscription of a Notary, John Daunt, in the presence of William
Brugges, the Garter King of Arms, and of four witnesses, Nicholas Wyfold,
Grocer, Matthew Ffbucher, Mercer, William Brampton, Court Secretanr,
and William Parker, Armurarius, follows in Latin, which is thus dated: In
the year anno domini if 39 according to the computation of the Church
of England. ^Indiccione tercia pontitoatus Sassimi* [In the 3 rd indictional
vear of the most Sacred Papacy.]' In the tenth year of our fiither and
lord in Christ Eugenius IV by divine grace Pope. On the eleventh day
of March.
Unfortunately part of the parchment upon which the Grant is written
has been destroyod by fire,
2«if^._The three Imperial Crowns are no doubt the Triple Crown of
the Deity, and probably represent Supreme Dominion in Heaven, on
' For the Indictional Year cf. Bond's Handy Book for verifying Dates, p. 2^ j
Art de verifier Ics dates, i Ed. 3, vol. i, p. 19.
Digitized by
Google
Grant of the Drapers' Arms xir
Earth, and in the Nether World' The initial A of the Letters Patent is
formed of a representation of the Virgin standing between the Father and
the Son, both of whom are wearing the Triple Crown and are crowning
the Virgin herself with another Triple Crown, A number of small
figures, probably representing the Drapers, stand under the protection of
the Virgin's skirts. Above, the Holy Spirit hovers in the form of a dovre,
over whom again the Triple Crown is seen."
With these Arms the following seal of the same date should be
compared. The original no longer exists, but there is a cast of it in
the Britiah Museum, No. 51 ii«
' Some will have it that the Triple Crown symbolizes the Trinity, bat even in
the fifteenth century they would scarcely have nven this attribute to the Virgin.
There are several representations to be found in mediaeval art of the Virgin
being crowned with a single crown \ cf. Jameson, Legends of the Madonna^
pp. 14, 1^, 19, 13, x^ J bat none, so £ir as I am aware, of her receiving the
Triple Crown.
^ For the initial A, see Frontispiece to vol. i of the Edition de laxe.
iwt.i G g
Digitized by
Google
xid Grant of the Drapers' Arms
The close similarity between it and the Arms on the grant will be
observed. On it is found the Viigin, standing three-quarters length,
with the Triple Crown of the Deity on her head. In her right hand
a sceptre ; in her left a palm-branch. Under her cloak a group of
persons, probably representing the Drapers. The Virgin is surrounded
S^ a radiance which is supported by four Angels with wings expanded,
ver her head the Almighty, half-length, lifting His right hand in bene-
diction : with the left placing the Crown on the Virgin's head. Above,
the Holy Spirit represented as a Dove with apparently the Triple Crown,
though the Impression is not clear. In the t»se a shield with the Drapers'
Arms ; three clouds radiated and each surmounted with the Triple Crown.
Round the seal runs the inscription < Sigillu + + C5mune Fratemitat'
Be* Marie Mistere Pannarior* London *.
I add a representation of a Sacramental Pyx surmounted by the Triple
Crown and surrounded by veils,' which was often hung over the altar
in churches, and whence very probably came the suggestion of the Triple
Crown.
^^ C}^'
Then follow the Arms in the Confirmation of the Grant of i ydi, with
supporters which are new.
Here, the initial letter with the picture of the Virgin is omitted,
no doubt because it was held to be superstitious ^ but the crowns are still
those of the Deity.
' British Museum, Harleian MS. ^^^%^ f. %i^. I owe information of this to
Canon Dalton, a member of the Drapers' Court. See Hope, Bnglish Altars, 1 899,
PL X, Fig. \\ Roch, Church of our Fathers, ed. 1904, iv. 134-4%.
Digitized by
Google
Arms of July i^6i
Digitized by
Google
Digitized by
Google
Grant of the Drapers' ^rms xx7
We then come to the Arms in the Second Confirmation of the Grant
in 161^.
Here the Crowns are given four arches, which those in the original
grant have not, and this alteration has caused much misapprehension
subsequently. Thus Sir Albert Woods, Garter King of Arms from
1 8(^9 to 1904, who presumably only saw the Crowns in the later grant, gave
an opinion that they were royal cro^^ns, but that, to distinguish them
from the royal diadem, strawl)erry leaves were substituted for die fleur-de-
lis and cross pat^ on the band.
Ggl
Digitized by
Google
xi8 Grant of the Drapers' Arms
Finally comes the existing seal of tlie Company of the date 1771, and
the Arms of to-day.
Present-day Seal
Anns of To-day.
The seal, it will be seen, resembles the old seal closely. Nevertheless
a shield with the Drapers' Arms takes the place of the figures under the
Virgin's skirts, the radiance is supported by two angels only, and the
crown worn by the Virgin and on the shield resembles that of the Papal
Tiara. This crown also appears in the present Arms, but the supporters
difier from those on the Arms of ifd and idi;.
Digitized by
Google
Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 119
XII
INSPEXIMUS CHARTER of Jult a(f, 6 Edward IV (i4(fd),
CONFIRMIMG AND EXPANDING THAT OP 1 7 HeNRY VI
Dnpers' Hall; Book of fividences, No. 388, fo. I5^b$ Charter XIII
tres patents
Edwardus Dei griD Rex Anglie
& ffrancie & Dominus Hibnle
Omibj ad quos plsentes tre pueiSint
saltm Inspeximus tras patentes
H. sexti nup de facto & non de
lure Regis Anglie fcls in hec verba
Henricus Dei gracia Rex &d vt
patet ex al^a pte huius fblij Jarnqj
ex parte dilan;: ligeoijL nroi^ Henrici
Waver Militis nunc Magistri &
Thome Eyre Thome Salle JoUs
Brokfbrd &: Witti White nunc
Custodum Gilde siue ffra^nitatis
^ee nob est bmli? supplica? vt
cum i^i p ezhibicoe & sustentacde
duoijL Qipellanoj^ p bono statu
nostro ac pklittlssime Consortis
n?e Elizabeth Regine Anglie &
Sano R^imine Gilde seu ffra^ni-
tatis pkice ac p bono & salubri
sanitate firatiQ & soro];L eiusdem
dum vi2im* necnon p animab) nriS
cum ab hac luce migravSm* & j>
Letters Patent
Edward by the Grace of God
King of England and France and
Lord of Ireland. To all to whom
these present Letters shall come,
greeting. We have seen the Let-
ters Patent of Henry Vlth, late in
fact but not by right King of Eng-
land and France and Lord of Ire-
land, in these words : ^ Henry by
Grace of God, &c.' as appears in
the other part of this folio.
And now we are humbly peti-
tioned by our beloved linemen
Henry Waver, Knight, now Master,
and Thomas Eyre, Thomas Salle,
John Brockfbrd,andWilliam White,
now Wardens of the aforesaid Gild
or Fraternity, that they may, in
virtue of our licence, jxissess and
apply lands, tenements, rents, and
other possessions, to be held as
follows hereafter, to the purpose of
providing for the maintenance and
sustenance of two chaplains to pray
and celebrate divine service for our
good estate, and for that of our
most dear Consort Ellzabeth,Queen
of England, and for the wholesome
f3vernance of the aforesaid Gild or
raternity, as well as for the good
and sound health of the brothers
and sisters of the same, while we
live, also for our souls when we de-
part from this life,andfor the soulsof
Digitized by
Google
igo Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV
aiabj illustrissimi principis Ric9
nuper Duds Eboi^ patris mj) Ed-
mund! nup Comitis Rotelf ffratris
nri ac nup carissimi Consanguinei
nri Rici) nup Comitis Sa|^ & nup
ditd &: fideiis Consanpiinei nri
Thome NeviU MiiitS m eiusdem
Comitis Sa]( Acetiam j> animab)
ffratrum & sorq^ Gilde siue £frater-
nitatis ilUus ddundx)^ exoratu? &:
diuina celcbratu? terras tefita &:
redditus ac alias possessiones in
forma subsequent! lLen3) licenda
nf a mediante pquirere a£fectent &
disponant*" velimus sibi in hac parte
munificenciam nf am reglam gradose
exhibere Nos hmoi sanam a£fec-
coem & piam disposicocm merito
contemplantes cupientes qj hmoi
laudabile j>positum multum fie spe-
ramus deo gratum quantum ad nos
attinet fdici? promoueri
De gra) nra spedali tras pddLs
ac oAia &: singula in eisdem con-
tenta rata Rentes & grata ea j>
nobis fie heredf nrls quantum in
nobis est acceptamus approbamus
& ratificamus ac eisdem nunc
Magistro &: Custodib; & Sue-
cessorib; suis tenore p^ntium con-
cedim* & confirmamus prout tre
predce raclonabiliter testant' Et
villus de vbiori era nra concessim*
& licenciam de&nus & p pisentes
concedimus & licenciam damus j>
nobis & heredj nns quantum in
nobis est pfatis nunc Magro &
Custodit^ qd ipi & Successores sui
ter? teS) & redditus ac alias posses-
siones quascumqj cum ptin ad
valorem viginti libraqi p annu licet
de nobis in capite seu aliter seu de
aliis psonis quibusculq) p quod-
cumq3 3uidum teneant** a quibus-
the most illustrious prince Ridiard
late Duke of York, our father- Ed-
mund late Earl of Rutland our
brother; our most dear kinsman
Richard late Earl of Salisbury ; our
late bdoved and faithful cousin,
Thomas Neville, Knight, son of the
said Earl of Salisbury, and also for
the souls of the brethren and sis-
ters of the Gild or Fraternity
when deceased. We wishing to
gradously show our royal munifi-
cence, and approving such a healthy
affection and pious intention, and
desiring to promote, as far as in us
lies, such a laudable proposal and
pleasing, as we hope, to God, do,
of our special favour, accept, ap^
f)rove, and ratify the aforesaid
etters, and every thing general
and particular in them contained
for us and for our heirs so far as
lieth in us, and concede and con-
firm to the present Master and
Wardens and their successors by
the tenor of these presents, as the
aforesaid letters reasonably witness.
And further of the abundance of
our Grace we have granted and
given licence, and by t&se presents
do grant and give licence, for us
and our heirs so far as in us lies to
the aforesaid present Nfaster and
Wardens and their successors to
acquire and recdve lands, tene-
ments, rents, and other possessions
whatsoever, with their appurten-
ances to the value of {jto per
annum, from any persons or person
whomsoever, who may be willing
to grant and give such lands, tene-
Digitized by
Google
Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV 131
cuk}) psonls siue a quaculqj psona
hmoi tcr? ten & redditus ac alias
possessioacs cum ptin els dare &
concedere volentibj seu volente ad-
quirere fie redpe possint bendP &
tenendP eisdem nunc Magro & Cus-
todib) fie Successoribus suis pldci3
imppm £t eisdem psonls siue pson)
qdf ipe yel ipa limoi ter? ten) & red-
ditus ac alias possessioes cum ptin
ad dcA annuum valorem pliatis nunc
Magf a & Custodib; fie successorib)
suis dare possint vd possit ac con-
cedere & assignare henS & tenendP
sibi yt pkicA est imppm tenore
p^senciu simili? licenciam dcdimus
specialem tarn in cxhibicoem & sus-
tentacoem capellanoi^ p)dcd];L sicut
^cA est exoratu? & diuina cele.
bratu? imj^m q^malioijLoniumGilde
siue fira^natati pldcS incumbendu
aboq) Impeticoe vd impedimcnto
nfi vd heredum nro^ lustid Escae-
tof VicecomitQ BaUiuoi^ seu alioi^
ministnn^ nroi^ vd heredum nroa
quOAciiyq) & ateqj aliquo bri de ad
quoQ Dampnum siue aliquo alio
mandato nf o vel heredum nroi^ in
hac parte impetrandf seu psequendf
& aosqj aliqua Inquisicoe inde vir-
tute bris siue mandati hmoicapiendP
ac absq) aliquo fine seu fcodo j>
pdentib) ad opus nfm quouis modo
petendPsoluendPseucapiendP Sta-
tuto de tei? & ten) ad manum mor-
tuam non ponendP edito aut aliquo
aUo statuto actu siue ordinadone
incontrariu) iac? ordinal siue puis
non obstan? In cuius rd testi-
moniu has tras nras fieri fecimus
ments, rents, and other possessions,
whether they are held of us in chief
or otherwise, or of other persons
whomsoever and by whatsoever
services, to be owned and hdd by
the present Master and Wardens
and their afisresaid heirs fi^r ever.
And we allow the said persons or
person that he, or she, may give,
grant, and assign the like lands,
tenements, rents, and other posses-
sions, with their appurtenances to
the value of ^ao per annum, to the
said present Master and Wardens
and thdr successors, to be had and
possessed fi^r ever as above said,
according to the tenor of these
presents. And likewise we have
granted spedal licence as wdl for
the maintenance and sustenance
of the two chaplains aforesaid to
pray and cdebrate divine service
for ever, as for all the other burdens
of the said Gild or Fraternity,
without let or hindrance on our
part or on the part of our heirs,
justices,escheators,sherififs, bailififs,
or other of our officials, or of our
heirs whatsoever, and without any
writ of ^ ad quod damnum ', or
other mandate of us or our heirs in
this behalf, bdng issued or prose-
cuted or any inquisition being
taken by virtue of any such writ or
mandate, or any fine or fee being
in any way demanded at our need
forthese presents : notwithstanding
the Statute against lands and tene-
ments being put into mortmain, or
any other Statute, act, or ordi-
nance made, ordained, or provided
to the contrary. In testimony
whereof we have caused these our
Letters Patent to be made. Wit-
Digitized by
Google
igi Inspeximus Charter of 6 Edward IV
patentes teste me ipo apud Westfid ness myself at Westminster the
vicesimo sexto Die Julij anno regni a((th day of July in the sixth year of
nri sexto our reign.
Aa Dni Bagot. ^j the King himsdf and the
\^66, p ipm Regem & de data piddi authority of parliament of the afbre-
auctoritate pliamenti. said date.
Bagot.
XIII
CONFIRMATION OF THE DRAPERS' RIGHT OF SEARCH,
a^ Henry VI, 1447
Drapers* Hall; Book of Efidences A, No. 5SS, la 1^0 a.
Rex &ct Maiori fie Aldermannis &ct And where the Maister &
Wardeyns of the mystere of Taillours in our Citie of london and John
lokok John Copmyll John langwiA fie Thomas Reymond Citezeins &
TaiUors within our said Citie haue compleyned to vs ayenst Piers
Calcote Henry Bray Henry Kent & William Russell Wardeyns of the
mystere of Drapers of oor said Citie of that, that they of their owne
wrong with outen matier or cause resonable now late came to the hoos
of the said John John Jdin & Thomas within the firaunchise oi our said
Citie wrongfully and ayenst our lawes Qaymyng fie pretendyng to make
serche of mete yerdes and woUendothes by the same John Jo£i John &
Thomas put to sale within their houses within our said Citie to tiie gret
trouble hurt & grevaunce of the said playntifes and of tiie said mystere
of Taillours And vpoa the which compleynt to vs thus made It was
commaunded by vs vnto our Chaunceller and other of oor lordes of our
Counsdl to Doo come before tbeym aswell the said Playntlfies as the
said Piers Henry Henry fie William And thervpon taking vnto thcym
our Chief Jugge & other of our Juges in the presence of tte said parties
Such matiers & difference bitwixt tiie said mystere of Drapers & Taillours
within the said Citie for the Serche of mette yerd^ & woUencloth vsed
& put to sale to retaille by the said Taillors to ende and determyne for
a conclusion of such difierens to endure perpetuell^ And for asmoch as
by our Chaunceller 2c other of our said lords of our said counsdl taldng
vnto theym our chief Juge & other of our Juges according to our said
commaundment at diuers tymes haue doon come before theym the said
parties and herde their compleynts answeres & replicacions with all the
circumstaunces therto bebnging touching the said difference of serdie
And for asmoche as we been acerteyned &at such differences that haue
fallen before tyme bitwene Crafts of london haue be accustumed to be
Digitized by
Google
Confirmation of Right of Searchy i^^^ xgg
only reformed by the Meyre & Aldremen of the said Citie & none other
We willing the laufiill Rules & custumes to be contynued & had and not
to be abrigged nor hurte in no manner wolle Sc charge you that first
serched & seen by tbeym in all haist goodly all our recordes of our said
Citie concernyng the said difierence of serche & other lyke to theym
And this doon & vnderstonde that ye so Demeane this nutier that the
said wardeyns of Drapers haue their serche of metyerds & Wollencloth
vsed & put to sale to rctaille according to the customes acts & orde-
nances enacted & ordeyned of record before you in the Chambre of our
said Citie in semblabe nunner & forme as other Crafts within our said
Citie vse & haue been accustumed to doo that is to sey to serche all
thing belonging & concernyng to their Craft openly thorough oute our
said Cltlc &ct And this we charge you streytly eny writing or com-
maundment writen or made vnto you by vs tofore this tyme to the
contrarynotwithstonding.
This matier before reherced is in the Guyldehall vnder the kings
seale ensealed.
XIV
ORDINANCE OF THE MAYOR CONFIRMING THE RIGHT
OF SEARCH OF WOOLLEN CLOTHS, Oct. (f, itf Henry VI,
1447
Drapen' Hallj Book of Evidences A, No. 388, fe. 161 a.
MemoranbP qdP Die veidis sexto Be it noted that on Friday, the
die Octob? Anno ri§ Henrid sexti sixth day of October in the x6th
post conqS) vicesimo sexto vene- year of King Henry the Vlth's
runt hie in In^iori Ca5i)e Guihalde reign, there came, here in the inner
ciuitatis london coram lohe Olney chamoer of the Guildhall of the City
Maiore & Aldermannis ciuitat3 of London, before John Olney the
pklce Magister et Gardiani mistere Mayor, and the Aldermen of the
Panna? eiusdem ciuitatis necnon aforesaidCity the Master and War-
q*m plures alij probl holes eiusdem dens of the Mystery of Drapers of
Mistere declarantes quomodo re- the said City together with several
troactS temporib) Magis? & Gar- other good men ofthe same Mystery
diani mistere pklce cum vno Suiente who declared that, in times past, the
Canile GuihaldP pklce oui p) tempe Master and Wardens of the afore-
fu)at deputa? cu) dn3 Maior talem said Mystery, togetherwith one ser-
Suien? ad hoc deputa^ volQit hue- jeant of the Guildhall Chamber, who
was deputed for the occasion when-
ever the lord Mayor chose so to do,
iMti H h
Digitized by
Google
134 Confirmation of the Drapers^
runt & here consueuerut scratiniu)
oim & singtoi]. panno^ kneon^ &
virgan^ voca? mctyerds olm & sin-
gtont): Ciuiul Ciuitatis pidce pannos
lancos infra libtatem eiusdem Qui^
vendenciu) ad retalliam intime sup-
plicantcs cisdem Maiori & Alder-
mannis quatenus ipi nunc Mags?
& Gardiani Mistcre pJce Ac
o Acs illi Magistri & Gardiani eius-
dem Mistere qui infiitu? hmoi scru-
tiniu) suu) dece^o eScere valeant &
here p)ut cicere & here solebant.
£t quia equita3 vsu puenit & con-
censit iusticia qdP adiuncta peticio
racioni mansuetos inuenlat audi-
tores Ideo p die? Maiorcm tc Alder-
mannos consideratum ftiit & j>ui-
sum qd p)fa? nunc Magister tc
Gardiani Mistere pldcS ac Succes-
sores sui MagrS & Gardiani qui p
tempe fOint scrutinlQ here debeant
& xcere oim & singuloi^ Ciuiu)
Ciuita?s pklce pannos laneos infra
libtatem eiusdem CiuitatS venden-
ciu) ad retalliam sub Maioris dee
OultatS autoritate qui p tempe
fu)it vnacul Suiente Oinde pIdce ad
Qauam cis assignandP prout hacte-
nus &ere & 2cere consueuerut £t
defectus si quos infiitu? hmdi scru-
tinio fistdendP inueniri conti^t bn
& fideli? absq3 aliquo inde concela-
mento Cam)ario Ciuitatis p)dce qui
p temple fu)it prout moris est
plsentandP etS.
Presentibj ad tunc ibm lobe Ol-
ney Maiore, Robto Danvers Re-
held and were accustomed to bdd a
search of all and several woollen
cloths and yards termed <met-
yards' belonging to all and several
citizens of the aforesaid Gty^ who
sold woollen cloths by retail within
the liberty of the said Gty, and
prayed the said Mayor and Alder-
men that they, the present Master
and Wardens of the aforesaid Mys-
tery, and all future Masters and
Wardens, should have authority to
exercise hereafter the search, as
they have hitherto enjoyed and
exercised it.
And whereas it seemed equitable
and just that this petition should
receive favourable hearing, it was,
after consideration, decided by the
said Mayor and Aldermen that the
aforesaid Master and Wardens of
the aforesaid Mysterv, and all future
Masters and Wardens and their
successors, should have and exercise
the right of search over all and
several citizens of the aforesaid
Citv selling woollen cloths by retail
within the liberty of the said City,
under the authority of the Mayor
of the said Qty for the time being,
together with a Serjeant at Mace
of the aforesaid Chamber to be
assigned to them, as they have been
accustomed hitherto to have and
exercise. And all defects, if any
shall be found in making the said
search, shall be presented to the
Chamberlain for the time being
without concealment as is the
custom.
Entered in the Book marked
with the letter K folio ccxxxvii in
the presence of John Olney, Mayor,
ilobcrt Danvers the Recorder, Si-
Digitized by
Google
Right of Search ig y
cordatore, Simone Eyre, Wittmo mon Eyre, William Coumbcs John
Coumbes, lolie Norman, lohe Sut- Norman, John Sutton, William
ton, Wiltmo Gr^ory, Nicfio Wy- Gregory, Nicholas Wyfold, Stc-
fbld, StcpHo fforster, Galfiido phen Fforster, GeoflFrey Ffcldyng,
ffcldyng, lohc Derby, Willo Cant- John Derby, WilUam Cantlowc,
lowc, Thoma Scott & Wittmo Thomas Scott, and William Abra-
Abraham Aldfis. ham Aldfis.
Intrat* in libio aignato cu) tra K
folio ccax9if.
Note. This is entered in the new booke
that M' Woodcocke made A* ijroo
and yt is cutt owte off the same
booke of K w4n the Guyldeball.
XV
THE DRAPERS AND THE SHEARMEN
Drapen' Hall $ Beck of Evidences A, No. )88, fe. if 7 b.
A patent graunted by Kyng Edward the fourth to the feliship of
Drapers that the Shermen shall haue no C!orporacion graunted
to tJieym nor any correccion of the Drapers or Taylors. —
April p, ip Edward IV, 1475.
Ires patents,
Edward by the grace of god Kyng of Englond and of £Fraunce and lord
of Irlande lo our trusty and welbelouid the Maisters Wardevns and hole
ffelaships of the two Crafts or Mistiers of Drapers and TaiUours of our
Citee of london that now be and that hereafter for the tyme shall be
gretyng. Where as certeyn persones now late haue sued vnto vs vpon
diners sublecdons & surmyses that we by our lettres patents vnder our
great Scale shuld incorporate the men of the flfeliship oS Shermen of our
said Qtee^ And that we shuld graunte vnto theym therupon certeyn
liberties conteyned in a bill of their desire and petidon therupon to vs
Ktte. We 9€jx\% the many & great Inconueniences which by all likly-
de wuU ensue of the said corporadon and graunt vf it shuld passe vs,
of our mere modon graunte by thise our present lettres vnto the said
maisters wardmis and fielaships of the said ij Crafts or mistiers of
Drapers and Taillors of our said Citee that we shall nat at any tyme
hereafter by our lettres patents or otherwise of auctorlte graunte vnto the
Digitized by
Google
xjd The Drapers and the Shearmen
said £feUship of Shermen that now be or hereafter shall be in our said
Citee of london any Corporacion or any other privilege or Auctorite
touching to their said Craft of Shermen nor we wdl that in any wise the
said fel^ip of Shermen that now be or that hereafter shall be haue fioni-
bensforth exercise nor vse vpon eny Craft of the said Gtie and euspedall
vpon any of the said ij Crafts of Drapers and TaiUors any maner serche
correccion or auctorite other than by the maire of our Qtie for the tyme
beyng and his Brethem shall be lefully commytted vnto th^nu And
where as the Wardeyns of the said fielaship of Shermen according to the
laudable custume of our said Citee haue serche of all manner werkmanship
of sheryng of wollen Clotheswithin their owne Craft lyke as the Wardejms
of other Crafts there haue. We woll that whan the Wardeyns of the
said Craft of Shermen by their serche made within their owne Craft
fynde eny Clothe or clothes vnduely shome appertevnyng to eny parsone
of either of the said ij Crafts of Drapers and TailJours or to any other
parsone of any other Craft of our said Qtee That than the same
Wardeyns of Shermen in nowise therfore attache cease nor here awey the
Qoth so vnduely shome lyke as they haue doon in tyme past as we be
enformed but that they therfore punysshe fie correct the werkmen of the
same Qothe or Clothes for his defaute in that partie according to reason.
In witnesse wherof we haue made thise our lettres patents. Witnessyng
our self at Bukden the ix Day dFAprell the ziz yere of our Reigne
MORLAND.
p ipA R^enu
XVI
LETTERS PATENT REI^ASING THE FRATERNITY OR
GILD OF DRAPERS FROM ALL FORFEITURES
BEFORE FEB. ai, 14.84.
Mat a I, X Richard III, 1^84.
Dnpen* HaO | MS. Charters A V. 189.
RiCARDus Dei gri Rex Anglie
H Francie $ Dominus Himie
Omilq Ballivis $ Fidelib; suis ad
alios psentes tre peruSint Sattm
dciatis q8| de gnD nrS spali ac ex cf ta
Richard by the grace of God
King of England and of France and
lord of Ireland to all his baili£Fs and
liegemen to whom these presents
shall come, greeting.
We give you to know, that of
our special grace, with full know-
ledge and of our own free will we
Digitized by
Google
Letters Tatent of Richard III 137
sciencket meromotunFispdonauinO
remising etrelazauimusMagroGilde
siue Fratemitatis be Marie Panna-
rkn^ ciuitatis Londoid ac Custodib)
siue Gardianis gilde siue Fratemi-*
tatis pkiic? alias dels nunc Magfb
gilde siue frainitatis be Marie Pan«
nariojl^ Ciuitatis Londoid necnon
nunc Custodib; siue Gardianis gilde
siue fra?nitatis pdic? $ successoribj
suis magToacCustodi^ siueGardia^
nis dSe gilde siue frainitatis {> tern,
pore ezisteS) seu quibuscunq^ aliis
noib) censean? om<>mocD tr^nsgres-
siones fbrisfacturas penas debi? mis-
prisionescontemptus^ impetiSoes p
ij^ magrS) ^ custodes siue gardia-
nos ante vicesiS) priS diem Feb-
ruarij anno rcgni nrD primo cont*
formam Stttutoi^ de Signis lib«itis
pannoi^ ac capicioi^ ac retencoibj
quibuscumq^ fac? siue ppetra? unde
puniciocaderet in demas8| debi? seu
in finem et redempcion aut in alias
penas pecuniariasseuimprisonamen-
ta Statutis pidcis, non obstantibj.
Et insup ex grS $ sdencia ac motu
nfis pfdcls pdonaviSd remisifxd ||
relazaviinyeisdem nugro || custodib}
siue gardianis Sectam pacis nf 8 que
td nos 9sus ipk>s ptinet {> omimo8|
jpdicolb) murdris raptib^ mu]ie]|L
rebellionit^ insurrecionib; fdoniis
conspiracioib^mbipartiis manute-
nentiisconiederacionibsriotis routis
conventiculis illicitis imbraciariis
9 ftliid transgressionib^ oflfends
n^Iigenciis extorcionib; mespri-
have pardoned, remitted, and con-
doneo to the Master of the Gild or
Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin of
Drapers of the Qty of London,
and to the Wardens or Guardians
of the said Gild or Fraternity as
they were called at other times, but
now to the Master of the Gild or
Fraternity of the Blessed Virgin of
Drapers of the Qty of Ixmdon, as
well as the Wardens or Guardians
of the said Gild or Fraternity and
to their successors, the Master and
Wardens or Guaidians of the said
Gild or Fraternity for the time
being, or under whatever other
names they may be known, all man-
ner of tran^essions, forfeitures,
penalties, debts, misprisions, con-
tempts, or exactions done or per-
petrated by the said Master and
Wardens or Guardians, before the
aist day of February in the first
year of our reign, ^amst the tenor
of the Statutes concerning livery of
cloth and of hoods and mainte-
nance, for which acts punishment
might fall in the form of fine^ re-
demption, or any other penalty in
mone^ or imprisonment, notwith-
standmg the said Statutes. And
moreover of our said grace, know-
ledge, and free will we have par-
doned, remitted, and condoned to
the said Master and Wardens or
Guardians all criminal proceedings
which lie with us against thenifor
every kind of treason, murders,
rapes, rebellions, insurrection,
felonies, conspiracies, diamperties,
maintenances, confederacies, riots,
routs, unlawful assemblies, judicial
corruptions, and for aU other trans-
gressions, offences, negligences, ex- .
Digitized by
Google
igS Letters Tatent of Richard III
tortious, delicts, ignorancef, con*
tempts, coocealments, ferfeitarcs,
and deceits done or cominitted bjr
the said Master and Wardens or
Guardians in any way whatsoever
before the said list day of Feb-
ruary. Moreover if any sentences
of outlawry were passed against
the Master and Guardians or War-
dens on these counts, or <hi any
one of them, we also grant to them
our assured peace therefrom. Pro-
vided, however, that they appear
in our Court, in case any man
desire to witness against them con-
cerning these or any one of them.
And moreover we have pardoned,
remitted, and released to the said
Master and Wardens or Guardians
the goods of felons and runaways,
of outlaws and of those who have
committed suicide, all deodands,'
treasure trove, waste, exactions,
and eveiy kind of destruction of
roads, transgressions against vert
and venison, sales of wood within
and without the forests, and of
everything else whatsoever which
occurred or happened within our
kingdom of England and the
Marches of Wales before the said
list day of Febmarv, for whldi
punishment might fall in the foim
of fine or redemption or other
punishment in money, or forfeiture
of goods and chattels or imprison-
ment, or in amercement of coun*
ties, towns, or individuals, or in
the burdening of freeholders of
them who have never transgressed,
or of heirs, executors or those who
» Deodand $ any object of property that had been the cause of the death of
a man was originally forfeited to the Crown.
sionitq ignoranciiscontemptib^con-
cealamentis forisfacturis $ decep-
coib; p ipos magrm $ custodes siue
gardianos ante dcQ vicesiiHl priiid
diem Februarij quali^cunqj fcis siue
npetra? Aceciam vttan? si que in
iSk)S magriHl ^ custocles siue gar-
dianos bus occiknib; seu ea]^ aliqua
foin? {>mulga? $ firmam pacem
nraill eis inde conceding Ita tamen
q8| stent recto in Cu? nr9 si quis
vsus eos k)qui volui? de pmissis vel
aliquo pmissoi^ £t insup pdonaviiHl
remisiiiO ^ relaxaviiiO eisdem magro
ft Custodib) siue Gardianis catalla
KlonS) ft fiigitiuoi;i catalla vtlagatoiji
^ ftlond de se deodan8| thesaurum
inventum vasta $ impetlcoes ac
om&imo8| articulos itiiOis destruOes
H ^QSgressionesde viridi vel venadoe
vendiciones boscoi;: infi-a forestas (|
ext* ^ aliaijL xt^, auaj^umcq) ante dcini
vicesind priiB diem Februarij infra
regnfxd nrnd Angt $ March watt
emerS ^ euen? unde punido caderet
in demand] debitam seu in finem $
redempcSem aut in alias penas pecu-
niarias seu in forisf^ram bonoi^ ^
catalloi)L aut imprisonamenta seu
afllciamenta Comitatum villaiji vel
singulariul psonaiji vel in onaico€m
tibi ten) eoi]L qui nunquam ?ngressi
fuerint vt hercdum executoi;: vel ?re
Digitized by
Google
releasing the Drapers from Forfeitures 139
tenenciu) Escaetoi^ vicecomi? Coio-
nat<n( ^ alioi^ huiusmodi ^ offieidq8|
ad nos 9sus ip)as magrnf) || custodes
sive gordianos pdnct seu ptinere
posset ex causis supMdis ac eciam
pdonauiSdreinisiinlll relaxauini) eis-
dem magf o (| custodib; slue gardia-
liis o]&imo8| doaadoes alienaSoes (|
pquisicoes p ipos de {ris et Ufd de
nob vel pgenitorib^ nrls quoadam
Regibj Angt seu aliis nup de f do ^
noQ de iure Regib} Angt seu eoi^
aliquo in capite tends Ac oAimo8|
alieacoes pquisicoes ad manu mor-
tuam fcas || bitas absqj licencia re-
gia necnon omnioioSi intnisiones ^
ingressus in temporalia archiepatus
e[»tus abbie prioratus coUegij hos-
pital seu altius domus pie religiose
seu ecclesiastice cuiuscunqj et in
hereditatem suam in parte vel in to-
to post mortem pdecessQi|: suoi]l || an-
teccssQi^ suo||: absq^ debita psecucoe
libicoe seu restituSoe eon^dem ext*
manu regiam ante eundem vicessifiO
prin) diem Februarij fac? vna cum
exitib) etpficuisinde medio tempore
pceptis EtinsuppdonauiSdremisiin)
a relaxauim) eisdem magf o || custo-
dilq siue gardianis omimo8| penas
ante dic^ vicesiS) priffi) diem
Februarij forisfcas coram nob aut
pgenitoribj pdcis aut aliis nup vt
pmitti? Regib} seu eoi;: aliquo aut
consilio nf o Cancellario Thc§ seu
aiiquib) siue aliquo judicum nro|^
vel ^genitoi^ pdcoijLseu alioi;: nup vt
pmitti? Regum vel eorum alicuius p
hold lands of escheators, sherifis,
coraners, and the like, and all such
matters as refer or may refer to
our dealings with the said Master
and Guarmans or Wardens rising
out of the aforesaid matters. We
also have pardoned, remitted, and
released to the saidMaster and Guar-
dians or Wardens all manner of
grants, alienations, or receipts of
lands and tenements held inchief
of us or of our ancestors once Kings
of England or of other lately in fact,
though not by right. Kings of Eng-
land or of any one of them, and all
manner of alienations and receipts
of lands in mortmain without the
royal licence, as well as all intru-
sions and entries before the said
aist day of February into the tem-
poralities of archbishop, bishop,
abbot, prior, college, hospital, or of
any other house, rel^ous, pious, ix
ecclesiastical whatsoever, and into
the lands inherited by them in part
or whole after the death of their
predecessors and ancestors, not
being in the hands of the King,
without due prosecution, release or
restitution, together with all pro-
ceeds and profits meanwhile re-
ceived for them. And we also have
pardoned, remitted, and released
to the said Master and Wardens or
Guardians all manner of penalties
forfeited for any cause to us or to
our aforesaid progenitors or to
other late Kings as mentioned
above or any of them, and to our
Council, our chancellor, treasurer,
or to any one of them or to any of
our judges or the judges of the
aforesaid our prc^enitors or of
other Kings as abc^e mentioned or
Digitized by
Google
X4X> Letters Tatent of Richard III
aliqiu caust ^ omSs alias penas p
iSos nugrad ^ custodes siue gar-
dianos {> aliqua causa ante dcAvice-
simS primS diem Febniarij nob vel
{>genitoril9 pdciS aut aliis nup ut
pmitti^R^ibjseueon^alicuiibrisfcis
^ ad opus nrm leuan8| Ac oAinio8|
securitates pads ante eundem vice-
sin) primii diem Febniarij siml?
forisfcis necnon omImo8| escapia ^
evasiones qucq^cumcg felonum ^ cti-
coj^, conuictQi^ seu attinctoi^ ante
eundem vicemixft prima diem Feb-
niarij Acedam ?cias ^ Bdai^ ?du
oAiinodoi^ prisonarioii: in guerra
captoi^ n^ yd {>genitorib3 pkiciS
aut aliis^nup vt p^mitti? R^ib) seu
eo% alicui dco vicesimo primo die
Febniarij quali^cunq; debi? pti-
nentes siue spectaS p eosdem
magrm) ^ Custodes siue gardia-
nos necnon omimo8| deman8| tr^
gressiones ofifcnsas contemptus me-
sprisiones ^ impeticoSs {> ipos
magrm) || custodes siue gardianos
ante vicesifid primu diem Februarij
cont* fbrmam tam quoi^cunq) sta-
tuto^ ordinadonu (| {>visionu f3toi|L
siue editoji^ de p)quisi&b) aocepta-
cioitg leccoib} publicacoit^ notifi-
cacioib) d execuciob) quibuscurnqj
qua](cun<g Vnr^ ^ bulla)^ aplica]^ ^
omim alioi^ statutoi;: ordinacSnum •
d {>uisliCttil p)textu quo||: aliqua secta
v'sus eosdem magm) ^ custodes
siue gardianos p billam vd p bre
de p^munire fac? seu alio modo quo-
cunq3{>aliquamat'iaanteddmvices-
simu primu diem februarij fac? fieri
anv of them for any cause, and all
otaer penalties to be levied at our
need forfeited by the said Nfaster
and Guardians or Wardens for any
cause before the said xist day of
February to us or toour prwenitors
aforesaid or other late lungs as
above mentioned or to any of them,
and all mannerof securities of peace
similarly forfeited before the said
xist day of February, as weU as all
manner of escapes and evasions of
any felons and convicted or attaint-
ed derics before the said xist day
of February. Also the thirds and
ninths'of all prisoners taken in war,
owing to us or to the aforesaid our
ancestors or to other late Kings as
mentioned above, which were owing
by the said Master and Guardians
or Wardens. Also all manner of
demands, transgressions, oficnces,
contempts, misprisions, and exac-
tions made by the said Master and
Guardians or Wardens before the
a 1st day of February, against the
tenure of any Statute, ordinance,
and provision made or published,
whether concerning recdpts, ac-
ceptances, readings, publications,
notifications or execution of any
manner of letters and bulls aposto-
lical, or (against the tenure of) any
other Statutes or ordinances or
provisions by pretext of which any
suit had been made against the said
Master and Guardians or Wardens
by bill or writ de praemunire or bv
any other action brought or wlua
may be brought for any act done
before the list day of rebruary, as
^ A third of a man's money Talae, estimated according to his rank, was the nsoal
fee paid for his ransom.
Digitized by
Google
releasing the Thrapers from Forfeitures x^i
vaka? q*m qucmcimq} alioi;: statutcn^
fac? siue ppetrat ante 3)cni viccsimu
primudiem februarijStatutisordina-
cioib) H p^isionib; illls non obstan-
tibj AceciampdoaaviSil^remisind
^relazauinO eisdem magro custodib}
siue gardianis omimo8| fines adiu-
dicatos afiilcianienta exi? forisfcos
releuia scutagia ac omimoda debita
compota pstita arreragia firma)^ $
cx>mpot(n|L n6b vel pgenitorit^
^c^ aut aliis nup vt pimitti? Re-
^b) seu eorum alicui ante festum Scl
Mic&is anno regni Ktg]s Edwardi
quart! vicesimo sSdd quali^ounqj
debi? siue ptinefD necnon oniimo8|
accoes execuco€s impeticoes que-
relas 9 deman8| quas nos solus vel
nos conjunctim cu aliis psonis vel
alia psona benO seu bere po^iSi)
v3us ipos magriii (| custodes siue
gardianos p aliquib^ huiusmodi
finite aiiidamentis exit releviis scu-
tagiis debitis compotis pstitis $
arreragiis ante dcnd festum sci
michis n6b vel pgenitorib} p)dcis
aut aliis nup vt pimitti? Regibj seu
tam, alicui debi? aceciam vtlaga? in
ipios magSO $ custodes siue gar-
dianos pmulga? p aliqua causai^
supdca]^ Proviso semp quod presens
pdonacio nr3) se non extendat ad
aliquos magnos computantes qui
nunc sunt vel qui nup foerunt vidett
ad maiorem (| societatem Stapule
ville nfe Cales aut maiorem Con-
stabulariu) (| Societatem Stapule
nre jkic€ Thes* Cales* (J hospicij
nfi vel pgenito]^ nroi;: aut
alioi^ nuper vt pimitti? Regum seu
to% alicuius vitella? Cales Cafiia?
well as any other suit brought in
virtue of any other Statute before
the said aist day of February, any
Statute or ordinances notwithstand-
ing. We also have pardoned and
remitted and released to the said
Master and Wardens or Guardians
all fines adjudged, amercements,
profits, forfeitures, reliefs, scutages
and all manner of debts, composi-
tions, payments, arrears of ferms
and compositions due to us or our
I>redecessors aforesaid or to other
ate Kings as mentioned above or to
any one of them before the Feast
of St. Michael in the %%nA year of
King Edward IV in any way due
or pertaining, and also all manner
of actions, executions, suits, claims
and demands that we alone or con-
jointly with other persons or other
person have or may have against the
said Master and Guardians or War-
dens for any such above-mentioned
fines, amercements, payments, re-
liefs, scutages, dues, compositions
and arrears due to us or our aforesaid
progenitors or other late Kings as
mentioned above. Also outlawries
pronounced against the said Master
and Wardens or Guardians for any of
the above-mentioned causes. Pro-
vided always that our present par-
don does not extend to any great
Renders of Account which are or
have been of late. viz. to the Mayor
and Society ot the Staple of
our town of^ Calais, or the Mayor,
Constable, and Sodetyof our above-
named Staple the Treasurers of
Calais and of our Court as of our
progenitors or other late Kings as
mentioned above or any one of
them; to the Victualler of Calais,
II
Digitized by
Google
X4i Letters Tatent of Richard III
nfds Cest? North Walt || Suth
Walt Custodes Gardcrobe hospicij
nn vel {>rautQ||L nfo^L aut aliouL nup
vt plmittit Regum seu eoqL alicuius
aut Custodes siue dicos magne
Garderobe nf e vel {>genitoi]L nfof
aut aliQUL nup yt pmittS Regum seu
eon^ alicuius clicos siue Oistodes
Hanapij Cancella? nfe qui nunc
sunt aut nup fuenmtvel ezecutores
▼el administratores bonoi;: $ cattal-
1q||l eoqidem clicoi^ siue Custodum
yd coj^ alicuius clicos operacionQ
nr^^, vel {>genito& nroi^ aut alio^L
nup vt pmitti? Regum vel eojj
alicuius Thei ?re nfe Hibnie ^
Receptores ducatus nfi Lancast?
^ ducatus mi Comub tam ge9ales
qA oarticulares quo ad aliqua huius-
modi officia sua seu huiusmodi oc-
cupacoes suas aut alicuius eco^dem
tangencia In cuius rei testimoniu
has IrSs nras fieri feciSO patenjtes
Teste me ipo apud Westfii) vicesimo
primo die Maij anno rcgni nfi
primo.
p iplm Regem
Sharp.
our Chamberlains of Chester^North
and South Wales, the keepers of
the wardrobe of our Court or those
of our progenitors or late Kings as
before mentioned or any one of
them ; to the keepers or clerks of our
great wardrobe or that of our pro-
genitors or of the other late Kings
as above mentioned or of any one of
them; to the present or late keepers
of the hanaper of our chancery or
executors or administrators of the
goods and chattels of the said clerks
or keepers or any one of them, -or
clerks of our works or of our pro-
genitors or of others of the late
Kings as above mentioned ; to the
treasurer of our lands of Ireland
and the receivers <^ our Duchy of
Lancaster and the receivers of our
Duchy of Cornwall as well genecal
as particular so far as concerns any
office of theirs, or of any of them,
of this kind. In testimony whereof
we have caused these our letters
patent to be made, witness myself
at Westminster the aist day of
May in the first year of our reign.
By the King himself.
Sharp.
XVTI
THE OATH BOOK OR BOOK OF ORDINANCES, NO. 795.
The Oath Book, or Book of Ordinances, was written in the year i+tfo,
and added to subsequently. It contains the earliest ordinances of i^jo^,
drawn up in the reign of Henry IV ; those of the sixth year of Henry V,
1+18, with additions made in the reigns of Henry VI, Edward IV,
Henry VII, and Henry VUI ; accompanied by a few altcrattons made up
to the year lydo. It is a folio volume 14^ inches high and loj inches
wide, bound in wooden boards ^cS zn inch thick, covered with brown
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances 143
leather, each cover being protected by four iron corner pieces with
bosses; the book was once fitted with metal clasps, the hasps ^ which
remain. The decoration consists of a plain border one inch wide formed
by blind tooled lines, and within it an inner border of a stamped pattern,
on which, and on the lines immediately enclosing it, traces of original
gilding still remain. In the centre of the cover is a stamped panel
a} inches high by i^ inches wide, consisting of a hatched border within
which £5 a design, also hatched, resembling a knot, with two upper and
two lower loops; there is no trace of gilding on the panel. The
decoration of the back cover is the same as ^t of the front. The
volume has in recent years been very clumsily rebacked in calf which is
already perishing.
The interior of the book is for the most part in good preservation, con-
sidering its constant use in the past for swearing in new officials, reading
ordinances to the Company at the Quarter Day Courts, and general
reference. It contains 6% leaves of vellum, and appears from the following i
note by the Qerk at the top of the first page to have possessed at one time
IX more leaves: — ^^the xxj^ daye of October anno regni regis Henrici
viij zzzviij<> I pervsed this boke agaynste my ffirst quarter daye I kept,
& I fifownd lackyng which wez (was) cutt out of thys boke before I cam
in ofi^ce xij levys of parchement, per me William Bere.* On the same
page are the Arms of the Company without crest or supporters, and some
notes in Latin of the dates of the deaths and accessions of the Tudor
sovereigns. The Arms are evidently a later insertion, because the crowns
are represented with arches as if they were royal crowns as they are
found in the grant of James I.' Pages %~i contain a list of fourteen
obits commencing with that of Henry V, the others being those of
Drapers, with the dates when they were held and the obligations for the
attendance of the Company. On page f are particulars of the quit-rent
due from property in the parish of St. Mary Bothaw given to the Com-
Mny ^by Henry Fitz Ailwin the first "Lord mayor" of London *.«
llien, rollowing six blank pages, comes the ft>Uowing Calendar n
which is printed in black and red with illuminated initial letters :
' Cf. Appendix, Grant of Arms, toI. i. No. XI.
' As to the claim of Fitzalwyn to hxft been a Draper, c£ p. 7^, and Appendix,
vol. i. No. VIII. He certainly was not Lwrd Mayor. This is a later title.
Digitized by
Google
X44- The Oath Book or
KIL
"J
A
b
iili N'
3fj
c
iii N'
d
a N'
xix
e
Nonas
viij
f
viii Id'
i
vii Id'
xvj
vi Id*
V
b
V Id'
c
iiU Id'
d
e
iU Id'
ii Id'
f
Idus
z
g
ziz Kl'
A
zvuj Kl'
xviij
b
zvij Kl'
vij
c
zvj Kl'
d
zv Kl'
XV
e
Tiiii Kl'
iuj
f
ziu Kl'
I
xij Kl'
xij
zj Kl'
i
b
z Kl'
c
iz Kl'
iz
d
viij Kl'
e
vij Kl'
zvij
f
vi Kl'
vi
1
v Kl'
iiii Kl'
xiiij
b
iii Kl'
iij
c
iiKI'
Prima dies mensis : et septima truncat ut ensis.
lanuarius liabet dies .zxxj. luna .xxx.
Circumcisio domioL Mjrnus duplex. .ix. lee
Octaua sancti stephani. Xxy lee.
Octauasanctiiohaiinbapostolieteuangeliste. .iij. lee.
Octaua sanctorum Innocencium martyrum. .iij. lee
Octmui samcti thomt mariyris et [erased] sancti edwardi
regis.
Epyphania dominL Principale duplex. Ax. lee.
Sancti luciani presbiteri sodorumque eius maitynim.
Octaua epjrphanie. ix. lee. med. lee de sancto
hylario.
Februarij. Sancti felids presbiteri et martyris.
aij. lee.
Sancti mauri abbatis. .iij. lee.
Sancti marcelli f^ [erased] et martiris. .iij. lee.
Sancti sulpicij episoopi et confessoris. .iij. lee.
Sancte prisce uirginis et martiris. .iij. lee.
Sancti Wlstani episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee.
Sanctorum fabiani et sebastiani martyrum. .ix. lee.
Sancte agnetis uirginis et martyris. ax. lee.
Sancti vincentij martyris. .ix. lec.
Conuersio sancti pauli. Memoria de sancto preiecto
martyre, inuit. triplex. .ix. lec.
Sancti luHani episcopi et confessoris. .iiL lec.
Sancte agnetis secundo. .iij. lec.
Sancte batildis regine uirginis non martyris. .iij. lec.
^ Nox habet boras .xvj. dies uero .viij.
Digitized by
Google
KL
d
xi e
iUj N*
xix f
ui N'
'^1
ii ISP
Nonas
xvi b
vuj Id'
V c
vij Id'
d
vj Id'
xiij e
V Id'
U f
iiij Id'
xl
iij Id'
ij Id'
b
Idus
xviij c .
xvij» Kl'
vjjd
XV}' Kl'
e
xiiij Kl*
XV f
xilj Kl'
"ij g
xijKl'
A
xi Kl'
xij b
X Kl'
i c
ixKl'
d
viij Kl'
ix e
vij Kl'
f
vj Kl'
"^1
V Kl'
iiij Kl'
b
iii Kl'
xiiij c
ii Kl'
Book of Ordinances 14^
Quarta subit mortem prostcmit tercia fbrtem.
Febniarius habet dies .xxviij. luna .xxix.
Sancte brigide uirginis noa martyris.' .iii. lec.
Purificacio beate marie, maius duplex. .ix. lec.
Sancti blasij episcopi et martiris* lauit. duplex.
.iij. lec*
Sancte agathe uirginis et nurtjrris. .ix. lec.
Sanctorum uedasti Qt amandi episcoporum et con-
iessorum. .iij. lec.
Sancte scolastice uirginis non martyris. .iii. lec*
Sancti ualentini maityris. Marcij. iij. lec.
luliane uirginis et martyris. Inuit. duplex, .iij. lec.
^ yemps finitur. Ultima septuagesime.
Cathedra sancti petri. Inuit. triplex. .ix. lec.
vij Kl' Sedit vemps retro: cathedrato symone petro.
'" v-i* Mathie apostoli. Inferius duplex, locus bysexti.
»ix. lec.
Si bisextus fuerit : quarta die a cathedra.
Sancti petri fiat festum mathie et S. littera.
^ bis numeretur.
^ Nox habet horas .xiiij. dies uero .x.
Mdrpnal »oie m a Uttr hand : Incepcio regni regis E. vj^.
Digitized by
Google
X4'6
KV,
iij d
N'
e
vj N'
xi f
v N'
xix A
iuj N*
iii N*
viij b
u N'
c
Nonas
xvj d
viij Id'
V e
vij Id'
f
vj Id'
»ij g
v Id'
ij A
iiij Id'
b
m. Id'
X c
U Id'
d
Idus
xviij e
xvij Kl'
vii f
xvj Kl'
g
XV Kl'
XV A
xiiij Kl'
iUj b
xUj Kl'
c
xij Kl'
xij d
xi Kl'
i e
X Kl'
f
ix Kl'
ix g
A
viij Kl'
vij Kl'
xvij b
vi Kl'
vj c
V Kl'
d
iiii Kl'
xiuj e
iu Kl'
iii f
ii Kl'
The Oath Book &r
Primus mandentem dismmpit quarta bibentcm.
Martius habet dies .zxxj. luna jcxx.
Smtcti damt efisco^ et etrnfessoris. \fdded im anatber
AmJ]
Smuti CetUe efiscofi et cmfessms. [added m Muther
Aamd]
Sanctamm perpetue et felicitatis uirginum et mar-
tyrum. JuLj. lee
Ssmai Gregmj fspe. [erased]
Sancti Gregorij fape. [erased]
^ Post istum locum non potest esse inicium
quadragesime.
Aprilis. ^ Claues pascbe.
Sancti edwardi regis et martyris, Sol in ariete.
•ix. lee.
Sancti Cuthberti et confessoris* .ix. lee.
Sancti benedicti abbatis. .ix. lee. Equinoccium
^ Primum pascha.
ymale.
Annunciacio dominica/
[seme word eras•ix. lec
ij c noQas Sancti bertini abbatis. .iii* lee.
d vuj Id*
X c vij Id*
f vj Id' Natiuitas beate marie uirginis. .iij. lee.
zviij g V Id' Sancti gorgonij martyris.
vij A iiij Id*
b iii Id* Sanctorum prothi et iacincti martyrum. memoria
tantum.
XV c ii Id'
iiij d Idus ^ comelio et cypriano.
c xviij Kl* Octobris. Exaltacio sancte ciucis .ix. lee.
xij f xvij Kl* Octaua natiuitatis beate marie. .ix, lee
i z xvj Kl' ^ Medie lee. de sancto luciano.
A XV Kl' Sancti lamberti episcopi et martyris. sol in libra.
•iij. lee.
ix b xiiij Kl'
c xiij Kl*
xvij d xij Kl* ^ Equinoccium auctumnale. Uigilia.
vi e xi Kl' Sancti mathei apostoli. et euangeliste.' .ix. lee
f X Kl' Sancti mauricij sociorumque eius. martyrum. Jx. lee.
xiiij g ix Kl* Sancte tede uirginis. .iij. lee.
iij A viij Kl'
b vij Kl* Sancti firmini episcopi et martyris. .iij. lec.
xi c vi Kl* Sancti Cipriani episcopi et iustine uirginis et martyris.
aij. lec.
xix d V Kl* Sanctorum cosme et damiani martyrum. iij. lec.
e iiii Kl*^
viij f iii Kl* Sancti michaelis archangeli. ox. lec.
g ii Kl* Sancti leromini presbiteri et doctoris. ix. lec
^ Nox habet boras adj. dies uero .xij.
' Marpnal note in a difftrent hand : Ekccio Ticecomitis londoniensis.
^ Marginal mu : Eleccio Ticecomitis londoniensis, vmttm ijvry faintfy^ fnbahfy
has been erased,
^ Marpnal note in a different hand : laracio Ticecomitis londoniensis. Elecdo
Maioris presenti Ticecoimte londoniensL
Digitized by
Google
KL
Book of Ordinances lyg
Tercius et denus est : sicut mors alienus.
October habet dies .xxxi. luna .xxix.
Sancti remigij. g[crmani] episcoporum. .ix. lee.
Sancti leodegarij episcopi et martyris. .iii. lee.
Sancte fidis uirginis et martyris. aij. lee.
Sanctorum marci marcelli et apulei martyrum. .iij. lee.
Sanctorum dionisij, rustic! et eleutherii martyrum.
•ix. lee.
Sancti gereonis socioriunque eius martyrum. .iij. lee.
Sancti nigasij sociorumque eius martyrum. .iij. lee.
Sancte albutge uirginis.
Translacio sancti edwardi regis et confessoris.'
.ix. lee.
Sancti kalixti pape [erased] et martyris. Inuit. duplex.
.iij. lee.
Sancti wlfranni episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee.
Nouembris. Sancti michaelis in monte tumba.
ax. lee.
Sancti luce euangeliste. ix. lee. ^ Sol in scorpione.
Sanctarum undedm milia uirginum. .iij. lec.
Sancti romani episcopi et confessoris. .iij. lec.
Sanctorum crispini et crlspiniani martyrum. .iij. lec.
Uigilia.
Apostolorum symonis et lude. .ix. lec.
Sancti Quintini martyris. Uigilia. .iij. lec.
^jNox habet horas .xiiij. dies uero jc.
' AUrpftal note m a Uur hand^ and cnsnd out : Eleccio Maioris.
" Marginal Mit m a Uur hand : larado Maioris londoniensis present* Maiotis
lond>.
xvj A
V b
▼j N*
ziij c
V N'
ij d
iiii N'
c
iii N'
X f
u N'
xviij A
nonas
viij Id'
vii b
vij Id'
c
vj Id'
XV d
V Id'
iiii e
iiij Id'
f
iii Id'
»j g
u Id'
i A
Idus
b
xvij Kl'
ix c
xvj Kl'
d
XV Kl'
xvij e
xiiij Kl'
vi f
xiii Kl'
g
xu Kl'
xiiij A
xi Kl'
iij b
X Kl*
c
ix Kl'
- xi d
viu Kl'
xix e
vij Kl*
f
vi Kl'
~'i
V Kl'
tiit Kl"
xvj b
iu Kl'
V c.
u Kl'
Digitized by
Google
ZS4'
The Oath Book or
KIL
d N*
xiij e iiii N*
ij f
z
b
xviij c
vij d
e
XV f
iiij g
A
xii b
i c
d
ix e
ui N'
ii N'
nonas
viij Id*
vij Id'
vi Id'
V Id'
iiii Id'
iu Id'
u Id'
Idus
xviu Kl'
xvij Kl'
xvj Kl'
Scorpius est quintus : et tercius est nece cinctus.
Nouember haoet dies .xxx. luna .xxx.
Festiuitas omnium stnctoram. Maius duplex* .ix. lee
Commemorado (Mnoium fidelium defimctorum.
ix. lee.
Sancte wenefride virginis et martyris.
Sancti leonardi abbatis.
•ix. lee.
Sanctorum quatuor coronatorum martyrum. Inuit.
duplex. .iij. lee.
Sancti theodori martyris. .iij. kc.
Sancti martini episcopi et confessoris.
.ix. kc.
aij. lee.
.ix. lec.
Sancti bridj episcopi et confessoris.
Sancti Erkenwaldi.'
Sancti machuti episcopi et coniessoris.
Deposicio sancti edmundi archiepiscopi et confcssoris.
Jx. Jec.
f XV Kl' Sancti hugonis episcopi et coniessoris.' .ix. lec.
Octaua sancti martini. Inuit. duplex. aij. lec.
I XV ta
xvij g xiiij Kl'
vi A xuj Kl'
b
xiiij c
iij d
e
xi f
xix cr
A
viii b
c
xvj d
V e
xij Kl'
xj Kl'
X Kl'
ix Kl'
vuj Kl'
vij Kl'
vi Kl'
V Kl'
iiu Kl'3
iii Kl'
ii Kl'
Sancti edmundi r^is et martyris. .ix. lec.
Sancte cedlie uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec
Sancti dementis ^4;^ [^aseJ^ et martyris. .ix. lec.
Sancti grisogoni martyris. yemps indpit.
Sancte katerine uirginis et martyris. .ix. lec.
Sancti lini^ir^ [erasedl et martyris. .iii. lec.
^ Primus dies aduentus domini.
Sanctorum satumini et sisinnij martyrum. vigilia.
•iij. lec.
Sancti andree apostoli. inferius duplex. .ix. lec.
^ Nox habet horas .xvj. dies uero .viij.
' Marginal nou in a lattr hand : episcopi et confcssoris.
' Marginal no$t in a lattr hand : Regina maria moriebatiir eodem [die] incepit
domina Elizabetha regnare.
^ AUrginal nott in a lattr hand : I f 57. this day sir The. Corteys made Knight.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances iss
KL
Septimus exanguis : uirosus denus ut anguis.
December, habet dies .xxxj. luna .xxix.
f N'
xiij
A iii N'
Sancte barbare virginis et martyris.'
Sancti nicholai episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lee.
Octaua sancti andree apostoli. Inuit. duplex, .iij. lec.
Concepcio sancte marie. Minus duplex. .ix. lec.
Sancte lude uirginis. et martiris. .ix. lec.
lanuarij.
O sapienda. Nulle deinceps fiant preces ad
vesperas.
^ Sol in capricormo \sic\
Uigilia.
Sancti tbome apostoli. .ix. lec.
Uigilia.
Natiuitas domini nostri ihesu christi. prindpale.
.ix. lec.
Sancti stephani prothomartyris. .ix. lec.
Sancti lohannis apostoli et euangdiste. ax. lec.
Sanctorum Innocencium martyrum. .ix. lec.
\SMHcti Thome arclriepiscopi et martyris erased] .ix. lec
Sancti siluestri episcopi et confessoris. .ix. lec.
^ Nox habet horas .xviij. dies uero .vj.
' Sancti osmandi. Saram : addid in a later handy but not Hm samt as that of the marginal
notes.
f
N'
H
iiij N*
iu N'
X b
u N*
c
nonas
xviij d
vuj Id'
vij c
vij Id'
f
vi Id*
iiij A
V Id'
iiij Id'
b
uj Id'
xij c
u Id'
i d
Idus
e
xix Kl'
ix f
xvuj Kl'
g
xvij Kl'
xvii A
xvj Kl'
▼i b
XV Kl'
c
xiuj Kl'
xiiij d
xiij Kl'
iii e
xij Kl'
f
xj Kl'
XIX A
X Kl'
ix Kl'
b
vuj Kl'
viij c
vij Kl'
d
vi Kl'
xvj c
v Kl'
V f
iiii Kl'
g
iu Kl'
xiU A
u Kl'
Digitized by
Google
%S6 The Oath Book or
The Calendar is an ordinary Sarum Calendar adapted to the use of
London by the subsequent insertion of the feasts of St Erconwald
(April ^o and November if) and St Mildred (July 13).' Its date can be
approximately determined, from internal endence, as lying somewhere
between 1389 and 141 y. In the first place we find the festival of St Anne
(July %6) mentioned, and she was rarely inserted in the Sarum Calendar
before 1389. On the other hand, the names of St. David (March i\
St. Chad (March a), and St Winifred (November 3) are added in a different
and later nand, and these were not always inserted in the Sarum Calendar
after 1415. Inasmuch, however, as on the first leaf of the book the obit
of Henry V, who died in 14x2, is given, it seems most probable that the
Calendar was written after the death of Henry IV, 141 3. This would
fix Its date somewhere between 141 3 and 141 y. There is, however, no
proof that the first four leaves were originally connected with the
Calendar, and if not, the date of the latter may be some time not earlier
than 1389.
Ill The two next pages, which face each other, have beautiful illuminated
borders with a ddicate floral design.
Within these borders there are two pictures. On the left-hand page
the Virgin stands surrounded with a golden halo and crowned with the
Triple Crown of the Trinity. At her feet are a group of persons
probably representing the Drapers. On each side of her tiiere are two
angels. Above her, two figures apparently representing the Almighty
and the Virgin, possibly to indicate the Assumption.
In the upper corners on either side are the Royal Arms and the Arms
of the Company,
The Triple Crown should be compared with those on the Grant of
Arms, 1439. Cf. Appendix, vol. i. No. XI.
Under the Virgin is found —
The Oath of a Brother.
^ Ye schal swere and be hete that Duryng your lyve t9 be good mtd
Drew leigmMH vmto ottr scuerMyne lard the king Cf bis successmnrs Idngs * and
fethfull & loueyn^ to the fratemite of our lady & to the fiel^p of
Draperes of loncfon. Ye shal paye & be Contributarve to almaner
somanccs of the Mayster & Wardens therof now beyng & ner successours
Maystcrs & Wardens that for the tyme to com shal be or ellis pay the
' St. Erconwald is also an East Anglian saint, and St. Mildred was honoared
at Canterbary.
' The words printed in italics are inserted as additions in the original rnano'
script. The words in brackets are the original words which haTe Dcen sobse-
qnently stmck oat.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances zsy
peynis & mercementes thereoute. Ye shal be comparcioner and to your
power here al maner Costis & chargis of the said fraternite or feliship.
Ye shal enplete no brother of the scyd fraternite or . . . (standyng) free
in the seid feliship beyng sufEsaunt & abydyng And standyng vnder
(Rule therof) for Any Oiuse in any Corte sperytual or Temporal but yf
ye have leue of the Mayster or Wardens or her successors Maysters or
W ardens that for the tyme to Com shul be The conseyles of the seyd
ficlishipp Onest and leful ye shall Conseyll and kepe preve to alle Causes
& maters for the Wele and Worschipp of the sevd flfraternite When ye
be called ther to ye shull shewe you' Good avys cc Connyng And yf ye
knowe at Any tyme (aoy)thing which shuld be preyudice slavnder or
Comon hurte to The fiFeushipp be you' Power ye shall lette yt or ellis
anoon the Mayster or oon of the Wardens ye shul Warne or do be
Wtrnyd ye shal also hile and kepe the Conseill of youre Maister And all
other Ruhrs and ordinances made or in tyme comyng to be made among
the seid ffi-atemite and £Felishippe ye shal observe And kepe So helpe you
God and Halidom And be This Booke/
The right-hand page contains a picture of Christ on the cross with
the Virgin and St John standing on each side, and at the four corners the
four Evangelists represented by their symbols, the Lion, the Calf, the
Face of a Man, and the Flying £agle. In the floral border on either
side are the Royal Arms and the Arms of the Company. The extracts
from the Four Gospels which should follow the illuminations are wanting,
and probably formed a portion of the * xij levys ' noted by William Bere
as missing in i^^. Ttitst two beautiful pages have unfortunately been
seriously injured by damp, which has caused the colours on either side to
come off on the otner, thus spoiling each picture.'
Following the illuminated leaves are ^ The othe of the Master and IV
Wardens ioyntely' inserted on a fly-leaf, and other regulations con-
cerning those officers, written by various hands, apparently between
i^co and lydC Against the Oath and the order respecting leases the
instruction is ^Lege'.^ Then foUow two abrogated orders which are
ciossed through with the pen, having the direction in the margin < ne
legas quia vacat '. They are as follows :
(i) (Also yt ys Enacted that the Rentor Wardeyn Electyd which ys
the tbyrde Warden Shall yerely put in Swerties for nys Accompt within
one moneth after he Taketh hys othe.
(x) Also yt is Enacted that the yongest m' wardeyn shalbe Rentor or
m* Howells lands and thereof accomptable half-yerely accordyng to the
Acte thereof lately Made.)
* The illaminations are too serioasly damaged by damp to be reproduced.
' For these see p. i8i of this toI.
^ This indicates that this oath was to be read at the Qoarter-day Meetings.
IfM-l L 1
Digitized by
Google
xy8 The Oath Book or
(3) Next is*< A charge for the m' Wardens onely' dated ;o June \^^i^
forbidding anv Warden to < departe from hens into the parties <^ beyonde
the Seas' witnout ^ lyceace of the Master and assistence fyrst obteyned%
under a penalty oF ^lo. fioth this order and the next are marked
^Lege\
(4) The last order, dated xtf June, i^r^o, requires the Wardens to give
a < Juste perfect and true accompte of all the presentment money, Spoone
silver, casuall Fynes' and other moneys which shall come into their
hands.
(^) The Renter Warden's Oath, temp. Philip and Mary, occupies the
next page. (See Appendix, voL iL)
V Then follow the ordinances of the Society' made in 1405 and entered
Earlirst into this book in i4ifo, as is stated in the Latin heading, the ordinances
Ordinances, being in English with illuminated initials. < In tempore Johannls Walsha
i4<)5' Magistri Artis Panariorum Barthok>mei James Thome Welles Johannis
Pake et WiUielmi Brogreve Gardianorum xix<> die mensis ffebruarii
Anno regni Regis Edwardi quarti Prima Iste ordinaciones fiFiierunt
scripte in libro isto.'
The preamble is addressed to the Mayor and Aldermen by the
Commons of the City, who pray and require that the ordinances which
follow may be established and confirmed <and also set in record by
assente and consent of the Comon Counsell of the same Cite\'
(1) Regnla* No merchant stranger shall sell or buy to or from another merdiant
tk)ns with stranger within the City on pain of forfeiting such merchandise, ^ The
regard to privileges of the lieges of oure redouted lord ttte kynf of Guyen saved
Merchant and except so always that such buying and selling be made between
Strangers. merchant and merchant '.
(2) Forfei- One fourth part of any forfeiture taken by the Masters of any Crafl or
tures to be Mistery shall be retained by them for their trouble, and < the remaynent
divided be- of the seid fyne * shall be paid « to the Chambir of the Guyhall to the use
twcen the of the Cominalte '.
Masters and
^*"^^V- OfBlakwellhall.
(3) Appoint- « Also the maistres and the Crafle of drapers of London and their
mcnt of successours have Power to Chese a persone able wyse and Sufficient such
w*?^ fk *^ ^^ ^^' answere fore to kepe and oueresee that all maner wollen
BlakwelhalL
' N.B. In the ordinances which follow, the passages in brackets are those parts
of the original form which have been altered j those in italics have been added
at a later date.
' By the Stat. \% Henry VI, 143^-7^ all ordinances of Gilds were to be con-
firmed by governors of cities^ barehs, or towns in which the Gilds were sitoated.
This looks as if the preamble was later than that date.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances 15-9
clothes by marchantez fioreyns or strangers brouht led or caried to the
seld of Blakwelhall there to be sold And saufely thcr kept sold and
bought after the franchise and libertee of the Qte aforseid/ The Crafte
shall present the same person to the Mayor and Aldermen to be by them
accepted and sworn weil and truly to keep his oath, and he shall so abide
therein at the will of the said Mayor and Aldermen. If he ^ doo not
duely nor RyghtfuUy his office or yf any notable cause or offence be
duely proved vpon hym', then he shall be put out from his office of
Warden of Blackwell Hall by the Mayor and Aldermen, and the Craft of
Drapers shall elect and chose another person for that office and present
him to the Mayor and Aldermen to be by them accepted and sworn.
^ So that theleccion & presentacion of such person Wardein of Blakwel-
hall forseid alwcy shall be made by the Maistres and Crafte of Drapers
forseid and their successours And thamyssion confirmacyon and
Remocyon of the said person be in the power and disposicion of the
Meire and Aldermen of the Cite forseid.' The above articles approved
by the Mayor Aldermen Sheriffs and Common Council and ordered to
be entered.
Jure Custodis De Blakwelhalle.
Ye shal swere that ye shal wel and lawftiUy serve the Cite of London (4) Oath of
In the office of the seld of Blakwelhall of the same Cite of London And the Gustos
saufely and suerly ye shal kepe the Clothes that thider shal be brouht to of Blakwel-
selle And ye snai not suffi-e no merchant estranger fro the liberte of hallc.
the seid Citee to selle no maner of WoUen Cloth within the seid seld to
an othir merchant stranger And yf they doo Anoon ye arreste yt As
forfeite to the Chambir of the yeldhall to the behofe of the Cominaltie
And ye shal not suffre no merchant stranger bryngyng woUen cloth
thedyr, to selle No tyme of the Wyke savyng onely fro j of the dok at
After Noone on the thursday on to xj* of the Qok by fore none of the
Saturday than next suyng vpon peyn of ffbrfaiture aforeseid And ye
shal not denye the sight of the Qothes brought to the seid Selde to seUe
to no freman of this Citee (And of al that ye Resceyvc or may Resccyve
of marchantz straungers comyng with cloth to the seid Selde to selle for
the ferme of the Chambris Almaires or hucchus leten to theym by the
Chambirleyn for the yeer half ycre quarter moneth weke or day good and
lawfuU Accompte without any Concelment to the Chabirleyn of the
Guyldehall whane and what time ye be Required and' ye shal yeve)
And in almaner thynges that to the office of the Keper of the seid Selde
Appcrteyne to do well and lauflilly ye shal be haue you so God you belpe
and Holydome amd by ibis Book.
' The word is crossed through to make sense.
* The words between the brackets are underlined by a hter hand*
Digitized by
Google
ado The Oath Book or
' Als9 ye shall Jwell mm J ktpe jmar bousboU vithin the place rf BUktoelhall
and left it net te ferm te tnj ether persom And that yew keper er kepers
eihertmse tally i Clerks emder yeu there he aUe men assd drapers suche as he
'wele km^wem nuyse assd rfgeed cemdidems and they te he admytted rwerm amd
ehesem ky the Mdster and Wardtns ef the Drapers for the tyme keimg Mfere
emy ef thorn sbalke pott inte emy rewelt * m that place ef Blakwelball And
that non ether person or pertemes except yentrself shall occupy or take any manor
govemannce or rewell in that place. Saving onely the persones whicho be so
atled sworn and admytted ky the Mmster and Wardens in manor and form
aforesaid And as efton as it shall happen yonr under kepor or kepers ky any
manor wise to doparte fro that office than am other kepor or kepers to ke aklod
Sfoom & admytted ky this place in manor & form as is akouesaid. And in
almoner things ^cc ut patet in alio late pros^ sepfon' in superiori parte.
Procbma- Pioclamasio fiurta ex assensu Matoris Aldermannorum £t Communis
rbn of consilii super Ordinaciones Predictas.
Let it be Proclaymed that no persone £foreyn Nor Estraun^er bryngyng
Cloth to the Citee of london for to selle shewe nor selle vt m no partie
wvth In the Citee nother in the Subbarbis of the same but all onely at
Biakwelhall the which is specyaly deputed and Assigned be the meir
Aldermen and Oxninaltie therefore vpon the peyne of fiorfeiture to the
vse of the Cominaltie of all such Cloth so shewed and sold And that no
foreyn Estraunger selle or put to selle at Biakwelhall any maner of
woUen cloth eny tyme of the weke but aloonly from j of the Clok at
after Noone vpon the Thursday on to xj* of the Qok afore noon vpon the
Satirday next suyng vpon peyne of forfaiture of all dothis sold on to the
Contrarv And that all maner Drapers foreyns and Estraungers bryng to
Biakwelhall noon Cloth for to selle but alonely hole Clothis And half
Clothis lysted at bothe endis vpon peyne of forfeiture of all Qothis
founden on to the Contrary to the vse of the Cominaltie.
Also that no Person enfraunchessed within the Citee of London
Kouer ^ be the vertu of his fraunchesse no Goodis nor merchandises of
any foreyn or eny estraunger. Nother by no maner of marchandises
within the fraunchesse of this Citee of London to the use and profit of
eny foreyn or estraunger upon the peyne of forfaiture of all Goodis and
marchandises so kouered and bouht And be side this the same person
so kouyring and byeng Goodis And marchandises shal lese his
fFraunchise
' This addition was probably added in consequence of the trouble about
Cremor. CK vol. ii, p. 17.
« Rule.
^ Cover.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances x6i
Omnes iste Ordinaciones fucrunt edite anno r^ni Regis Henrlci
Quarti post conquestum yjp Johanne hende ezistente Maiore.
j^mmo Dmrnni 140J. A c & xs&lj^ yeres fast sens we first enjoyed
BUkvjell HalL^
These Ordinances are followed on the next page by a bond in VI
Latin of the same date entered into by the Drapers, under a penalty of The Drapers
^1000 payable to John Proflfyt, Chamberlain of the City of London, to to make
make cood any damage whidi might befall Blakwell Hall through fire, ff^ ^X
quod absit, thdft, or robbery, by complete rebuilding and fiiU restoration damage a$
of loss and depredation. This bond was executed in the presence of the „ 11
Mayor and Aldermen on the 27th March, 6 Henry IV (J^Of), by the ™"-
following members of the Drapers' Company : — ^Henry Hert, William
Crowmer, William Norton, Philip Bangor, Richard Elton, Thomas
ColcwortL John Somer, Robert TM7er, Roger Colney, Thomas Symond,
Richard Coroner, Robert Bamburgh, John Lougele, John Davy, John
Wyot and Stephen Bugg.
Another order inserted of a later date is as follows : " Tempore RadulpU 1454-f or
Jossolyu mmons htier sUia cotttinetur tic. Also thmt no man goo in to nygh 1475-7.
places of the ffraundnses ef this Cite that is to say in to Southwark Westmynster No one to
Saynt Jobnsstrete and other places nere adjoynatmt to the smd Citie to mete bay of
vdtbfrreyns mnd straungers the nohiche if they were not encotmtredy woldMng strangers in
clothe wyne well hydos oxen kjne shepe and other merchandises and vitale to ^^^ suborbs.
tye asul forstall as they come to the smd Citie and there m places therefore
asssngmed he put to sale vpon payn of grevons imprisonment of bis tody and
forfestour of all suche merchanMses or vitale that he soo tyeth etc.
Then follows the <othe of the kepers seruants or Clerks under the yn
Warden of Blakwelhall * of the date erf 140^, 140 j.
<Ye shall swere that ye shall be trewe and of good abering and Regtihtx>ns
demeanour vnto your maister warden of Blakwelhall, And ye shall nether as to Black-
bye nor sell nor non other person in your behalf for you, eny maner well Hall,
wollen cloth, nor non other wayre nor merchandise that shalbe brought Oath of ser-
to Blakwelhsdl to be sold vppon payn of xl» sterlings to be levied of you ^^^^^ of the
as often tymes as it may be vnderstoud and founden by sufficient profe Costos.
that yc so offend to be levied vnto the profeit & behouf of the craft of No «cnrant
drapers of London, provided alweys that ye or any of you shall bye ^ ^ '^
asmucbe clothe as shall suffice you for your own werings and households, jj||*^ ^ ^^
for his own
' This note is in a much later hand. Sir Roger ClifTord sold Blackwell Hall use.
to the City in ii8i. In 1193 the City transferred it to John de Banqaell and
reimrchased it in 139^-^, and in 1404 or 1405 the Drapers obtained the
pnvile^e of appointing the Keeper. Cf. pp. 101-3 of this vol.
' This is oft the date of 14^4-f or 147^-^9 since Ralph Josselyn was Mayor
in those years. The order has been evidently inserted later, as the ink shows, but
apparently by the same scribe. It therefore probably is of the earlier date.
Digitized by
Google
i6z
The Oath Book or
And also for your seuertll occupyings onely within your own howses or
shoppys, that is to say for to kytt make or sowe hossen or garments for
the encreas of your levings in that behalf, and not otherwyse vppon the
payn abouc reherced. More ouer ye shall not by your weting or knowl^
sunre to be bought any maner woUen cloth nor other wayres or mer-
To watch chandise that shalbe brought vnto Blakwelhall to the vse or profeit of
and repoit c°y tottCL ox straunger vppon the payn aforesaid, ye shall also kepe the
all Tioiations due tymes & hours ordeyncd & assingned vnto you for the markett to be
of regula- kept, that is to sav from one of the dok at after nown on the thursday,
tjoiu. vnto xj of the dole before nown on the Satterday next ensuyng. Also
if ye knowe that eny foren or strayn^er bring doth to the Qte of London
to sdl and he make any shewe or sale therof in any ports of the Cite or
in the suburbs of the same but onely at Blakwelhall whidie is deputed
& assigned by the Mair Aldermen & Q>minaltie therefore, ye shall anone
yeve wamyng vnto the Maister of Blakwelhalle to the Maister or
Wardens oif drapers of london aforesaid or to one of them, and thus to
doo ye endeuour yourself dayly with due serdie and specially in sucfae
places which ye thynk moste suspect and in all other places, All whiche
artides and other good ReuUs & Ordinaunces apperteynyng to the said
service or office to your power ye shall wele and truely observe and kepe
soo help you Godd & Halydom and by this Booke.'
VIII Next folk>ws the Oath of the Clerk, evidently a later insertion.
Oath of the of the i ^th century.' On the opposite page is a minute dated \6 Novem-
Clerk. ber 154,3 recording a meeting held <in this our new hall late purcbesyd
of our sayd soueraigne Lord ue Kyng to here and pervse our ordenaunces
of olde tyme made b^ our predecessours which began in the year of grace
1 332 (<( Edward III) tor the purpose of confirming those that be profiuble,
and (tt abolishing those not good and of adding thereto new. such as
they by their wise discretion shall judge to stand with the Honour of
God and the King and to the profit of the Fellyship \ The assemblage
of the Fellowship of the Gild or Fraternity of our Blessed Lady of
Drapers at this Quarter Day Court was composed as follows: The
Right Hot. Sir William Bowyer then Mayor, the Right Worshipful
Sir William Roche, Mr. John Sadler, Mr, Wardens, the Assistants,
Livery and Bachelors, with the Yeomanry ^ as most in nomber \
IX Then follow the Ordinances of 14.18, € Henry V. These occupy
Ordinances eighteen pages in the same handwriting as those of 1404. and were there-
of 1 4 1 8. fore probably written down in 14^0, with illuminated initials, the headings
being in red and blue alternately. They contain many alterations and
additions, including attempts here and there to modernize the archaic
spelling and forms of expression. Those orders which it was customary
to read to the whole Company assembled at the Qwirter Day courts are
' This oath will be found at p. i8i.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances i6g
denoted bj the word *Lcgc* in the margin. In most cases only an
abstract ot the ordinances is here given, but the preamble is transcribed
in full, as follows :
^ In the worschipp of God and his blessid moder And ofF all the holy
Company of heuyn, for to abate Rancor and more lyghtly to Encrece
charite and to manteyne loue. All the worshipful ffelishipp of the Drap>ers
of the cite of london Gadered and assembled in John Hendes hall ' in
Seynt Swythynes lane of london the xj* Day of Juyn the ver of Grace
m^cccc and xviij* & in the regne of Kyng Henry the flfrfthe after the
Conquest the syxt In tyme of John Gedney John tkmyW Walter
firebarne and William ftorster Mavsters and Wardens of the same
ffclishipp to Ouersye the Poyntcs and Articles ordeyned of old tyme of Claim of
ther firatemite which be Gan in the yer of Grace m'ccc xxxij**, and wyth Fratrmity
Good Deliberacion avysed on hem so that thei that thought hem tohaTc
Resonabil and Profitable Conformed, the whiche Poyntes wyth othir ben carted in
wretyn in this Booke Prayng all tho that aftyr them schall come in the '33*-
forseid felishcpp the same poyntes and artycles to Examyne And zyt
thei tbinke By her wyttes that anv poynt may be amended that they lyke
to do there to her Good diligens In amendynge of the Olde wyth Puttyng
to of Newe such as they schall thinke to encrece wurshypp to God and
Profyht (and helpe) to all the forseyd flfelyshyppe/
The Articles which follow have each a separate heading written
alternately in red and blue ink. Over the majority of these ordinances
the word ^Intratur' is written in a later hand. This is evidently a note
signifying the ordinances which are to be included in the revised
ordinances of iy+3, for which see Appendix, vol. ii.
I. For the ffindyng off oure Prystys.
Two priests are to be found and maintained to sing for all the Dades and
Fraternity for the quick and the dead in the church of our Lady of (the payments of
Bowe in Westcheap) St. Michael in CombilL^ Their salary is to come the two
from the rents of the Fellowship, the deeds and muniments of which Priests,
shall be kept by the Wardens, who are to shew them every year openly to
all the Company, if < it so lyke the ffelyschipe to be Don '.
2. For the mantenyng off* oure lyght.
There shall be five tapers of wax of reasonable weight set in a candle- Main-
stick of latten ordained of old time at Bow Church in the worship of the tenance of
' This is not the Drapers' Hall, as Hazlitt suggested^ for it was not bailt till
142^, bat John Heende's own house, which^ however^ abutted on the site of the
later Hall. Cf. note on Drapers' Hall, Appendix, vol. i, No. XIX.
' The advowson of St. Michael's, Comhill, was obtained in 1^0^-6 y when it
became the Drapers' principal church. Cf. p. 1^4 of this ?ol.
Lights.
Digitized by
Google
1^4
The Oath Book or
Assumption of our Lady to bum at due times as the custom is, whidi
light shall be well and honestly contained and maintained.
;• To be clothed euery (yer or euery second) {tUri)fhmr$b ' ycr.
Of the All the Company of the Fellowship every ^year or every second) {tbirJ)
Ckxhm^. fimrth year after the advice of the said Fellowship shall be clewed in
Orer this a sute and liverv (that is to say, In that year that the livery is party then
ordinance ^ to have no hoods, and if the Clothing be of a colour then to tuive hoods
is written in such as shall be assigned by all the whole Fellowship). And that no
a later hand, person, of what degree he be, put or give away his livery six years
* ^fi?r ^"*"^ following, (that is to say, if they have livery every year then to keep it
m iobo ^^Q yc*rs, and if they have clothing but every second year then to keep
pnmo . £^ £jjyj. years) J upon pain of 40/. to be paid to the Temporall box without
any forgiveness.
4* That no Brothir do make ne selle no such Liuere.
No manner man of the Fellowship to make nor selle such livery till
new livery of the Fellowship be made and worn upon pain of loox. to be
paid to the Temporal Box.
y. For to Com euery yer to (Bowchirche) SemU Migbells m CmvJkili
In her newest lyuere.
Lege. Also ordained is that the whole Body of the Fellowship in their whole
Attendance newest livery Aldermen md ethers every vear the Sunday next after the
at Mass and Day of the Assumption of our Lady er else mpen our Lady d^j if it fall em
I>irg«s. the Smday ke m$ Saint MlthmeFs^ And there to hear the Mass ef mtr Ladf
ordained for the Fellowship And to abide till it be done And every man
to offer a penny of silver upon pain of a pound of wax to be paid to the
maintaining ot their aforesaid light snd then depart every man at Us
fleasnre. And on the same Sunday at After Evensong they shall come
all in the said livery to the same Church again to abide at the Dirige
ordained for all the souls of them that be passed to God of the said
Fraternity. And on the morrow in the same livery and the Aldermen im
scarlet to come again to the same church to hear and to abide there nntil
the divine service and cellatien ^ he dene if any he at the Mass of Requiem.
' The changes were : (4) for eTery year or second year, every third year was
sabsdtated} (ir) for eTery third year, eTery fourth was sahstitnted. The last
chanee was in 1549. Rep. 439, p. ^6%. The date of the first change I haTc
lost^ Dut I think it was about i f 1 f .
^ Saint Michaels Vi inserted OTer the word ^Bowchirch', which has been
erased.
^ A Sermon.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances x6s
And every man to ofiFer a penny upon pain of another pound of wax to
be paid to the maintaining the aforesaid light tvJbici offering sAmU te put
m the tox of the po&r. And that same day (or another day as the Wardens
will assign and set) all the whole FeUowship in their last livery shall go
bmestly two and two together from Ssint MkhmeFs to the place where
their feast or dinner shall be ordained And if any be absent at these
(two masses or Dirige) //Wx' he shall pay to the Temporall box two
pounds 'wax but he may find a reasonable excuse that the Wardems vnll
Md them pleased and agreed with. And that every brother shall abide at
Samt MichaePs Church till the said Sarvys Messes and Dirige be full done
upon pain of% pound wax And not to void without licence of the said
Wardens or one of them there being present. And he that doth the
contrary shall pay the pain above said.
A later addition ' to this ordinance provides that after Dirige they shall Dinner at
go to Drapers' Hall amd there take such recreatiom as shall please the said Drapers*
Wardens te give umte them. And se there within the said Drapers* Hall Hall.
every hrether te pay ferthvnth te the smd Wardens fer his dinner and quarterage
that is to say when no livery is given 4s. y and when livery is given Hj /., and Quarterage
if ye have ne dinner lad^ (providing always that the i 2d yearly of every and other
person goes to the hex of God* and the overplus to the Wardens). And also Payments.
every person shall pay in case like^ in the said hall the same time for his livery
gown when clothing is made and given (and these to go clearly to the said
Wardens), And these duties duly (honestly) and truly to te pmd as is afore
rehearsed upon pmn of 40* of him that doth the contrary.
6. Anno domini 1515. Anno rcgni regis H. VIIL 7th.
(Aad also that when x mark is allowed for the Mayor's mess then that Additional
year the Wardens shall have^ if no livery be given, iiix. of every man clause added
And if livery be given iix. of every man. And also when livery is given >T i r
the Wardens shaU have no x mark allowed them, but only the profit of Annulled
the livery that year though ye have a mayor or none & the ii/. of the ^^^9-
livery aoove written. And when ye have no mayor at dinner the
Wardens that year shall have but iiif. of every quarterage and no
X mark.^
The liii day of August Anno Dom. 1^19 this act was dissdved and
annulled.
7. For to Chese newc Wardens (14.^4-^^).
At the same dinner or feast shall be chosen a Master ^ and iiij Wardens Eleaion of
« A ,«st-Reformarion alteration. ^S^
* This addition is probably not later than 1439, because after that date the
Spiiitnal Box i» no longer heard of.
^ This ordinance, as stated in the text, belongs to the year 14^4-^. There
was certainly no Master till 1439. The ordinances that follow are in all probability
of the same date.
uM'i M m
Digitized by
Google
il66 The Oath Book or.
for the year following and if any man refuse the choice he shall pay to
the box xli without forgiveness. And those Master and iiij Wardens
shall be chosen of all the Qty as well of one place as of another, j^md
the ftrt9ms v)bkb if ^^foimted mU cmteluded /# if Wsrdems fir tbe year
filUwmg m tie Hall fMrlmtr er elsewbire ky tbe Aldermen Wsrdems mui
Ceumtell tbereumte Mtsembled met te ie mttertd Mfter mehber in their fersens
ner in their reems st the Eldest fVsrden the Secend the Third the fimrth.
And v)hMt fersen or fersens efnohmt degree or cenditien he he that presmnetb
te hresk this erMnmsce shall immedistefy fmy te the hex ef this hense vnthent
mmy firgiveness fxx sterling. And there shall none be chosen Warden
again v years after that he hath once been except he vnUmgly vnll receive
it And if any Warden choose any man that hath been Warden till
V vears be done centrmj te the firm efiresmd he that so doth shall be still
Warden the same year instead of him that he chooseth so against the
tenour of this article. And tiie Wardens for the time being ^ali do call
the Aldermen and viij persons at the least of the Gounsell of the Fellow-
ship within iij or iiij days afore the day of our dinner or feast to appoint
by their advice the Wardens for the year following. And the seyd viij
persons to be sworn to keep secret and not to discover any of those that
so shall be chosen till that they be openly chosen in the Hall upon pain
of Us. without forgiveness. And if any of the said persons come not at
his summons he shall pay xi** without forgiveness. Also it is ordained
and new established by the whole Fellowship the vij^ day of August in
the year of the reign oJF King Henry the vj^ the xxxiij that the Wardens
that shall be chosen for the year following shall stand in foil power and
receive the office with all charges pertainine to the Wardens the same
day that they are so epenly chosen. Provided alway that at all times
lawfollv required the master and they shall assist the old Wardens to
make levy of all such things as is grown to them or to the craft of duty
in the time of the said old Wardens or in any time before and shall avow
and affirm all such suits and actions as the said old Wardens or any of
them in the names of the said new Master and new Wardens shall take
and attain for levying of any such duty upon pain that the same new
Maister and Waraens shall forfeit and pay such duty as so oweth to be
recouered.
8. For the £Feeste what Eueiy Brother shall Paye.
Payments of Also that euery Brother whether that he be in Town or noon < shall pay
Qoarterage, bis aferant for the Dinner or feast that is to say that year that th^ have
&c. Qothing ij/. And that year no Qothing is iij/. And every Brother
shall pay for his Quarterage xij^ a year. (And though he be wedded he
shall pay for him and for his wife but xiji/. And dso the Wardens as
» 'not.*
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances 167
for the year being shall have to their aUowance as for Risdies ' Minstrels
Players and other petty costs xxx. and no more. Also if it so be that
there be a Mayor at the Dinner, and he be of the said Fellowship, the When
Wardens to be allowed for his mess xl/. And if it like the Wardens to Mayor is a
have at the Dinner a Mayor of another Craft without the assent of the I>raper 40/.
Fellowship then they to have noon allowance as for the Mayor's mess,) ' ^^ ^c ?^
^ ^ ^ ^ for his Mess,
p. For chesing off Newe lyuere.
Also in that vear that Qothing shall be made the Wardens as for the Lege,
year being shall do call to them the Counsel of the Fellowship for to Choosing
choose and appoint what Qothing they shall have as for the year by the LiTery.
Saint Thomas day to fore Christmas and that they by that day be fiill
appointed and accorded upon their Colours for their livery. And they so
accorded the said Wardens shall make ready and porvey for the said
Clothing that it be full ready by Midsummer next following. And then
the said Wardens for to do call to them the whole Counsel of the Fellow-
ship And they to choose viij persons to value all the said cloth. And
the said viij persons to set their seals to the said Cloths so being valued.
And the price of every Cloth to be by himself in a bill tacked to every
of the said Qoths unaer their viij seals by the day of the Translation c^
St. Thomas next following; And if any man be so advised to take of his
own Cloth then he that so doth shall pay to tiie Wardens vjJ. for every
yMtJ grained^ er not grained^ And what Wardens that doth the contrary
of any of these points shall pay to the box xlL. without forgiveness.
And tins Mfrresaid Act to serve frem henceforth ms nvellfor them that shall
nev)ly come into the livery as for them that te now in the livery and none
othernmse. Fatet anno seftimo H. viii in Utro Domus. March 12.
lo. For them that (byth) shall ho Amyttid to have the lyuere & Suche
as Come in by redempcyon.
Also ordained is that any mms that shalhe Abyld and amyttyd by the Lege,
whole body of the Fellowship Uing in the livery for to wear the livery Payments at
And hath been Prentys of the said Fellowship shall pay at the leeste at entry into
his Entry vjx. viiyl. And to the Clerh xijd. and^ Beadle vii>/. And livery,
other that desire to have the livery shall pay at their Entry like as the
Wardens and they can agree^^ And vj other of the Felowship asocycd to
them. And all those that come in by Redemption shall pay to the Clerk
xld. at their Entry into their Freedom and to the Beadle xip.
' rashes.
■ In the years 141^-9, 1434, 143^, i440j we certainly find 40J. paid
when Mayor is not a Draper. Cf. Accounts. ^ Dyed scarlet.
^ These words are written OTer an erasure. There was no Clerk till after the
year 14^0. ^ Written over an erasure.
Digitized by
Google
r6S
The Oath Book or
Of Brethren
falling into
Poverty or
Sickness*
Lege. Of
Dirges for
Brethren
deceased
II. For hem That flTiIle In Poverty.
Also ordained is that if any of this Fraternity which liath been
a brother thereof and weryd the Qothing by the space of vij year ftill
And hath been of Good name and fame fall in Poverty Impotency or
Sickness And by the whole bodyof the Fellowship be admitted to the
Aims, if he were never Warden Then the Wardens shall pay him yearly
iiij marks, he to be paid quarterly a mark a quarter. And if he have
been a Warden then he for to have Fully xiiij /. a week for to be paid of
the box oF God In to the time that God will increase them otherwise.
Frmnded mlivays tht$ the f€rs0m sc admittti sbM dwell mtUm tie flmce
mU Mst Km alnomys as sm almsnum. And that such stuff as be sbmll Mmg im
vrifJb him msd lefi after bis death shall rest to the beuseforUs suecessmtr afier
the discretiem eftbis flace^ except be have vjife or child that then they after
bis death t$ receive the feeds mul immediately te aveid the placed Anme ijoj.
IX. For to Come to Deryges (for Brethren that dyscese of the
ffeUishipp).
Also if anv Brother of this Fraternity and at the Day of His death is
in the Clothing the Wardens shall assign to Summon the Fellowship
to come to the Dirige of the terment' of the said Brother. At which
Dirige they shall abide till it be done, if it so like the Wardens.
And that no man depart without licence of the said Wardens or one of
them upon pain of iiiy. without forgiveness. And upon the morrow
they shall be at the (mass of Requiem) £inme service if therete they be
rehired? And every of them shall offer as the Wardens will assign
them. And they shdl at each such summons do gather them together in
such a place as shall be assigned by the Wardens. And in such Clothing
as shall be limited by the said Wardens. And from thence to go honestly
ij and ij together to the Church that they be assigned or summoned to gq
to. And if any be absent except he be oat cf the City and Subuihs
without fraud, at any time that he faileth unless he have licence of the
Wardens or oF one of them. And if he be present and offer less at
the Mass than he shall be assigned by his Wardens he shall pay to the
Temporal Box myd. without any forgiveness. Also if any Sister of this
Fraternity Die, if it be thought by the Wardens to assemble the Fellow-
ship to come to the Dirige then they to Come upon pain aforesaid Also
if any Brother die that hath been Warden then the whole Fellowship
shall bring him to Church In such Clothing as the Wardens will assign
' The words ' pro Aydrop * are written in the margin^ the meaning of which
does not appear, bat he was probably an almsman. Possibly this refers to
Will Aydrop, who was an almsman in i f 08-9. Cf. Wardens' Accoants, 1 508-9,
Appendix, vol. i. No. XXII a, p. 371.
' Barial.
^ Evidently a post«Reformation alteration.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances 169
or one of them upon pain aforesaid. (And also what Brother or Sister
that dieth the Wardens shaU take the names of them And to charge our
Priests of our Fraternity to Remember the Souls of them in especial an
whole year after their Decease.)
13. For Alle Maner o& Somavnces.
Also in General ordained is that when Summonses is made by the Lege.
clerk or Beadle to all the Fellowship to be at any certain Place at any Summons to
certain hour if he come not an hour after he shall pay iiiji/. And if he he obeyed,
come not of all that day then he shall pay viiy. except he can leefully
excuse him to the Wardens or one of them if he be in hele and in town.
(And if they be summoned to go approcessyon whoso faUeth but if have
excuse reasonable he shall pay as often as he faileth iiij^.^ And these
pains of summonses the Clerk or Beadle shall gather, and it it so be that
any man at the first coming of the Clerk or Beadle will not pay the pain
ordained the second time of the Ckrk or Beadle's coming he shall pay the
Double, And the nf^ time treble, And if he will not pay then he shall be
hold for Rebel and stand at the Grace of the said Wardens.
14. For hem that ben in Mys Rule.
Also if any of this Fraternity be of misrule or mtstehaviour either in Lege. Mi»-
ijoord or im deed or te oi Evil Fame or Condition or will not obey the master bchaTiour.
mnd wardens whereby the Fellowship is slandered or therethrough may
have velony, he shall be sent for to Come afore his Wardens. And by
them to be Corrected as their discretions giveth them. And if he be
rebel and will not obey the Correction of his said Wardens, Then the
Wardens shall call to them the Counsel of the Felowship Ajid they to
Correct him after their Discretions. And if he will not obey their Rule
and Correction Than they to present him to the Mayor as Rebel.
ly. lyffany bargayn or bye with other to paye at the quarter day.
Also if any Brother of our Fellowship bargain or buy with another Payment of
brother of the said Fellowship and no special Comenant' be made the *'i™* ^^^^
seller shall not ask his money till the Qiurter Day if the Buyer be ^o a brother
sufficient and abiding And in case be that the seller find him ag^eved ^^ ^^
for the fault of his payment at the Quarter day Then may the seller ^^rter-
Complain him to the Wardens, And they after Their Good Discretions ^^^
to set a Rule therein.
\6. That no brother Take no servant hous ne shoppe fro his Brother.
Also that none of this Fraternity take no servant hous ground nor shop Lege,
from his Brother (within this Qty or without) without leave and free
will of the same Brother upon Pain of x li. without forgiveness. And if
he be Rebel to stand at the Rule and Grace of the said Wardens.
' Probably the word should be ^ covenant \
Digitized by
Google
X70 The Oath Book or
17. For all maner off Rydyngis be lond & be Water.
Ridings by Also if the Fdowship of our Fraternity hap to Ryde by Land or by
^*n^ or Water against the King Mayor or Sheriff" or against any other lord or
waten estate the Wardens shall do assemble the Felowship to Gcther. And
then to ordain in what manner and how they shall Govern them in that
Riding or Going by water. And he that is Rebel against this Ordinance
either in his Riding by land or by water he shall pay to the Temporal
Box iijx. iiiy. without anv forgiveness. And all costs of Minstrels and
other things needful and nonest to the same Riding^ or Going by water
shall be Reryd of the Brethren as well of them that Ride not by land nor
go by water as of them that so do. And nothing there fore to be taken
out of the Box. And als9 ardamed is that far the Kim^s £rlge that the
nvMe Mj of the Fellowshif ke summoned there te mU be tbdt fasleth 'ontbemt
a reMenakle excusMtiem be shmll pay /# the Temferal Bex iij s. and issj d.
nDitbeut farpvenessm
18. lyff any brother £Snde him Grevid with other that he pleyn hym
£5rst to the Wardens.
Lcce. Com- Also if any Brother of this Fraternity find him Grieved with any other
plaints Brother of the said Fellowship he shall tell his Grievance to his Wardens
against first or that be Complain him owzher ellys.' And than the Wardens to
brethren to do come afi>re them both parties. And they to do their diligence to
be made make an end, And if they cannot then may he that findeth him Grieved
^^^ ^^^ Pleyne where him liketh. And the Wardens at all times shall be
Wardens. ready to witness the sothe In whom the Default is. And that none
of this fraternity do succour or help the Party fiiulty. And who
that doth the (Contrarye) shall pay to the Temporal Box x IL without
forgiveness.
ip. For the ffeyres off'Berthotomeu and Ouerey.
Of times of Also that none of this Fraternitv stand with merchandise at Fairs ok
selling at Westminster nor of Saint Bartholomew over the time of the franchise
Fairs. Granted that is to say xxx days at Westminster and iij days at
Bartholomew's upon pain of x li. without fi>rgiveness. Also that it shall
be lawful to Everv Brother to go as well to the fair of St. Mary Overcy's
as to the fair of St. Bartholomew and under the same Manner form.
10. That no brother bewreye litill or meche seid In the Companye.
Lege. Also that none of this Fraternity bewray little thing or much said in
No Betray- CounscU among the Fellowship or Part of them. And if any of them do
in^ofThings if it may be proved on him by the Wardens and vj other good men he
said in gh^ ^y ^q i\^^ Temporal Box x li sterling without forgiveness.
CoonselL
Elsewhere.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances xyi
II. That no brother be Brocour betwen flfbreyn and fforeyne. No Draper
Also ordaned is that none of this Fraternity be no Broker betwixt ^^ee^^**^
Foreign and foreign upon pain of an O. to be Rcryd without forgiveness. jt^^J^^^
11. That noon Apprentis ne lowes Afiler her terme serue with noon
other man.
Also that no Apprentice of this Fellowship nor lowys * after their terms Lege,
end omJ irfore he h ruxnm in this fUce shall open msj shep or serve with
any other man of Crafte but only with a Draper in Cace be may reason-
able salary have. And if he may no service get within the Fellowship
then he to go to the Wardens praying them to help him to service. And
if thev cannot help him thereunto witiiin the said Fellowship then he to
take nis advantage. And else not upon pain of x 11. without forgiveness.
13. That no brother enfforme no stranger.
Also that no man of this Fellowship of Drapers shall inform no strange No Brother
man in no manner point longing to this Occupation neither of knowing to inform
of cloth of price of measure nor of the country that they come from upon any
pain of an Cx. to pay as often times as he is found faulty in any of these Stranger,
points.
x^ For to kepe no servant (longer than a yer) tut he be affrenticed
or frenum of Drapers .
Also that no man of the Fellowship keep no servant In his h^use er Lege. As
shop as a Kytter or a lowes without licence of the Wardens had longer than to Keeping
a year but if he be prentice or freed in the same Fellowship upon pain of Senrant or
X li. nor set no foreigns a work upon payment of v li. whereof iij li to this Jonmey-
house XX /. to y presenter & xx s. to master wardens for y time ieing.^ And ^^^
that no man of this Fellowship take no servant to serve him in Drapery
but if he have been prentice with a man freed of the same Fellowship
upon pain of other x li. to be paid to the Temporal Box without foigive-
ness. Neither inform no stranger in no manor point belonging to this occupa^-
don as mf knowing of cloth of price measure nor of the contrys that they come
frOy upom p^9g off to be paid as oftentimes as he is found fauty in any of
these points.
x^. Iff the Mayster and the prentice mowe not Acorde.
Alsa if any brother of this Fellowship and his prentice mowe not Lege. And
accord and Us master will give him leave to go where be wUl or give of empby-
him a general acquittance that none other man of this Fellowship receive in? those
none such in to his service as alowes till he hath fulfilled the term of his who cannot
agree with
» L c. journeyman. hS master
' We first hear of Kytters being admitted in i for. These additions therefi>re
are probably not earlier than that.
Digitized by
Google
X7X
The Oath Book or
AppreDticehood with his first master or with some other man brother of
this Fellowship by the accord of his first Master upon pain of lo li« to
pay to the Temporal Box without forgiveness.
itf« To bryng Euery Apprentice aflEbre the Wardens or he be Enrolled*
Enrolling o A*so that no man of this Fellowship of what degree that he be take
Apprentice none Apprentice but that he bring him first afore his Wardens ar he
and payment enroll him And then the Wardens shall write in (this) a Book the
of 13/. 4</. names of the Master and of the Apprentice and the years that he is
bound. And then the Master of the Apprentice shall pay forthwith to
the Wardens xiijj. myi. The which shall be put in a Box ordained
therefore And he that doth the contrary shall pay an O. without
forgiveness.
17. To presente ailore the Wardens Eueiy Apprentice afiter his
terme do.'
Lege.
Apprentices
made free of
the Fellow-
ship robe
first pre-
sented to the
Wardens.
Lege.
Wardens*
Accounts.
Of the
Beadle and
his Salary,
and the
Clerk.
Also that all manner of Apprentice of this Fellowship at the end o^
their term fulfilled or they be made free m the Chmnher shall be presented
by their Masters to the Wardens to the intent that every Apprentice
shall swear upon a book to keep and hele all the counsel and lend ordi-
nances of the said Fellowship made or to be made during their lives.
And also to keep and hele the lefiil counsel of his Master that he served.
And he to pay at his Entry to the Wardens iijx. iiiji/. and to the Clerk
viijd. smd the Beadle iiii/.
%%. That the Wardens Euery yer yeld vpp ther Acountes.
Also ordained is that as 'voell the old Wardens as the renters far the
keuse — also rf Mr. Hev^e/Ps gifts every year shall yield up their account
justly and truly before all the Fellowship or certain of them assigned by
the Fellowship within the viij* day after All halom day* without any
tarrying in pain of an O. the piece to the Temporal Box without forgive^
ncss. j^nd then the Auditors which he therefore chosen shall afterward
finish and deierrmne their audits J^^ly hj the Feast of Christmas upon pain ef
X /. the piece to ie paid^ etc?
a^. For the salarye ofifthe Bedilh
Also ordained is and fully assented that the Common clerk and (the)
Beadle of this Fraternity be a man freed of this Fraternity and a man
fi-eed of this said Fellowship and of good name And good fame and he
shall have for bis salary v li. a year for to be paid of the box of God.
' done.
^ All Hallows or All Saints' Day,NoTember i. Howell died in 1557 or 1538.
^ Renters and Auditors come later. Renters not till 14^9-70, Auditors
I49d.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances X75
Also it is accorded by all the Fellowship that the said commm clerk and
beadle shall have his livery of the same cluth that the livery of the Fellow,
ship is after the discretions of the Wardens as for the time being, and
what brother that deceaseth & hath borne state that is to say Alderman
Master or Warden of the said Fellowship shall leave to the clerk and
Beadle his gown & hood of his last livery save one with the fiir therein
or else xl /. in money therefore And what Brother common of the said
Fellowship that deceaseth shall leave to the Clerk and Beadle his second
livery gown and hood with the fiir therein or else xx /. in money for his
reward.
30. That no Wardens wryte nor do wryte In this book but ordinances.
Also Ordained is that in this book the Wardens shall not write nor do Ordinances
write no manner accounts nor reckonings nor none other things but only only to be
Ordinances made by assent of all the Fellowship and the names of the written in
Apprentices received as it is to fore declared upon pain of x li. to be the Book,
Rered of him that doth the contrary without any forgiveness. And it is
accorded by all the Fellowship that the names of the Apprentices shall be
registered in the old Book of the Old Ordinances.
3 1. That Euery Wardens do Rede this book aflbre All the Company.
Also Ordained is and fiilly assented that the Wardens for the year Lege,
being shall read or do to read all the Ordinances afore or after this Ordinances
written that is to say iij or iiij times in the year openly afore all the said to be read
FeUowship upon pain of x li. to be rered of them that doth the contrary ^ t*ie
without any forgiveness. Fellyship.
3 a. That no Wardens here oute nor Ddyucre no bookes olFordynances.
Also it is Ordained and Enact by all the Worshipful Fellowship that No Book of
ftom this day forth that no Warden bear out nor deliver out of this Ordinances
Worshipful Place any Bokes longing to this said Fellowship that is to to be taken
say of Ordinances or of any Rules without grant and assent of the ^^^X-
Council of the said Fellowship upon pain of x li. And also that the said
Wardens neither bear out nor deliver any evidence or monuments of any
rents or tenements longing to the saicl Fellowship without grant and
consent of the Council of the said Fellowship upon pain of an C li. to
pay the Temporal Box without any forgiveness.
33. The ordinans Made to Exchewe pres ofFmenis men ' In the halle
the day oflF the flFceste.
Also Ordained is by all the whole Fellowship of this Fraternity that
forasmuch as heretofore this time at the Feast or Dinner of this foresaid
' ^ avoid pressure of many men.*
leos.i N n
Digitized by
Google
X74
The Oath Book or
No one,
except past
Masters,
Wardens,
Aldermen^
and those
who have
borne city
offices to
bring
Strangers
CO the
dinner.
Order of
sitting at
table
Lege.
Wardens to
admit men
Fraternity hath been great press and multitude of voung men in great
dishonour of all the Brethren and principally to the Master and Wardens
for the time being, for they might have no room nor space to serve nor
to do their business in saving of liieir worship and of all the Brethren.
And principally that the States nor the Brethren might not see nor
behold plays and other divers sports for that time ordained. Therefore
ordained is by the advice of all the Brethren that no man of the Fraternity
except Aldermen and they that have borne States in the Qty shall bring
no man with him nor child to the Feast or Dinner whether it be save
only they that have been Master or Wardens to fore, the which shall
bring with them but only one man at the most, the which man shall be
honest and able to do his service to the Fraternity and Fellowship afore-
said at the commandment of the Master and Wardens for the time being
upon pain of xl /. to pay to the Temporal Box without any redemption.
34, A Rule ordeynd fibr the Syttyng In the halle.
Also it is Ordained and assented by all the whole Fellowship of this
Worshipful Fraternity of Drapers that from this day forward at every
General feast or Dinner of the foresaid Fraternity that all those that
have been Master (and) or Wardens shall sit at meat at the table next
the cupboard in the Drapers hall out take those that be^ the Aviis^and
the Assignment of the Master and Wardens for the time being be chosen
and assigned to sit at the high Table upon pain of ij x. to be paid to the
Temporal Box without any manner forgiveness. And that no brother of
the Fraternity presume to sit at any table in the Hall till the Mayor and
the States have wash and be set at the high Table upon pain of iij x. and
iii j J. to be paid to the Temporal Box without any forgiveness.
Also ordained is and provided that (always) at the table next the
Parlour door shall (begin) te set ij or iij mess ^ with such as hath been
(Masters and) Wardens overmost (and strangers) after the discretions of
the Wardens for the time being.
The Ordinances that follow are of the year 14.5 y-if/
I. <That the Maister or Wardens may make freemen by redemption
orfreewomen^
Also it is ordained and assented by all the whole body of this
Worshipful Fraternity that from this day forward the Master anci Wardens
shall admit and receive almaner of men or women by way of redemption
* i.c. by. * advice.
^ A mess was a portion for fbar persons.
^ The omissions and additions are of the date of ii Heniy VII (i ^04-5), as is
stated in the marein. They are important as iUostrating the increasing powers
of the Master and Wardens.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances xys
for to be (no) brother sister or freeman of this said Fraternity or Fellow- and
ship without assent or avise of any other person of the said Fellowship women by
(or the moste part of them according always that the whole body of the Redemption.
Fellowship be summoned thereto . • • and whatsoever Master or Wardens
that doth the contrary against this rule and ordinance thus made shall
pay to The Temporal Box ^lo without any forgiveness) and for such sums
rfmmey or afhervrise thai is to say gratis after the discretion of the said Master
or Wardens for the time ieing^
2. Also it is fully condescended and accorded the first day of June in Two persons
the year of the reign of King Henry the vj*« the xxxilij' bv my master evicted from
Norman and all the Worshipful Fellowship of Drapers of london That *^c Fratcr-
from this day forward that these persons James Ffalaron and Aungill de ^^X-
Pettis shall not be summoned nor called to this Fraternity ' and ^How-
ship at no time nor to have no livery thereot nother to pay nother
quarterage nor none other duties that belongeth thereto. And the said
persons to be utterly discharged and put out of this Fraternity and
Fellowship/
Then follow ordinances written in different hands and in plain ink^ of
the reign of Edward IV and later.
^ I. That no brother of this Fellowship inform any stranger the
Feytz of Drapery.
i4<J(f-(J7.
Also it is fiilly condescended and utterly concluded and agreed the No brother
iiii^ day of the month of Janivcr the v year of King Edward iiii by all to have
the Aldermen of this Fraternity and Fellowship and by all the whole Body dealings
of the same Fellowship That (if any) ^ no manor ^person of this Fraternity ^"h a
and Fellowship from this day forward of what condicion or d^ree that Stranger,
ever he be take upon him in amy manor wise to sett any foreign awarie or
inform any straunge man or to take with him at any time or season any
(maner erf) person of any maner of (craft) occupation or Fellowship but that
^ The alterations in this ordinance are interesting : (a) We have heard in
previous ordinances of dirges for Sisters of the Fraternity (p. i^8), and Sisters
are even mentioned in the earliest ordinance of the Religions Fraternity, bat this
is the first notice as to how they were to be admitted. ()3) According to the
original draft Redemptioners were to be admitted in the presence and with the
consent of the Fellowship. By the alteration this was dispensed with.
^ N.B. — Herbert's translation of this passage is strangely incorrect, i. 419 :
' Any felon or one convicted of treason.' There is an erasure before the name
of James Ffirlaron as if another name had once been there.
^ I have reproduced the exact words of the original, bat as it stands it does
not make sense. Possibly this is the reason for the substitution of the words ' no
manner of for ^ if any '.
Digitized by
Google
%y6
The Oath Book or
be be only of his own Fellowship freed (of the s&me) or prentis Other to
ride or to go to any (maner of) place othir in town or out of town
Where&s any cloth shall be bought by any (maner of) draper of this
Fraternity and Fellowship othir by any othir man of what (Crdl) Cmt^anj
Knowledge or fellowship that ever he be By the which they might or may have any
of bargain- manner of knowledge of any Bargain making or of Imowledge of doth or
making or of of price or measure or cetrntries or of any point longing on to Drapery in
knowledge, qq manner of condition & wtaf manner of person of this Fraternity
& Fellowship that doth the contrary against this Rule and ordinance
thus made shall pay to the Temporal Box without any manner of forgive-
ness as often times as he oficndeth in any way of these points aforesaid
by due proof against him £^ sterling.
a. To come to the dirige on Sunday after our Lady day
Assumption yearly.
Attendance Also it is fully condescended and concluded the xvii day of the month
at Dirges. of December in the sixth year of King Edward the IV by all masters the
Quarterage aldermen and by all the whole body of this Fraternity and FeUowship
and other that every brother being in town or in the suburbs of the same and in
payments. health shall come to (Bowchurch) Saint Michael in his last livery the
Sunday next after our Lady day the Assumption to the derige of the
brethren and sisterin of the Fraternity of our Lady and Brotherhood of
the Drapers of this city of London at which derige they shall abide till it
be full done withouten that he have leave of the Wardens for the time
being or one of them And wher derige is done they shall honestly come
two and two together to the Drapers Hall And there to take such
recreation as shall please the said Wardens to give invto them And so
thereforth within the said Drapers Hall every brother to pay unto the
said Wardens for his dinner and quarterage And also in like wise for
his livery gown when the clothing is made and given And all these
duties aforesaid duly and truly all only at the Drapers Hall to be there
paid upon pain of 4xd<^ of him that doth the contrary and this to be paid
to the Wardens for the time being toward their costs and charges
withouten any forgiveness. Froviding that of the said yearly ftarterage
the said Wardens shall pay far every person so paying to the hex of this
place 12*.
Fines for 3. Also it is fully condescended and agreed the a 8th day of June the
disobeying 5>th year of King Edward iv by my Master Sir Rauffe Josselyn Master
Summons. Stalbroke Master Bartylmew Jamys Master Drope the Wardens for the
time being William Borgreve William Stokker Thomas Harward and
John Hungerfbrd. Also Thomas Gemwey John Porter John Pake
William Lightwood John Stokker William White William Bulstnxie
William Braysbryg Richard Norman Michael Harris Thomas Bass
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances X77
William Gardiner John Ashwell Symond Stcvynson John Fcrlee William
Sybson John Hernes Pcrs Johnson Pcrs Clement John Tutsam William
Sugborh Harry Skelton and William ClodcwcU That what person Being
at any time summoned to the Drapers Hall or to any other place And
he come not he shall pay at every time that be faileth ii^ without a lefiil
cause and a cause reasonable And he that will not pay his mercyment at
the first time of asking at the second time of asking he shall pay xs. and
else to take of him afters and to be brought to the Drapers Hall m\hout
any forgiveness.
Renters.
4. Also they have fully appointed and chosen the same day ' ii Renters Of the
for all the whole livelihood of all the Craft that is to say Richard Renters.
Foote and William Sybsone and they so to stand by a whole year
And they to begin at our Lady Da^ the Assumption next coming
and they shall as well receive meraaments fines Prenticehoods and
Freedoms as the Rents and shall yearly justly and truly give up their
accounts to the Fellowship by Saint Andrews aay next following by the
space of a year And at the day of their Account given up the toone of
the said Renters to be changed and the todyr to stand stiU in the said
office for ij years And he that has been once Renter and so changed he
shall not be Renter again vij years after that. This was fully agreed and
concluded by all the persons before rehearsed the day and the time above
said. Als9 mcreover nve nmll th£$ the smd Rtnters far the year Mng and
their successors have full power at all times to stress M strain and late toferme
for all such charges as they te charged with in their time that is to say for
Rents merdamims fines frenticehoods and freedoms.^
The substance only is given of most of the ordinances that follow.
y. On y August 13 Edward 4 (1475) an ordinance was passed to relieve Wardens
the Wardens of part of their heavy charges in connexion with the annual allowed to
feast which it was their duty to provide for the whole of the Fellowship, charge fees.
It was agreed that the Wardens should henceforth receive for their own
use the fee of ijx. 4^/. for every apprentice of the Drapers enrolled at the
Guildhall or in the Craft and also all the amercements of viiji/. each paid
by the brethren of the Fellowship. If the latter fee were not paid upon
the first demand the Wardens could exact a fine of like amount, and if
on the second demand the fee and fine were not paid the Wardens had
power to distrain upon the goods of the ofitnder.
'28 Jnne, 9 Edward IV, 1459-70. This is the first mention of Renters,
Digitized by
Google
X78
The Oath Book or
Wardens to
have no
allowance
fer the
Mayor's
Indentures
of Appren-
tices to be
enrolled and
fee of %L
paid.
Allowances
to Wardens.
Apprentices
to be pre-
sented
within
eleven
months.
Election of
Master and
Wardens.
Fine for re-
fusing to
6. On the \6 August 14 Edward IV (1+7^) it was further agreed that
the wardens shall have no allowance for the dinner of the mayor's mess
though he, the mayor, be there, nor for none of those Straungers whidi
shtU be boden to the dyner for gamysshyng of the high table nor for
russhes mynstrells nor players. Altered by 18 £d. IV.
7. It was ordered on \6 July 9 Henry VIL 1494, by Master Aldermen
Wardens Counsell & whole Body of the FeUyship, that every brother
shall enrol all indentures of his apprentices at Drapers' Hall and pay
a fee of viiji/. for each pair of indentures, under a penalty of vj j. viiji/.
for neglect.
1477-8.
8. What is allowyd to my maisters the Wardeyns yerely.
It was ordained on 14 August 18 Edward IV (1477-8^ by the Master
Aldermen Wardens & by whole fellyship that the wardens ^ shall have
for their allowance yearly for the mayor's mess and for such as shall be
appointed by my Masters the Aldermen and by the Wardens for the time
being for the garnishing of the high table, also for players minstrels and
rushes the sum of ^d 13/. 4^.' Also that they shall have all the ^ amerce-
ments of 8i^. a piece growing and due by the brethren of the said fraternity
within the year of their occupying*. (Moreover everv brother shall on
the Sunday next before our Feast pay at Drapers* Hall to the Wardens
for his dinner and quarterage, and also for his livery gown when clothing
is made and given ; on pain of ;x. 41/. one half of which shall belong to
the Wardens and the other half to the profit of the Craft. Also agreed
that the Wardens shall have the duties of i ;x. ^. arising from apprentice-
hoods to the profit of the Crafte any former ordinance to the contrary
notwithstanding.)
149a.
9. On the 19 July 149a it was ordered that every Apprentice shall be
presented by his master to the Wardens within eleven months after the
day of his bond, under a penalty of aox. to the Temporal Box.
10. Also ordeigned is that at the same dyner or ffeest shaJbe chosen
a maister & iiij wardeyns for the yere folowyng And if enyman Refuse
that Chojrse he shalle pay to the Boxe x*« witouten foryevenesse And
theke Maister & iiij Wardeins shalbe chosen of all the Citie aswele of
one place as of another And ther shalle none be chosen wardeyn ayen of
V yeres after that he hath ones been And if eny wardeyn chose eny man
that hath been Wardeyn till v yere be doon, he that soo dothe shalbe
stille Wardeyn the same yere in stede of hym that he choseth soo ayenst
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances 179
tl\e tenure ot this Article. And the Wardens for the tyme beyng Shall senre. No
doo calle Thaldermen and viij persones at the leste of the Counsell of the Warden to
ffelauship withyn iij or iiij dales afore the day of our Dyner or flfecst to b« chosen
appoynte by their Aduise the Wardeins for tne yere folo^^Tng And the *g^ within
saidc viij persones to be swome to kepc secrete and not to discouer cny °^* years,
of thoo that soo shulbe chosen till they been openly chosen in the halle AUennen
vpon payne of xl» withouten fonrevencssc And tho persones whiche and eight
been appoynted and concluded to oe Wardeyns for the yere folowyng in persons
the halle Parlour orellcs where by the Aldermen Wardeyns and the cho«en by
Counsell therto Assembled not to be altred after at eny season nouther the Cbancil
in their persones nor in their Rowmes as the eldest Wardcyn the second ^^I?^*
the thirde & the flfburth And what persone or persones of what degree or ^ u*^
oondidon that cuer he be that presumeth to breke this ordinaunce rfiallc choice oon-
Immediatly pay to the Boxe of our lady Withoutc eny foryevencs xx" firmed by *
And if eny of the said persones come not at this Assomauhce he shalle ^^^ whole
pay xx<^ withouten foryevenesse Also It is ordeigned and newe estab- \^y^
lisshed by the hole fielauship the vij^ Day of August in the yere of the
Reigne of kynge henry the vj^ the xxxiij^ that the Wardeins that shall
be chosen for tibe yere folowyng shalle stonde in fulle power and Resteyve
the Office with aU Charges perteynyng to the Wardeyns the same day
that they ar soo openly diosen Provided alweies that at all tymes liefiilly
required the maister & they shalle assiste the olde Wardeyns to make
levie of all such thyngs as er f rowen to them or to the Craite of duetie
in the tyme of the said olde Wardeins or in eny tyme before And shall
advowe & afierme all suche sutes and accions as the saide olde Wardeins
or eny of them in the names of the said newe maister & newe Wardeins
shall take & attaine for levying of eny suche duetie upon payne that the
same newe maister & newe Wardens shaUe forfeite & pay suche duetie
as Soo oweth to be Recouercd.
lyoy. ijoj.
II. On y August lycy it was ordered that each Warden should receive *® Henry
the apprenticeship fees only rf such as were bound within the period of ^^^- . -'^PT
his year of office. prenaceship
la. On ao April lyia it was further ordered that i^i*-
the fee D.y.hle on presenting an apprentice and en. SJiS?5.Tin^«drf.T2;
rolling his indentures should be 6s. id. instead ot md pid co the House, not co
j;/. ip. as heretofore, and that the fee should be paid che Wardras.
to the House.
13. Also the same day and yere (xo April lyii) yt was enacted that Fullers,
all pourmen ffullers Sheremen ffreed in this fieliship, kytters & makers Sheremen,
of garments that is to say gownys dublets jakkets kyrtylls peticots & such Kyttcra
lyke garments vulgarly called kytters of garments shall pay for euery freed in this
Digitized by
Google
zSo
The Oath Book or
fellowship to
pay for z/.
indentnre of
their appren-
tices. Bat
hosiers
6s, %L
Duties of
4th War-
den.
Limitation
on number '
of Appren-
tices.
Fees for
Apprentice-
ship.
Fees for
Apprentice-
ship and
entry into
Freedom.
Apprentice from this day fiirth at the ensealing of his endenture within
the Drapers Hall ij /• during the term of vij yers next ensuyng. And this
in lykwys the Qerk shall recey ve for the vse only of this place. And all
hosyers that occupys corsets shall pay aftir the rate above wrytten that is
to say vj X. viij d. for cucry Apprentice. And who that doeth contrary to
any of thes ordinaunces shall forfeit & pay to this place xl x. as of% as yt
can be proved ayenst hym etc.
1517.
14. An ordinance made lo July 15:17 regulated the duties of the 4th
Warden as follows. The 4,th Warden to make a Rental in parchment
containing the names of all the Company's tenants and the amount of
their rents. To oversee all the property, its repairs, and « vacations *.
To receive rents and pay all outgoings.
ly. Then folk>ws an account of the gift by John Milbom of a burial
cloth, and orders as to the way in which the dirges for the soul of John
Chester should be conducted.
Of Apprentices.
Jan. II. 15:14.
\6. Here assembled Master Monoux Sir John Brugge Sir John
Milborne Master Rudstone & Master Askew Addermen Ine Wardens
The Council The Livery and all the whole Fellowship moste in number.
And the said Assembly it was enacted and agreed that from henceforth
(it shall not be lawful unto any brother or sister freed in this fellyship to
take mo apprentices than may stand in good order for their degree and
that one or The Wardens at the least have the sight of every such
apprentice before he be bound upon pain of 40/. to Ine Box • • . ) that
every brother being in the Master's livery shall pay from this day forth
for every apprentice that he shall take at the ensealing of his indentures
within tiie Drapers Hall to the Clerk ... to the use of this place 6s. %d.
and every Sister whose husband has been of the aforesaid livery shall pay
for every apprentice 6s. id. and every other brother or sister not being of
the Master's livery shall pay for eveiy apprentice gx. 4^/. . . .
17. 19th June xj Henry VIII (lyji). It was enacted by the whole
fraternity that no person or persons shall pay for the entry of any
apprentice into their fellyship above %s. 6d. nor for his entry when be
shall be made free after the term of his years shall be ended above ^s. ^.
only for Spoone silver, and the officers fee according to the Act of Parlia-
ment last made before the year & day above written.'
The next ordinances are of the date 33 Henry VIII. They will be
found in the Appendix to vol. ii.
7 11 Hen. VIII, c. 14.
Digitized by
Google
Book of Ordinances x8i
I. Oath of The Master & Wardens Jointly from Page 17 of < Book xil
of Ordinances \
^ Ye shall swear that ye shall well and truly oversee the (crafte) occi^a- Lege.
ci9B or Mystery of Drapers whereof ye be chosen Masttr and Wardens for
the year. And all the good rules and ordinances of the same Mystery
that ben approved here and enacted by the Aldermen & Councell of the
same fellowship and none other — jt shzM kepe and do to be kepte. (And
all the defaultes of that we shall find in the same crafte done to The
Chamberlain of the Cytee of London for the time being ye shall well and
truly present sparing no man for favour ne grieving no person for hate.)
And for all the defaultes that ye shall find in the same mystery dene ye shall
spare no mat^ for favemr nor grieve any persenfir hate^^exXoTcioa ne wrong
under colour of vour o65ce — yc shall none do neither to anything that
shall be aninst the state peace fie profit of Our Sovereign (lord the iCing)
lady the glneen or to this Cytie ye shall not consente but for the tyme
that ye s^ul be in office in all things that shall be loneing unto the same
mysterv after the Laws and franchises of the said Cytie well and lawfully
ye shall behave you (as God you helpe) ficc' '
Sequence.
^ Also ye shall understond that it is enacted that neither of you (being Lege.
Master or Wardens for the time of your year ensuing and being in office)
shall move nor none othir for you to this house any matter for yourselves
or any of yours concerning any lease or other benefit for that year by this
house to be granted upon paine of ^20, to be levied on him that so doth
labour to the contrary.'
z. Oath of the Qerk of the XVI Century. From Ordinance Book, p. z^
Evidently a later insertion, probably date of Hen. Vlil.
^ You shall swear that during your life you shall be good 2c true line-
man to our Sovereign Lord the King that now is and to his heirs Kings
always faithful fie loving to the Gild or Fraternity of our (Blessed Lady)
Saint Mary of Drapers of London. You shall not implead any person or
persons free of the said Gild or Fraternity being sufficient and remaining
under the rule thereof for any cause in any court spiritual or temporal
unless you have license of the Master or one of the Wardens for the time
being and during your continuance in your office you shall conceal fie keep
' The omission of the Master m the original oath shows that it belongs to
some period previoiu to 1459, because no Master existed till that date. The
other alteratioos are either of* the reign of Maty or of Elizabeth. It should be
compared with the oath of that date in vol. ii. Appendix. The omission of the
reference to the Chamberlain is interesting. It looks as if the Company were
resenting his interference.
iMisn o o
Digitized by
Google
x8x The Oath Booh or Book of Ordinances
secret all such matters counseUs and communications as the Master,
Master Wardens and the Assistants of this Wordiipfiil Fellowship at all
and every their Court Days Assemblies & Quarter Days in their Commoa
Hall to oe holden and kept, shall condescend and agree upon for the
good governance 2c continuance of the said Fellowship in worship and
prosperity and for the avoiding of all inconveniences to the contrary
whioi or else perchance might come or happen to or amongst the same
Feltowship or some of them. Also vou shall not open or disdose any
word or words which any brother of tne said Qxnpany perchance in heat
of Uood or unadvisedly shall speak in your presence to the rebuke
reproach disproof check or in derision of any other brother being absent.
Also you shall not convey nor carrv nor suffer or cause to be conveyed
or carried out of this House any oook or books evidences writings or
muniments pertaining to the same or any copies thereof to shew or read
or to be shewed or read to any person or persons, nor deliver out of this
House any abstract or copy of any Ordinance Act or Decree without
license of the Master or one of the Wardens for the time being and all
oAer matters as concerning the Corporation of this Fellowship or their
lands rents evidences muniments money jewels plate or napery.for the
profit of the same Fellowship you shall conceal and keep secret and in all
and singular the premises when ye be demanded you shall give the best
counsel that you can and all the hwfiil rules and ordinances made or in
time coming to be made by the discreet counsel of this worshipfiil Fellow-
ship you shall well and truly to your power hold observe and keep so help
you God and by This Book/
XVIII
TRANSCRIPT OF THE EARLIEST WARDENS'
ACCOUNTS, NO. i+o
The earliest Wardens' accounts are on paper 1 1| inches high by from
8 to 8} inches wide, each account forming a separate section bv itself
It is doubtful if they have ever formed part of a bound volume, although
some were loosely placed in the covers of a vellum book from which the
contents had at some time been torn. There are ten of these ancient
documents extending from 14.14. to 1441, being the accounts for the
following years x Henry V, and 3, 4, y, 8, 9, i}, 14, 19, xo Henry VI.
There is a gap of thirty-four years between these and the first bound
volume of Wardens' Accounts, which begins with the year 14.7 5 and
is the earliest record consulted by Herbert. The accounts were kept in
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts x83
French down to those of 14. Henry VI, which are the last in that
language, the next — ^those for the 19 Henry VI — ^and those for the year
following being in £nglish« As to the years for which these accounts
are made it should be remembered that most of them are dated by
the regnal year.
Now, the first regnal jrear of Henry V is March i+i j to March 1+1+,
the second regnal year is March 14.14. to March \\\^. The Wardens
were elected on the Assumption, Aug. i):, for the following year« On
or a few days before the follomng All Saints' Day, Nov. i, the old
Wardens presented their accounts for the past year.
Thus tiie account presented in the second year of Henry V will
be the account presented in Nov. 14.14. for the year Aug. 14.13 to
Aug. 14.14.
The dates given in the Report of the Conunission of 1884. are many
of them wronff. They were evidently taken from the work of a
transcriber without any verification! So much for the accuracy of
Commission Reports !
Note. — Tht Umrs in italics art tither omimd in th§ original mamucrif$ or afftmr
dwrt in a contracted form. IncomfUtt words art frinttd wiih an afostrofht afitr tht
last letter,
Ceux sonnt les resseytez queux William Weston John Benet Thomas Accoimt pie-
Cook & John Glyn onnt rescieux en Icur temps pour le Miestier sented in
de Drapers Ian du Roy Henn quynt ij«. [14.14.] Nov. 1414
En pwm resc* en le box dc dieu * p<ir les mayns a Robert Tatersall ^^^ l^^"
John lynge Thomas Hardyng & J lobenhitm veyll maistrez * xxvf bfi ^ ^ug.
resc' de John Prentout draper pwr un Schoppe en la p^iroche del Bowe i^,^.
pour ua an entyere iiij"
rcsc* de Uidw/as Bakere poitr rente en Candelwykestrcte iiij'* xiiij*
resc' de Benet Scherman pottr rente en Westchepe xx«
resc' de Jankyn Hynton taylor pottr un quarter rent x«
resc* de leycestre miller pour rente xx»
resc' de BvUyngey Scherman pottr rente xx«
rcsc* de Harry Coton is man pour rente du an entyere xxvj" viij|*
resc' de Badcok Carpen/fr pour rente du an entyere xviij*
rcsc* de Steph«i Skynncr pwr rente vj» viij<*
resc' de vj«vij p^rsooez chescn a iiijd. pour chiuacher aaesque le vicounte
xlij' iiij**
' There is only one Box, Le Box de dieu. In later accounts there are two,
Le Box de dien and Le Temporall Box.
^ The fi)ar Wardens are here called Maistrez. There is no Master till
1439-
Digitized by
Google
i84 The Earliest Wardens^ j4ccounts
rcsc* de hugh Byrchc p«rr vn flFync xviij*
rcsc* de vn Hosyere ia Dovgate pwr vn ffync » xr*
rcsc' dc vn kerseyman p«w vn ffync * ijT
rcsc* de hugh Byrcfae p«w vn ffyne xx^
rcsc* de vn kerseyman p«w vn ffyne xij°
resc' de Scanys piir pr^essiouns iij* vSf
rcsc* de Brandon pwr vn ffyne xxiij^
resc* de Wa/t^ TTiorpe p«w vn ffync xif*
rcsc' dc Gamelyn p«r vn ffync ij*
rcsc' de Bowrcre ymr vn ffyne i;^
rcsc* de iiij"iij personez pour quartfragcz iiip \xf
rcsc* de bequcste de Robert Bcuer xx«
Sifflwnuf xxiiij" v« yj^*
Lcs resseytcz del Apprentidaltcz
En pn'm' rcsc' de fiarnh^m p0«r vn Apprmtice dc veyll dette ' x'
rcsc* de Icget p«w vn appmtice ^ xx«
rcsc* dc Saykyn pwr vn apprmtice xx®
rcsc* de Otflwdc p«w vn appr«rtice xx*
rcsc* de Claucryngc p«w vn apprmtice xx*
rcsc* de '^xchmrd atte lee p0»r vn apprentice xx*
rcsc* de John Botillcr pMr ij apprmticcz xl*
rcsc* de John Elvys pe»r vn apprentice xx*
rcsc* de Elys Twyer p«w vn apprentice xx*
rcsc* de Swaffliam pe»r vn apprentice xx*
rcsc* de Will. Warde pe«r vn apprentice xx*
rcsc* de Benet Harlcwynd pwr vn apprentice xx*
rcsc* dc Grasdc pe«r vn apprentice xx*
^urnma xiij^ x*
StfiKmu totalis de toutz man/ers resseytcz amount* xxxvij^^ xv* vj^
Ccux sonnt lez dettcz & qviirteragcz duez al Box de dieu
En prim* John Smyth de Brangtre doit de veyll dette & na/rc temps viij*
Harry Hert doit de veill dette & ne/rc temps iiij*
' These fines are for breaches of reralation with regard to cloth discovered
by the search which Drapers held N.B. — A Hosier and a Kerseyman are
fined.
' This is the balance of an old apprenticeship.
^ Apparently the fee for apprenticeship was raised in this year, unless the loi.
fee is for balance for a previous year. zo/. is certainly higher than it was in
1 44 1, when it was 13/. 4(/., the usual fee for some time after.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts xSy
RiciarJ Baynard doit de viell dette & none temps iiij*
Hoby doit dc veill q«tfrtera£e xij^
John Wode de Epyswyche doit de vcyll dette & mtre temps iiij»
Bosyan Bernard de Dancastre doit de veill dette ij*
Thomas Eyre dr^rpere doit poitr vn Schermav de veill dette ' x*
'Richmrd Elton doit p«r le fierme de vn gardyn pwrr di* an viij* iiij**
Harry Grene & John leycetur xxj*^
Benet Scherman doit pwr rente de veyll dette xrv« v'f
Item Benet Scherma)» doit pour rente de n^rre temps xxxiij* iiij^ ij scherys.'
Will/4fi» Thomam Chalkma* de Grenewyche doit vj» viij*^
Will/ifw Dale doit de veyll dette xxviij*
Nichtf/its Hay Baker doit i^mrr rente de natre temps xxv* \^
leycester flFimere doit pwr rente de xMtt temps xiij« iiij<*
Billy ngey Scherman doit pMr rente de notrt temps xxv^ viij^
StephAi Skynn^r doit pwr rente de notrt temps xiij» iiij*^
Will/ism Crowmere doit pMrr qiMrtfrage de n«^e temps xif
John P«rues doit p«r qur^frt^rage de xwtit temps xij*^
VfiWiam Breton doit p^r qiMrrt#rage de noTre temps xij^
Thoffir^rs Isilhiim doit ipour q^^rtfrage de veill dette & notrt temps ij'
Raaff Yolentyn pmr qw^rtfrage de n^^e temps xij^
Walter Gawtron doit pwr qur^rtfrage de natre temps xij*^
John Walpool poitr quarterzgt de notrt temps xij^
sir TMchard Coton person de Seynt Martynys orgar doit pMo* qi^rtfrage
de n^fre temps ^ xij**
Southoote doit pw«r qir^rrt^rage de n^rre temps xij**
Stephen HuUe doit p0»r qvirrtfrage de nf/re temps xij^
Wther Hunspell doit pour quarterage de notre temps xij<*
John Alcote doit p«r q^^rterage de n^fre temps xij**
RaaiF Hotond doit pottr quarter^e de none temps xij^
Summa de dettez & q*if rtfrage amount x^ xv» v^
Ceux sonnt lez payements de W, Weston J. Benet T. Cook &
J. Glyn
En prim* paye a deux Chapeleyns al Bowe * x"
Item paye al Wcxchaundekr xiiij« x^
' N.B. — A Shearman is here apparently apprenticed to a Draper, as he pays
the same arrears^ loj., as Famham does above.
' Two Shears. Probably the sign of the House.
^ N.B. — A priest, a member of the Company.
^ At the Church at Bowe the Drapers maintained two chaplains, and there
their Masses, Dirges, and Requiems^ which all had to attend, were celebrated.
They subsequently removed to St. Michael's, Comhill.
Digitized by
Google
zS6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
Item paye al Clerk del Bowe pour Chauntm#s fie son labor pour tout
le an f
Item paye al Prestez fie Belryngers p«Mr le Dirige ij"
Item paye pimr vn Cbapmxi' peitr le bedel de vertet [p«rs] pmr le
vicounte iij*
Item paye a Southcote prnvr quyt rente xx*
Itm paye pour pavynge del tenmart en Candelwyke strete que le Bakere
tient iiij*
Item paye pottr i\ Cartsfixll gr^yellpMr le mesme ten^Minrt lx<>
Item paye pour Serseaunt pour le ffiiyre de S. BarthobiNimu^ ij*
Item en mange fie boyre le mesme iomr ^Hf
Item en batelage a Westmynstfr ffayre ij*
Item paye a vj niynstrels pour le vicounte xlj« vhf
Item paye pMr Chapfronns pour lez mynstrels de vij verges fie di« vert
fie rouge a xxd xij* vf
Item pour ffiicon del mesme lour Chaperons xx*'
Item paye peur man^e fie boyre p0»r lez mynstrels xv''
Itemr paye pour vn Chiual pomr le bedel pour Chiuacher a Broidi^mi pour
Crowmer quaunt sa ffeme fiiiist mort xxij^
Ittm paye pour ij chiuals pour le bedel pour chiuacher oue le mayr fie lez
vicountes if
Item raye pour ij dilualx pour le bedd pour chiuacher encountre le Roy &
le Reygne ' ij*
Item pour le bedel iiij verges de blank a xviijd pour vn cfaunewr pour
chiuachere encontre le Roy vj*
Item pour xxiiij elln de lynem dr^ip a ixd ob' le elln poitr ij bord cloths &
ij cupbord cloths xii*
Item paye al Bedel pour son Salary ♦ iiij*^
Item pour allowaunce del mayr is messe ^ xl>
Item pour ffacon de Chapeletts if
Item paye pour vn bill del Apprenticialtez iiij^
Item allowaunce de Harry Hert ys djvjur iij*
Siowmif xxiij" xij« vf* Kemaynt en mayn cWr xiLLf » iij»
' Chaperon, Hood.
* The mat Cloth Fair was held there, and the Drapers appomt the Keeper,
and pay the Serjeant.
^ Henry V and the Qaeen dowager, Joan.
^ The Bedel is called The Bedel or Cbmmm CUrk in the ordinances $ apparently
he performed the duties of both. He is paid nearly as much as the Chaplains,
3^4 to their i^^ and is evidently an important officer.
^ William Crowmere was Mayor this year. It is noticeable that in all the
years covered by these accounts they pay 40/., whether the Mayor is a Draper or
not> whereas subsequently 40/. is only paid when the Mayor is a Draper.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts z87
Ceuz sonnt lez dettoivrs duez de lez Apprenticialtez
£n prim' John Abboot pwr vn Apprmt/^ ThonMS Jeve xx'
Nicn^/tfS Ncvylc doit p«r vn Apprmt/^ John Blakbourae xx«
Raaff lobenh#m doit pmr vn ApprMrt/r# ThoMMS Middilton xx*
Jenete Glefiyan doit p«w Jamys Choldcscy xx«
Will Vuyet doit pwr Thowws Wynt^r xx»
John Vyne doit p«w John Vyne son flEtz « xx«
John Scxtstcyn doit p«wr John Colchester & J. Pole xl»
Ric^ifTi/ Turn#r doit p«w- Will Chamber xx«
John Massy doit p«w John Harry xx«
Will Sewale doit pmr Rio6«r</ Sewale xx*
Will Blaak doit pMr Will Dysbolt xx«
John Qarc doit pwr J. Pery J. Warwyk & J. P^irkcr iij"
Will Bonere doit pMr Mamew Rischeton & J. Donmow xl'
Jamys Ouerton doit p«w J, Bamcby xx»
Robrrt flfytz Andrew doit pMr Thomas Malt xx«
Raaff Holond doit pmrr ThomMS Holme xx«
Namkelley oue Wyot doit p«w John Prynce xx»
John Tokevile doit pmr Ric' Smethecote & Hug* Hamburgh x>
le person del Howe doit ' xx'
Thomurs Hardyng doit pMr Ric' Beawmond xx"
Raaff* Bentle doit pmr George Benyngton xx«
John Gedeney doit p#«r Willi4iv Squyry xx'
Robert Tatersall doit p«r Will/^w Camvyle xx»
Si0»mif de lez Apprmticialtez amount' xxviij^
Suittcaa tofaUs dez dettez & aujrtfragez fie Apprenticialtez
xxxviij" xyj" v^
Accompt of the wardens in Anno iij^ Henr* yj*^ Account pre-
Ammo iij Henr* yj' [14.14], on front cover scntcd in
Ceux sont les Resseitz quex John Brokkeley Wylly^on Botreaux for year Aug.
Clement Lyffyn 8c Rawlyn Valentyn to Aug.
En prrmez Ressu en le Box de dieu pw lez maynz de Thomas Pyke '4*3-4«
Walter Chertescy John Somer 6c Edmond Salle yj^ vij» ob'
hem rec' de Rankyn ducheman pMr iij quarters a Paske xxij" vj^
Item rec' de Thomas Halman Sherman pour j an a Seynt John xlvf viij^
It«n rec' de John Bothawe flfuller poitr j an a Seynt Jonn xxx»
Item rec* de Richard Cler p«w j an A Seynt John xxyj» viif*
Item rec' de Henr* Barton p«w j an A Seynt John xxv»
' N.B. — A Draper apprentices his son.
' The chaplains at Bcme church were always Memben of the Gild.
Digitized by
Google
x88 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Iten rec' de Richard Coroiwr pour j an A Scynt John xxvj» viiy"
Item rcc* de Phdypp Boteler vj* viij**
Item rcc* de Rcygnald Wclhit m en Chcpe pwr j an A Seynt John vij^'
Item rec' de Nicholas Hay p^r j pety meson en Candellwykestrete p0«r
di* an acv*
Item rec' de dit Nicholas Hay en p^irtye de payement de son meson p«vr
ceste an xxxij^
Item rec' de dit Nicholas ptirr vcile dette iij"
Item rec' de Bernard Bosyan de dancastre de veile q^irterage ij'
Item rec' de C & j persones pwr qiwrterage de ceste an v^ jxf
Item rec' dez executOMrz de John Prentout xl*
Sumoid dez rec* xxxv^ xiiij<* ob*
Item rec* de Ric' Baynard de veile quioterage & n^re temps vij*
^umvciM en cler dez rec* xxxv" viij" if* ob'
lez Payementz del Box de dieu
En pnmez paye a Sir John Nicholl person salerye pour j an a le ffeste de
Seynt John Baptiste yf xiij« iiif*
Item a Sir John Lovres penr son Salerie p0»r j an a Seynt John
iijK vj* viij**
Item a Ric' Coroner en Almes pmvr j quarter de veile ziij' iiij<*
Item a dit Ric' en almes pe»r j an a Seynt John liij* iiij<*
Item a John Longley en almes pe»r j an a Seynt John xl"
Item a Colchestre en almes pewr j an a Seynt John xxvj" viij^
Item a Robert Dymok en almes pevr j an a Seynt John zxvj* viij<*
Item a Walter Honyspell en almez pe«r j quiirrer a Seynt John xv« \f
Item a Sowthcote peivr qwiterente pe«r j an a Seynt Joim xx'
Item pevr qwiterente a seynt matthews pe»r j an a Seynt John xx*
Item a hvnte Qerk del Bowe p0»r son labour p«vr tout Ian pour le chan-
toicrs & Dyrige & ryjirggynge xij^
Item peirr le repar^rcion de lez taperz fie peticanddz fie rollez fie talow
candyllz pe«r lez presterz xyj* vj^
Item pwr viij verge/ Sangweyn » p«r deux presterz a iiij' ^mrnxui laadf
Item pe^r John Brekevile pour j eowne del rydyn^ del meire is* ij**
Item peirr j cheuall pe«r le dit John a Westmynstire xij<*
Item pour son salerye pe«r j an a Seynt John iiijK
Summa dez payementz del Box de dieu xxviij" v' x<*
Summa qui rcste en le Box de dieu vij^ ij* iiij<* ob*.
lez dettovrz del Box de dieu
En pr/n:ez John Smyth de Brangtre de veile dette fie ne/re temps xij»
' Blood-red.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xSp
Thomas Eire de veile dette pwr j Sherman x«
Henr* Grene & John leicestre doient de veile dette xxj<*
Thomas Thornton Chalkman de veile dette vj» viij**
Thomas Islam de veile qu^rt^age & n^rre temps v«
Richard laudisdale de veile dette x*
Benett Sherman de veile dette pleg* ij ^mr sherls « xxv» vj**
Henr* Hert de veile qujrrtfrage & n^fre temps ij«
Andrew Trott pwrr j an a Seynt John pwrr rente en Seynt Swethynslane
xxvj» viijd
Nicholas Hay p^vr rente a seynt John en n^^re temps Iviij*
John Elvish pmr qiurt^rage en n^^re temps xif
Sir Willy^rm Gervers person del Bowe prnvr qiuirt^rage en n^/re temps
xij<*
Simrm^t de lez detto«rs del Box de dieu vij^ xix« vj**
les Resseitz del Temporal Box » per John Brokley Wylly^rm Botreaux
Clement lyflyn & Rauf Valentyn
En pr/mez ressu en le dit Boxe p«r lez maynz de Thomas Pyke Walter
Chertesseye John Somer & Edmond Salle vcilez meisterz en veile ore
xxxvj^ V*
Itmi rec* en le dit Boxe le mesme temps en bon ore vii^ v»
Itmi rec* en le dit Boxe en bon ore xxxij^* xvj» 'f
S«mmif toraliV dez rec' en le temporal Boxe de veile ore
& novell Ixxvij^* vf'f^
It«n rcc' de Ric' Sutton pwr John Wotton veile apprent/r* xx«
It«n rec* de Robert Swafthitm p«r WilJ/«w Grene veile apprmt/re xx«
Item rec' de Thom^is Hampton pwrr ThomifS Halshifm veile apprent/Ve
xx»
Item rec* de John Tokevile pe»r j veile apprent/Ve xx»
Item rec' de John lynche pe«r son entre liij* iiij<*
Item rec* de s/r Dauy rfedyan pe«r lentre de John Benett liij» iiij**
Item rec* de Robert fGtzandrew po«r Thom^ts Malter veile apprentice xx'
Item rec' de Willyiim Mette peirr John Standropp novell apprent/Ve xx«
Item rec* de John Saykyn p^i^r Roger Hulse novell apprent/Ve xx»
Item rec* de John Highlfm p«r Roger Bamborwh novell apprent/Ve xx»
Item rec* de John Boteler pewr Elyevan Andemak novell apprentice xx*
Item rec* de Will/iow Weston pe«r Henr' Bray novell apprentice xx»
Item rec' de Williiiw Herre pe«r John Berell novell app-entice xx«
« Shears.
a The Temporal Box is here mentioned and continues to be so.
3 Old Gold and new Gold. The old Gold was depreciated about i per cent.
Cf. p. 197 of this vol.
IMfl P p
Digitized by
Google
xpo The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Item rcc' de John legett p^vr Henr* kent novell apprmt^ xx*
Itrm rec' de Thomas Baker pMr John Hill novell apprmt/^ xx>
Itan rec^ de Ric' Hersey pmr John Sergeant novell apprrntMf xx*
YXetti rec' de John Wyott pMr laurens Bown novell apprmt/^e xx*
It#m rec' de WiUyitm Botreauz pMr Thonus Barstaple novell apprrntue
xx»
It#m rec' de Robert Tatersale pmr Thomas Canyngis novell apprmtr^
xx«
It#m rcc* de Regnold Mariott iMas diet' Welhitm pwrr Ric* Pratt novell
appf«it/Ve xx«
Item rec* de Will/4i» Raprr pmrr John Bryan veile apprrntfre xx'
Item rec* de John Brokley pevr John Salekyld nouell apprmt/^ xx*
Item rec* de viij« & ix persones pe»r le rydyng de le meyr de chescon
homme iiij* 1^ iiij**
Item de John Gladwyn pe»r son entre yj* vii}*
Item de Robert Chambre pe»r son entre yf vii}*
Item de Willy «n Herre pe*r son entre yf viij*^
Item de John Ottefbrde ^mtr son entre vj» viij^
Item de GeflFrey zememowhthe pe«r son entre liij» iiij**
Item de hommez de Essex four fynyz al Bartilmews * v
Item de Jdm Gasborwgh de Siifir pe«r j fyn v
Item de John Grisle iiij^
Item de Thomas Cook viij^
Item de Thomas Eyre viij*^
Item de John Elvisn viif^
Item de John Brekelis viij*^
Item de Robert Coton iiij*^
Item de John Saykyn viij<*
Item de Ric* atte lee iiij**
Item de John Norman vii]^
Swnvaa dez Resseitz en neft-e temps xxxij*^ xviij*
S«i»mif ToTifbV dez rec* del Temperall Box Cx*^ iiij* j^
Item rec' Thonufs Stanys peirr j ffyn xx^
S«wm4f Totdiis dez rec* en clcr del Tempw^ Boxe Cx^' v« ix<*
lez Payementz del Temperall Boxe
En prrmez pMr le Costage de lez Weres one le meire Waldem ' en le
mois de Septembre Ian ij^ de r<^ Henr* vj^ J
Item pe»r batillage a Westmynstire peivr diuerse temps en dit an iij* iiij^
' For breach of regolatkms as to cloth at St. Barthofemew £ur, where Drapers
held a search, and had a Serjeant.
' Waldem was Mayor in 1413.
Is
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xpi
It^m a zv mvnstrellz pMvr son hire pvr le meire ridyng v^*
It^m pmvr j dossMi mell & j dossev blank le doss^ xxij* SMwma xliiij*
Ittfin p«r facion de xv chaperons le pcche )if iij^ ix<*
It«n pwr lour dymwr de ditz mynstrellz & boyre vj» x^
It«n p«r le bctyng de xiiij ban^z pour chescon ban^ iij» iiij*^ xlvj» viij<*
Item pww le frenge de le ditz banerz xx"
Item pwr ij verge/ bloy bokcram a vij<* xiilj^
Item pwr fecion dez ditz banerz & frengyng le pcche yj** vij»
Item pwr iij dossear poyntis pwr le ditz banerz ix<*
Item pwr reward p^«r le messe del maire xl"
Item pe«r Denvngton Sergeant pwr Je feire de Seynt Bart* iij» iiij^
Item p«r j bill de apprent/Ve horse de Gyldehalle xx<*
Item p«w j chaperon pwr Alisandire Anne & son dyner xviij* iiij^
Item pwrr Je dynerz p«r John Carpenter & Ric' Osberne » viij»
Item pe«r j coffyn pe«r banerz auifntdiz xi|^
Item pe«r portage du grant chiste iiif*
Swwma de Icz payementz del Temperall Boxe xvif xij» f
Simrma qw Rest der en le Temporal box de netre accompte en bon or
xv" ix» xj<* *
Swnma Tor^l/V reste en le Temp<?rall Box de veile ore & novell,
iiij" xij" xvj» 3
Lez dettOMrz del Temp^rall Boxe
£n pn'mez Rauf lobenh^m pe«r Thomas Middilton veile apprent/Ve xx' Pleg j dr^p
Item Jcdin lobenh^ m pe»r Adam Derbi veile apprent/Ve xx* de bley mell.
Item John Massy pour John Henry veile apprent/Ve xx»
Item Will/^iw Sowale pew John Sowale veile apprent/Ve xx»
Item Will/iijw Blake pew William Dybworthe veile apprent/Ve xx«
Item le/wson de le Bowe q«/ morte est xx«
Item John Wyn pe«r John Werston veile apprent/re xx* , .
Item John Nankelly de veile dette. Pleg' John Wyott xiij» iuj^ ^^^ y^?
Thomas Jugelond pe«r John Jugelond veile apprent/Ve xx» ' •'
Item John Newelyn pe«r reste du obligacion iiij" xiij* iiij<* t^l**^^
Item John Tokcvile de veile dette xx» moyns * iij" xv« J ""
Item WUlyam Godewyn pe«r reste du apprent/Ve Johir lynton xiij* iiij^
Item Nicholas Walsh pour Will/ifw HaseJey Novell apprent/Ve xx»
Item Hcnr* Wotton pe«r William Hallehede novell apprent/Ve xx»
' This entry crossed through in original.
' Altered in original from xv^ Wj' vij<^.
^ Altered in orisinal from iiij^* xij" xij» viij<*.
^ This entry and the marginal note are crossed oat in the original.
^ Crossed throagh in origmal.
Digitized by
Google
xpx The Earliest fFaf dens' Accounts
\Um Gamclyn Gaweyn pmrr Jobs* Spenser novell apprmt/f^
Itf m Willyifm Herde p«r John Dene novcll apprfnt/Ve
Summz de lez dettez de la TetrnpamW Box xx^' '
Dont rec* de John lankllejr xiij» iiif*
[xx»]
XX*
lez somez dargent gr^mntez ^ar lez hon^rablez gentz del mistere dez
drapers pwrr leur rente* en Seynt Swytthyns lane & Ressieux p*r John
Highism Richard atte lee & William p«rker Gardeyns de dit mistier
dez draperz Ian roy Henr* v** vij"»
Willyifm Crowmcr xxx"
Thomas Pike
John Gcdeney xx"
Robert Whetynghifm xx^
Willy iim Norton x niitrks
Nicholas Wotton v"
Walter Gawtron v**
S John Botiller x«
S Walter Chertcsey xx nbfrcs
S Robert Tatcrsale x m^rrcs
John Brokley xx m«rcs
S John Beterenden v*"
S John Brekelez iiij'^
S Robert Cristendom v«
Thomas Islam liij» iiij**
S John Highifm x m^rrcs
' Amount altered from xxj^*.
' Their Homt where they are building their Hall. Some 1 1 5 subscribe in all j
cf. later lists j and 10 journeymen 'doone a le Hail ', cf. p. 309 of this vol
^ Altered in the original to viip.
^ N.B.— 30 reside in Candlewick Street, 17 in Chepe, 31 in Cornhill.
dont ressu
x«
dount ressu
vj^ xiij* iiij^
dont ressu
x«
dont ressu
Vjli3
dont ressu
XU3
dont ressu
xl»
dont ressu
1«
Candelwykstrete*
dont ressu
1»
dont ressu
vu
dount ressu 1«
ressu 1'
s dont ressu
X mifrcs
dont ressu
iijll y^ yiijd
dount ressu
V m^rrcs
de ces Ressu
xxxiij* iiij**
dount ressu
x«
de ces ressu
xxxiij* iiif*
dont ressu
1»
dount ressu
xxv«
dount ressu
X?
dount ressu
XX»
dount ressu
xl»
dount ressu xx* 6c
pris Ressu xx*
dount nil
dount ressu
V nurcs
de ces ressu
xxxiij* iiij*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts X9g
S John jBFennell x m^rcs
dount ressu
V niif res
dount ressu
xxxiij* iiij<*
Walto- flFrd)ani v«
dount ressu
xxxiij* iiij<*
xxxiij* iiij*^
Richard Wald^raue liij* iiij^
& vw dount n/1
Robert Cotton liij» iiij^
dount ressu
xx»
dount ressu
xx»
S ThoniifS Hardyng xl»
dount ressu
xx»
de ces reu
xx» ffbl paiyd
John Bokenbam xl>
dount ressu
xx»
S Robert Banburgh xl«
dount ressu
xx»
dount ressu
x»
Ressu x»
S Richard Chamberlayn xi»
dount ressu
xx«
dount ressu
x»
Nicholas Walsh xx»
dount ressu
x«
Jdin Browode xx«
dount ressu
vj» viij**
S John Saykyn xl»
dount ressu
XX'
de ces ressu
x»
S John Glyn xl»
dount ressu
xx»
dount ressu
x»
Ressu x»
Herrc Wotton xl«
dount ressu
xx»
dount ressu
x»
S Emery Matany xl»
dount ressu
xx»
dont ressu in
feliparin xx»
Piers Wymondam xl»
dount ressu
xx»
S ThomifsCook xl«
dount ressu xl« & qirietirs est
S Robert Qopton xl«
dount ressu
xx«
Walter Rideler xl-
dount ressu
XX'
S John Seynt John xl»
dount ressu
xx»
dount ressu
x»
» sir Ric* Thorpe p-irson de s.
Swytthyns xl« dount
Chepe
vj» viij<*
ress
x»
S John Wyott v nuircs
dount ressu
dount ressu
xx«
Robert Beuere mf
dount ressu
xl«
S Ric'attelee liij»iiij<>
dount ressu
xxvj* viij<*
S John Prentout xl»
dount ressu
xx«
John Spenser xl«
dount ressu
xx»
John lobenlurm xl«
dount ressu
xx«
* A priest a member.
Digitized by
Google
X94- The Earliest Wardens' j^ccounts
S Willy^m Bemez xl»
S John Enote x**
S Richard Herscy xl»
Robert Colney xl»
Hewc Byrche xl«
S Willyirm Botreaux xl»
NichoLfx Waldem xl»
Thomas Stanys iij^
RaufHoland xl«
Thoniiis mongomery iij^*
John Haddon xx«
dount ressu
de ces ressu
dount ressu
recu ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount n/1
xx»
x»
xx»
xx«
XX*
xx«
XX'
xx»
XX*
x«
XXX*
XV*
XX*
XXX*
Comhill
Willy^m Weston xx**
John Som#r v^
John Claueryng iiij*«
marcs
V marcs
iij«
liij* viif
xl*
xl*
liij* iiij<*
Thonws Eyre
John Benett iiif
Willy^rm ffoster v
Alisandire Childe
Thomas Baker x«
John Cake xl*
Walter claueryng
Willy^m Piirkere
John Goldhawke
Symond Copshep
Willyirm Twyer
Roger kelsey xl*
Thoniifs Qement
Symond Eyr xl*
John lynge uf*
Richard Stryke xi*
Willy^rm Chervell xl*
Thomas Piirtre xl*
Phelipp Malpas xl*
Willyam Warde liij* iiij**
Benett Harlewyn xl*
John Willvirm xl*
John fFarntirm xx*
xl*
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dont ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
dount ressu
1*
xl*
xl*
xxxiij*iiij*
xxxiij* iiij**
xxxiij* iiij<*
XX*
XXX*
xxvj* viij**
XX*
V*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XXX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
xxvj* viij*
XX*
XX*
xiij* iiij*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts xpj-
S Ric* Sutton xl» dount ressu xx»
saSifjr^f[ *!• dount ressu xx«
Thomas Ive xl» dount ressu nil
John Maydiston ouc Sutton vj» viif* dount nil
Siwwna TotaMs del gr^nt CCC IvjM vj» viij<«
Dount ressu C hdj" v»
Simima reste due del dit Gr^mnt C iiij^ xiiij'*
[On the back cover.]
Proscow xiij» iiij^
Ressu de Rafe flalandyne xx«
Re de Williiim Creke & John Standon xx«
Ressu de John legat xx«
[On inside of firont cover.]
Wat^ Chirchesey ^
John Warden g
John Hih^m -m g
JohnflfeneU >^
Robard Bamvour O J
John Wyon < ^
Qement lyfiyn *§ g
John lyngee ^ J
Wilie Parker >^
Thoniifs Eyre v» ^
Thonws Cooke |^ cP
John Seykyn g^ ^
Robard Coton jj ii
John Glyn 5 ^2
Niclas Waldeme t^
Will/itm Beverell ^
As«o iiij« Henrici vj Accoants
Cest la Conte de John Seint John Simond Eyr John Wottoa & Williif m presented
fiemes ffiit le xxvilj vntr Octobre Ian du gr^rce m* iiij*^ xxv Nov. 141 f.
En pr/mes Ressu in la Box de dev p«r les mains de John Brokle Qement ^' ^^^ year
lyflRrn William Botreaux & RaflF Valentyn Siowma vij" ij» iiii<* ^"fr H14
Itmi Ressu de Thomas Alman Scherman pMr Rent dun an a le ffeste de ^^ ^^S*
Seint John Baptyst xjvj* viij<> '^*^-
Itrm Ressu de John Bothawe pMr j an a Senir/ John xxx*
]t«n Rec* de John Wolffale pwr iij qt/arters a S. John xv»
It^m Rec' de Andrev Trotte de veil dette xxvj* viij**
It^m Rec' de luy pwrr j quarter in n«fre temfs v'f viij^
Digitized by
Google
z^6 The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
\\jtm Rcc* de John Hvnton p«w di' an a S John xiij« itij**
Itf m Rcc' de Hcnr* Barton p«w vn an a S John xx»
It^m Rcc* dc Ric* Croner pour j a« a S John xxvj* viij^
lUm Rcc' dc Reynold Welhit m pour j a S John vif
Item Rcc' de NichoU Hay de veil dctte Iviij*
Item Rec' de luy de none temrps in p^rt xxxij"
Item Rec' de Elizabeth Alfield pmr j an a S John xiij" iii^
Item Rec' de byqucst de Ric* Waldegave per flfrebam ilij^
Item Rec' de qtwterages de C & ij perssones v"* vf
Item Rec* de John Kdly de veil dette xiij« iiij**
Item Rec' de John Elvassh de veil q«ivrterage xij^
Item Rec' de Qcment lyffin pmr payer la rerage de quyte rent a Sent
mathus x'
Suwma XjvtAis de Receyts de Box de dev amoirte xxxviij^* xvij«
les payments de la Box de dev
En pr/mes paye a s/r John Nicholl prest pMr j qvivrter xxxiij^ iiij^
Item paye a s/r John lewys pew j an outre pew dj Salerye & pur Reward
de la messe de nerre dame iiij^ xvj» viij<*
Item paye a Ric' Croner de Amesse xl»
Item paye a John Colchester in plen Almesse vj« viij^
Item paye a Robert Dyminck de Almesse xiij* iiij^
Item paye a Water Honyspell de Almesse j an iij"* viij**
Item paye a Se»t Mathus pe«r quyt re«t j an xx*
Item paye a Suthcote quyt rc»t pe«r j an xx»
Item paye pe«r Reparac/on de tapers a le bowe xvj"
Item paye pe«r amending de la branche yj* y\^f
Item paye a le Qerk de bowe pour son laboirr vj» vii/*
Item paye a John Brykeville pe«r j an iiij"
Summa de payments amoute xx^'
les dettowrs de Box de dev
Ric' Bamard doit pour q^rrterage de ne/re teopps xij^
Water Gavtron doit pew q^^trterage de ne/re towps xij**
John Bokinham doit pew qi^rterage de ne/re temps xij^
John Elvyssh pew qir^rterage in nefi-e te»ps xij*
Stephen Hulle pew q^itrterage de ne/re tewps xij<*
Thomas Dowe pew qtrivrterage de ne/re temps xij^
Thomas Roche pew qvitrterage de ne/re temps xif
John Tokevyle pew qv^rterage de ne/re temps xif
Ric' Bokeland pew qvivrterage de ne/re temps xij^
Water Redeler q^itrteragc de ne/re temps xij**
Allexandir Anne de q^itrterage de ne/re temps xij**
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts X97
John Smyth de branktre de veil & notxe tonrps xiij*
TbomiTS £yr de veil dette pwr j Schenntv x«
Henri Grene & John Leycetcr de veil dettc xxj*
Thoniifs thorndon Challana» de vdl dette vj" viij<^
Thoobis Isselhiim de veil dette & vMte temrps vj"
Ric' londisdale de veil dette x«
Benet Scherma* de veil dette pi' ij peyre Scheres xxv* vj<*
Henri Hert de veil qviirterage & notn temrps iij"
Andrev Trotte doit pmr iij qvivrtns re^rt a S John xx*
Nicholas Hay doit pMrr rexrt: a S.John Bap' Iviij*
la Siwwma de dettoirrs de Box de dev viij" iiij« xj^
Ceux sont les receyts de temp^rall Box
En prrmes Ressu in la dit Box de Nowell & veyll ore SMvnia
iUj**jdj^ xvj«
dont perdu in la Change de la veil Ore ' vij» vif*
ct ensi rest cler in bon Ore S«wnia iilj**x** \xf mf
Item Ressu de Willhifm Russell pwr ThonufS Craoflfeld son Apprentys
xx»
Item Ressu de WiUhivm Russell prar Wil]y«in Dissher son Appnentys xx'
Itew Ressu de Water Thorp pew Thonus Dyer xx«
Itew Ressu de John Wotton pour Robert Byfflete xx«
Itew Ressu de Henri Wotton pe«r WiUum Hallehed xx*
Itew Ressu de Thomits Akers peirr Robert Akers xx'
Iteiif de John Gladwyn pe«r Robert Baylly xx'
Iteiv de Simond £yr p0#r Robert Spevsser xx'
Item de Wilhivm AyllyfiFpeivr Ric' Grafton xx'
Itew de John Norman pe«r Thom^rs Nevnam xx'
Itensi de Wilham Bemalby pe«r John Mellyn xx*
IteMT de Wilham Botreux peivr John Strange xx*
Item de John Bryklys pe»r John Pavnell xx^
Item de John Ottesford pe«r John Sebam xx'
Item de John Wyot pe»r Ric* Moxrgomery xx'
Item de Robert Banburh peirr Wilbim Seint Poull Thonu s Golde & Jchn
£FramtQn iij"
Item de John Stanton pe«r John Barmsby xx*
Item de John Saykin pe«r Ric* Wynne xx"
Item de Water Chirchessey pe»r Robert Marton xx'
Item de John Tokevylle pwr ij veil aprevtys xl'
Item de Wilhirm Herde pour John dene xx'
Item de Wilhitm Twyer pe»r Robert Jacob xx'
Item de Hans Wyssewyller pwr son ftaunchys & son entre iij" xiij" nif
' i. e. about i per cent.
If 08-1 Q q
'«
Digitized by
Google
ipS The Earliest fFardens" Accounts
IXim dc ffortcsku p«Kr son cntrc vf vuf
It#ii» dc j Hoiivmc de Galleys pmr vn ffyn ' xiij" iiij^
lUw dc John Hatt#r pwr vn fEn viif
iUm Thonvis £yr pMcr ]cian mascall aprortys xx*
ItMi de diufrs fines a Bcrtylmcs fiejrr iijT iilj<^
les pr^myssys *
Ressu dc Willurm Ciowmer in piirt x'
\Xim de John Gedney in p^vrt xl*
Item Ressu de Robert Tatyssallc in plcn iij^ vj» vuf
Item dc John Botyller in plen v**
Item de Water Chirchessey in plen yj« xiij» iiij^
Item de John Bitterdene in plen 1'
Item dc John Broklc in plen iif^ vj» vii/*
Item de John Biykclys in plen xl*
lUm de Thonus Hardin in plen xl*
Item de Thonus Banberh in plen xx*
Item de Ric' Chambirlein in plen xx*
Item de Jdm Glyn in plen xx*
Item de Henre Wotton in p^irt x«
Item de John Seint John in plen xx'
Item de Hans Wysscwyllcr in plen xl»
Item de sir Ric' Coton pifrsson de S Martins ' vj» viij^
Item de John Nevlyn in plcn iiij" xiij* iiij*
Item de John Wyot in plen xl*
Item de John Saykin in plen xx'
Item de Robert Crystindom in plcn xl'
Item de ffortsku in plen xiij* iiij^
Item dc Nicholl Waldeme xx*
Item de John lynge in plen xxx'
Item de John Hyh#m in plen iij"^ vj" viij*
Item Ressu de Simond CopssheflP in p*rt xxvj* viij*
Item Ressu de Edmond Salle in plen xx'
Item Ressu de Geffiey Zcmmowthc in purt xx'
Item de Saundir Child in plcn xxxiij* iiij*»
Item de John ffcmell in plen iij" v^ viij**
Item de John prcntofte in plea xx'
Item de Emarl Matcin in plen xx'
Item dc Raff valcntin in plen xx»
Item de John Stanton & Wilham Crele in part xx*
Item de John leget in p^irt xx*
' N.B.— A man of Calais fined. * The promises, or gifts.
^ A priest a member.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Warden^ Accounts 199
Itfm de Robert Coton in p^irt xx»
Item de WilLtm Beraes in plen xx'
Item dc Ric' £&rdell in plcn xx»
Item de Qemoft lyfiyn in plen xx"
Item de John Benet in plen xx*
Item de Water Qaverings in plen xxx»
It^m de Thomifs Stains in plen xxx«
It^m de John Wilhifm in plcn xx»
It^m de Thomiis P^irtre in plen xx»
Item de Ric* Herssy in plen xx»
. Item de Ric* atte lee in plen xxvj« viij<^
It^m de Wilhitm Botreux in plen xx>
Item de R^nold Wilhitm in pjrt xx«
Item de Wilhitm CherwcU in p^irt x"
Item de John Gladwyn & Robert Chawber pi xl»
Item de John Knyzth in p^rt xx»
Item de Thooiiis Qemert in p^irt x«
Item de Phylip Malpas in plcn xx«
Item RecMe John Ot£fbrd in pirt xx»
Itew Rec' de Thomiis Eyr in plen iij"
\Um Rec* dc John Somer in plen !•
Itew Rec' de John Evote in plen xx»
Itew Rec* de Wilham Herry in plen xx'
Itew Rec* de John Norma* in pirt xx*
lUm Rec* de Wilhiim AvllyflFin p^irt xx»
Itew Rec' de Benet Harlewyn in p^rt xx»
Itew Rec' de Wilh«i parkcr in plen xxvj» viij«*
Iteiw Rec' de John Hylic in p^irt xx»
Itew Rec' dc John Gryllc in plen xx»
Iteiw Rec' de John Tokevyle in p^rt xx«
Ite» Rec' de Water flft-cbarn in purt xxxiij" iiij*
Iteiw Rec* de Robert Qoptow in plen xl»
Itew Rec' de ThoniiiS avercy in plcn xx«
Itejw Rec' de Wilhiim Awyer in p^irt vj« viij**
\\jtm Rec' de John Kyrkeby in p^wt xx»
Sfmrma Xxaaiis dc Keceyts si bien de sp/rrtuall box come
de Ta»p0rall ij^lxxiiij** iiij* iiij^ *
les dcttoivrs de Tcmp^rall Box
En primes John Massy pe«r John Herry veil xx»
Item Wilham Sewale pw John Sewale veil xx«
' This Iar2e sum is accounted lor by the payment of some of the money
promised in the prerioos year.
Digitized by
Google
goo The Earliest Warden^ Accounts
\Xjnm Wilham blake pmr Wilham Dylleworth veil zx'
It#w John Wynne p«(tr John Merston veil xx*
\\jtm Thoniics Ingelond pour John Ingelond veil zx'
Gamelin Gawain pmr John Spensser veil xx*
Simima vj**
les dettoirrs de pr^mys
En pr/mes Wilbtm Crowmer de xxx^ doit x** $oL
John Gedney de pr^mys de xx^ doit x^ sol.
Robert Whetinghiiin de xx'' doit xif« soliifrj*
Wilhitm Norton de x nurrcs doit vij mivrcs
Nicholl. Wotton de v>* doit 1«
Wat^ Savtron de v>» doit 1' $oL
ThoniifS Isselhif m doit tout son premys iiij mitres
Robert Coton de iiij inarcs doit xiij* iiij** $oL
Pers Wymondhirtn de xl» doit xx* $ol.
Water Redder de xl» doit xx« soL
Robert Colney de xl» doit xx« sol.
Huchon Birche de xl* doit xx' sol.
Nicholl ' Walderne de xl» doit
RaflF Holond de xl> doit xx<
ThooiifS * Mongomeri de iij** doit xxx* Rcc' per
John Haddon cfoit tout son premys xx» bbcnli^n
Water fFrebarn de v^^ doit xxxiij" iiij^ »1.
Ric' « Walgrave doit tout son premys iiij niiircs
sir Ric* Thorp p^rsson de Se/W Swcthins de xl' « xxx» yf rUf s
Wilhitm Weston de xx** doit yj« xyj» vj** sol lifiij*
John Qavering de iiij" doit xl»
Wilham fibster de v m^n-cs doit xxxiij* iiij**
Thoniifs Baker de x^^ doit v«
John Cake de xl* doit x' soL
John Goldhawke de xl* doit xx*
Simond * Gopsshcff de xl* doit viij* iiij**
John Ottesforde de xl* doit xx* sol.
Wilhitm Ayllyff de xl* doit xx* »!.
Wilhitm Twyer de xl* doit xxij* viij^
Roger Kclssey de xl* doit xx* sol.
Thomas » Clement de xl* doit x*
Ric' St^k de xl* doit xx* sol.
Wilham Chervell de xl* doit x* sol
Wilham Warde de iiij marcs doit yj* viij^ »1.
' A clergyman a member.
* Tills entry is crossed out in the originaL
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 501
John ffarnhiim de xx* doit rf viij**
Thonus Eve doit tout son pr^mys 3cl*
John Marston aucsqe Ric' Sutton doit tut vj» viif*
Robert Bcvcr de iiij>^ doit xx« sol.
John leget de xl» doit xx* soL
Jdm Kyrkeby de xl" doit xx» soL
John Hylle de xl« doit xx* sol.
Gcflfrey zernmowthe de xl« doit xx« sol.
John Knyzth de xl« doit xx« soL
John Norman de xl» doit xx« sol.
Siowma dettoirrs de pr^mis iiij**xviij^ xviij^
XVJ^ XV*
les paiments Si bVn de Sp/r/'mall box come de temp^all
£n pr/mes "four batyllage a le ffeyr de Westmcj»stfr xyj^
Item pew Reward de la meyris mcsse 3d*
Item pwr doynton Serga^t a la ffeyr de B xl^'
Item p^irr Barges al Cerme^t de Roy » ij« viij^
Itew pur Barges a les Scherevcs ij» yj^
Item pur exspenses aler a Schene p^irr veyer la plase de les Selestrins ^
v«ij<*
Item in vin p^rr Master Mapylton & autres ad veyer la Sale de vesqire de
Bathe » viij<^
Item in vin p^irr diuissing ^ de ne^re Sale in preseirs de les Aldermans &
autres gens xv<*
Item p0»r j peyre endento^vrs p«r entre Salisburi & nous de ne/re Sale ^
Item pMvr expanses aler a Croydon pairr veyer notxt la fframe auesqve
ffaukyswell iiij» vj*^
Itew done a flaukyswell p^w Son Reward vj« viij<*
\\.em done a Maister Mapylton p^rr son Reward xiij* vlv^
Item pottr iij whell barwes iij* vj<*
' Cerment, probably 'Serment'^ the oath taken to the young King. In
April 142^ the young King Henrjr VI appeared at St. Paul's and was thence led
through the City, although he was only three yean old. Cf. Fabyan, Concordance
o( Histories, ed. 1 8 1 1, p. 5 94.
^ The Company were now erecting their Hall and apparently were sending
persons to visit important Halls.
^ devising.
^ Salisbury was the Master Carpenter employed by the Company } c£ Unwin,
Industrial Organization, p. 6^, for peculiar posirioh of Building Trades.
Digitized by
Google
gox The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Urn pottr amevdia dun veil whell barwe * vj^
tern pour vn scvc v<*
.tern pour rn rop pour la well iiij^ iiij^
.tern pour vj trcycs xx<*
[Um pour ij Rames vj<^
tow pMrr ij ifats & bindings a ddners Sofs iij"
Item pour ij quavers de pap^r vij<^
torn pour viij laoorcrs iij ccm»s » cbtcuiiK le io«rr vd ob' iij^ yj»
tern pour iiij laborers j ceman apr^ Pask xj'
torn pour vij laborers j autr# cemaiv a vd ob' xix» iij^
tern pour ij laborers iij iovrs meme cemav ij* ix^
tern pour j laborer ij ioirrs xj*^
tern pour j autr^ cema» iij Carpint«rs pour la well xij« ix^
tern pour ij Carpint^rs iij iovrs iiij*
Um pour vj laborers yj ioirrs xvj* vj**
tern v laborers iiij iotrrs a vd ob' chacun le io»r ix* iiij**
em pour v laborers iij io»rs vj« viij*?
Um pour iij laborers ij io^rs a v** ij* vj**
em pour j autre cema» pour lodings de Erthe iiij ioirrs v« iiij**
tern vij laborers pour iij iowrs ix* ij**
tem ij laborers ij ioivrs xxij**
Um pour Cariage de Erthe iiij io«rs & di* j Car* vj* viij**
tem j autre cema« vij laborers xix* iij**
Um j laborer v iours ij* ij**
Um j laborer ij io«rrx x<*
Um a Duke Carter pour viij io«rs lodings a xyj** io«r x* viij**
!tei» a Baldewin Carter pour ij iovrs lodings a xviij** iij*
tem j autre cema» vj laborers xv« vj**
Xem meme cema» j labore iij ioirrs xyj**
!te» vn laborer v io«rs ij* ij**
tew vn autre cema» v laborers ij io«rs & di* v* viij**
tem vn laborer vn iour v** ob*
tem vn autre cema» vij laborers v ioirrs xiij* iij**
tem vn autre cemaiv viij laborers iiij iotrrs xiijT viij**
tem vj laborers v ioirrs x* vj**
Item vn autre cenuui v laborers vj io«rs xiij* ix**
tem vn autre cemaiv vj laborers iiij io«rs x* viij**
Um vn autre cerna* ij laborers v iours iiij* vj**
tew vn autre cema« ij laborers vj ioirrs v» iiij**
[tew vn autre cema» vn laborer iiij ioirrs xxij**
' These details as to cost of making a well and of building the Hall are
interestin£ as enrine prices and wages.
^ Weeks : Semaines.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 303
\XMm ij laborers v lours iiij" ij^
\Xjnn vn autr^ cema» ij laborers v io^rs iiij* w'f
\\,em vn laborer pwr iij io»rs xvj<i
\Um un autr^ cema» vn laborer v io«rs . ij« iij<*
VXem vn laborer iiij ioirrs xxij^
\\jem vn autr^ cema» ij laborers yj ioirrs v« iiij^
\\.tm ij laborers v io«rs iiij* yj^
\Xjtm vn autr# cema» vn laborer v ioirrs ij* iij<^
It«» vn autr^ cema» vn laborer yj io«rs ij* viij<*
Sirmma de laborers & Cariage de Erthe & expenses
de la well xxj" xvij* v^
\Xjtvci paye a vn masson pour iiij iovrs a viij<^ ij* viij<^
It^m a Uj Carpintns pour iij io«rs a viij<* vj* iij<*
[Thirty-five similar entries follow, the wages of the masons being
6d.^ -jd.^ %d,, and Si-/.]
Item pour baterings des massons coll xsfi
Sim»ma de paymorts a les massons xvij^ xj* y^
It^m vn Corvc pwr vn well vj* viij<*
It^m V dussin herdles a ijT vj<* xij* v'f
It^m xvj Rafftres a iiij** le pese v» iiij**
It^m ij Schelles a vj** le pese xij**
Item vn pece Tymbir viij^
Item pwr C weches viij**
Item pwr Cariage de herdles & autre tymbre vj**
Item pwr ij Eres de fferr pe»r vn tyne vij^
Item pe*r vn betyll ij**
Item pMT vn hok de fferre & molding dun ScovcU xj**
Item pMT nayll a le wyndasse xiij**
Item pe«r vn Treyc vj^
Item pwr vn Hering barcU viij**
Item pMvr mosse a le well vij**
Item pMvr gres a le wyndasse iiij** ob'
Item pwr vn scope & pakthred vij**
Item pwr Cariage a iij flfoys de diuers tymbir xi**
Item pMcr ij Schoffeles ix**
Item pe«r vn pekoys vj**
Item ptfxrr ffessur dun Sched sous la morter v**
Item pMvr vn Nomnete a notn Carpinters massons & laborers iiij*
Item pwr iiij*^ v** nayll a le Schedde xx**
Item pe«r vn keyc & Crochets vij**
Item a lyon masson pwr la Seler dore xij*
Item peivr ij hokes de £ferre peJ^ la dit dore xj^
Digitized by
Google
304- The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
\\jtm vn Carpinto* pwr j ioirr viij*
Item p«rr vn Vf%er Stafie pwr la well viij*
ItnnpMrdrinkii]^ Silver a yongme^pMrfyUyngdekwcUciiwEith^ xx^
Itan pMrr vn lackkr xx^
It«n payc a John Carter de Ayllysford in Kent pour Oiiij« xvij Tons
tyzth rag a xv^ xif* yf iij*
It^m a luy pmr xlvj £fbte Coynys a iif> Ic fibt xj" vf
It«n a luy pour iiij^ t* [Pd^] ffote vmall pw le Ox* xl*
It#m a luy prnvr 1 fiote legeme^t tabvU a iiij^ xvj" viij<^
Itmi a luy pMcr v groase bassys de Rag xvj* viij^
It^m a luv prar v petyt bassys de Rag xij"
It^m a Miller Chalkma* pmr v botys de pendant Chalk a xiij" iiij^ le bot
iif* vj» viij*
It^m a Wcbbe Chalkmaiv pmr iiij bots pendant Chalk a xiij" iiij^ le bot
liij»iiij<^
\Um a Role Chalkma» pmr ij bots Chalk a xij* xxiiij'
\\jtm a Wolkschyr Chalkmax pmr vn bot Chalk xij*
\Xjnm Tpour Cariage de la dit Rag & Chalk iij^'lxxiiij lodes a iij le lode
Simmra iiij** xiij* v'f
Itrm poitr Wharflfage de xx bots Rag & Chalk xiij" iiij<^
Itf m paye a Wilhism Broker Sclactfr de Horshirm in p^irf de paymenit de
n^;re sclatte viif xiij" iiij*^
It#m paye a Halle lym man pottr xx^ lyme a vj» le 0» Smfmia yjo
Itrm paye a Baldewyn Sondman patr O xxxiij lodes Sond a xxvj* viij<^ le
<y xxxv« viij<i
It^m a luy vn Chaperon in Reward ij" viij<^
Item paye a John Salusbury Carpinter par les mains de John Seint John
Swwma O* yj* viij«*
Itrm a luy p«r les mains de Simond £yr pottr les joirmes de les Carpinters
come apert par les parcels par diuers Semains SmmM xliiij^ xiij" ij<^
Itrm paye a luy par les mains de dit Simon a Robert Ayllewyn &mima
xxvj» viij*
Itrm a luy par le dit Simond pnvr brassys pour la Sale achate de Wilhixm
Clerk Carpintrr xxij" iiij*'
Itrm p^irr Cariage de meme brasis de la boys Jekys a Croydon Samma par
Ayllewyn ix« iiij*
Itrm pMvr Cariage de ij lodes dc meme brasis de Croydonjekysa kxindres
v«
Itrm paye a luy par ffi-ebarn in kent come aprrt pjr vn bylle p#rentre eux
x"xj»
Itrm a luy pnvr ffreyt dun Neff cuw merime la non de la maistrr John
Schipma» xxvj» viij*
Itrm a luy prirr ffreyt dun autrr NefFla Nome del nuistrr Robrrt Justin
xxxiij" iiij*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts goj-
Itrm a luy p^irr wharfiage de les dits Nefe js^
It#m a luy pjr Thooiiis Eyr poirr mcrime achate a Huntooe in Kent
iiiju yj> viij<*
Sirrnm^ de payments paye a John Salusbury amoivt
viij«vjM ij« vj^
Sirmmtf toTifl/V de tous notre paymevf/ si bien de Sp/r/Aiall box
come de Temptfrall amoite cl#r ij« Ixsyj" ij" ix^ «
Ceux sont les paiments £buit ptir Siroond £yr a les Carpint^rs de norre
Sale par la (Wr) coma»dema»t de John Salusburi Comenssant le ix io»r
Juill^ Ian m' iiij<* xxv
ThomtfS Berne Carpint^r vij* iij<^
Geffr^ Walton vij« iij<*
John crayle iiij« iiif* ob*
John Brygge v« vij<*
ThoniifS Sturgon vij*
John Slv viij« x* ob'
Jdm Wellys x» xj<*
John Breton viij* vj<*
John £h-enssh viij" vj<*
Wat^- Ayllewyn viij" vj<*
Thomiis Garlond viij" vj<*
HiomifS Herry viij" vj<*
Thom^js Spere viij* v'f
Robert Ayllewyn viij* vj**
Simnnif v'^ xj« iiij*
le xiiij ioirr Juille/
[Thirteen of the above names are repeated^ each being paid iiij* iij<>.]
It^m a ij Sawyers vj« viij**
Smmxu uj^ xiiif*
le xxj iotrr Juille/
[Thirteen names ; same payment, except in three cases, ii^« iif each,]
It^m a ij Sawyers iij*
^nmfma Iiij*
le xxviij io»r de Juille/
[Thirteen names; payment iij* rf ob', but to Robert Ayllewyn
Item a ij Sawyers ij«
S«Mrm« xlix*
' The laree expenditure in tMs and the following year is partly caused by the
building of tne Hall, a bakehouse, and a well.
i«w-i R r
Digitized by
Google
god The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
le yj ]<Mr de Auguste
p^wdve names ; ptyment iiij* iij^, but to Robert Ayllewyn iiij* vi^. j
It^m a ij Sawyers viij* viij*
Smviiu liz* if
le zj iour August
[Twelve names; payment at rate of %\i. per*xlay as before. Three
men not working the full week.1
SMvnu uix* xd
le xviij iotrr August
[Thirteen names, including Roger Gyfforde ; same rate of payment.]
SiMmu lv« vj**
le XXV io«r August
[Thirteen names ; same payments.]
It^m a ij Sawyers vij* j^
SMvnu iij"* ij* vij*
le primer ioirr Septembre
[Twelve names; same rate of payment.]
It^m a ij Sawyers vij* x4
Simnnii Ivj* xj* ob'
le viij io«r Septembre
[Twelve names; same rate of payment.]
It#ii» ij Sawyers iij* yj*
Simnnit Ij* xj*
le xxix ioi^ Septembre
Geffrey Walton iij cemains xij* ix4
[Nine other names follow at the same rate of payment]
\Xjem a ij Sawyers xix*
%uffta\a vf xvj*
le xiij io»r Octobre
[Eight names ; periods varying from one to two weeks.]
Sivmnu Ivij* ij*
le XX io»r Octobre
[Six names, including Thomas Godffrey.l
SMNmu xxij* ij* ob'
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 307
le xxvij i(Mrr Octobre
[Four names ; same rate of payment.]
Item a ij Sawyers iiij* iij^
^ummA xxj* vj^'
le iij iour Nouembre
[Four names ; same rate of payment.]
Simmiif xvij* iij<^
le X ioirr Nouembre
[Seven names ; same rate of payment]
Swwnw xxvij» X*
^umma totalis paye par Simond Eyr a les Carpinters p«r la Suvrrgnemewt
de John Sallsburi amonte xliiip xlij* ij^
Ammo \o Hcnrici yj Accooms
Ceux sonnt lez ressettis qeux Phelippe Malpas John Brykles Harr' presented
Wotton & Richard Hercy onnt rcscieux lour temps pour lez Meistres N^^* ^4*^i
de Drapers in le Box dc Dieu ^^ y^^\
Ang. toAng.
Emprim// Rec' en le Box de Dieu p«r lez mayn/ de John Wotton John 1415-^.
Seynt John Symound Eyr & Wilb'ivm Bemys veyll Maisterys j^
Rec* dc Reynold William de le Rent in Chepe pour j Anne vij'«
Rec' dc le nemme de Nccolas Haye pour iij quarters de Rent
iij" vij* iiij<*
Rec' de John Wolfiall dc le Rent in seyntswetonslane pour j anne xx*
Rcc* de Thonus Halroan pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xlvj« viij<*
Rec* de John Botbawe pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xxx«
Rcc* de Andrew Trotte pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xxyj* viij<*
Rec* de John Hyndon pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xxvj« viij<*
Rec* de Harr* Barton pour le dit Rent pour j Anne xx«
Richard Coomer & ij tenements voyde
Rec* de lez quartaragex de iiij*» & iij persones iiij" iij»
Rec* de le queste de John Haddon xx*
Rec* de Ic schoppc apres le Bakhouse pour di' Anne x«
Sumun xxvij" viij* v<*
Rec' de Robard ErgLim
Rec' dc Thom^ Pyke Junyor
Rec'deJohnBdisdon
Rec* dc Rogrr Talbotte
Re^ dc Robard Cristemas
pour son Entres xxxiij* iiij<^
Digitized by
Google
3o8 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
lez Recf^/ de k Tempirall Box a totz o/u appertent de dit Box
de Temptfrall
JEmprnnis Rec' de Symound Eyr Sc son oompanes in le Box
Rec' de yj" & xviij persons pmr lez mynstxall
Rec' de Roger Talbotte de Hadle pmirr son ffrcdom
Rec' de Jdm Belisdon pMv son Entre p«r Redemption
Rec* de Robard Ciystemas pMcr son Redemption
Rec* de Tbonus Gameley de Ccdchester pMv son Entre
Rec' de Richard Bryan pMv son £fredom
Rec* de Jdm flfoostere pMvr son ffredom
Rec' de John Chambirleyn pmr son fircdom
Rec' de Wll]/«m Crowmer prett a la Craffte
Rec' de Will/^m Crowmer pewr son promys
Rec' de John Gedney peirr son promys
Rec* de William Weston pewr son promys
Rec* de Water Gawtron p^rr son promys
Rec' de PefS Wymondh^ pe»r son promys
Rec* de John CXteforde pmrr son promys
Rec* de Richard Stryke pewr son promys
Rec* de John Knyzt poirr son promys
Rec* de John Norman pewr son promys
Rec* de Robard Cotton pe»r son promys
Rec* de John Hylle pmr son promys
Rec' de John l^ette pMvr son promys
Rec* de John kyrkeby pmrr son promys
Rec' de WiU/irm Ayliffe pe«r son promys
Rec* de WiU/ffli Warde pwr son promys
Rec* de Robard Cdnqr pew son promys
Rec* de le fiemme de Hochin Byrche pour son promys
Rec' de le femme de Robard Bever pour son promys
Rec* de le parson de seynt Swethenys de son promys '
Rec* de Will/inn Chervell pe«r son promys
Rec' de John Haddon peirr son promys
RecMe Water Redder pe«r son promys
Rec* de Roger Kelsey pe»r son promys
Rec* de Symond Coopersheff pe»r son promys
Rec' de John Sqrnt John de son promys
Rec^ de John Cake petrr son promys
Rec* de le £femme de Robard Chambir doone a le Hall '
Rcc' de Robard Cristemas doone a le Hall >
Rec' de Richard fioorther pew j ffyn
Rec' de Emory Amatony pew j ffyn
' Of. next page, note.
xl^
vp xUj* iiif*
vK
i^tt^viij*
xB
iijfi^viij*
xl»
Ixvp xilj» iSxf
v«
xB
Uj-iij-
!•
XX*
xx«
xx«
xx»
xx»
xi^iiij^
xx»
xx«
xx«
xx«
vj»viij*
xx«
xx«
xx«
vj» viij**
x«
xx«
xx«
xx«
viij« mf
xiij«iiij^
X*
xx«
xuj» iiij^
XXF
vj« viij^
y?
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 309
Rec* de Kobard Whetyngh^m de son promys
Rcc' dc Gyflfcrey Zermowth pwr son promys
Rec' de Jdon Roddogg p^ Willi^fni Weston
SMvma toidiis clvij^ xj* j<^
lez Rec' de lez lowes ' doone a le Hall
Rcc* dejohn Boys
Rec' de Tbomiis Scotte
Rec' de Thomas Eswell
Rec' dejohn Whitehoode
Rec' dc WiUZ-rai Mctte
Rec' de Richard Screyth
Rcc* dc Water Thorppe
Rcc' de John Stystcdc
Rec* de Will/#m Strotfordc
Rec' de Waren
^mmm, liij* iiij^
lez Rec* dc lez Prentwx
Wem dejohn Percire pmr John Diuinesby
\XMm de John lyngle p0»r Thomas £lde
\Um de Harr* longspc pwrr Will/iim Gierke
ItMv dc Will/iim Weston pmrr Thomas Cooke
VUm dc WiU/Vm Weston p«w John Sayerc
ItAHT de Thonuis Cooke pMcr Will/inn Marwe
\Xgm de Robard ErgLf m prnvr John kyrkcby
\\jnm de Ameiy Matany pMrr Adam Wyntrugh^m
ItM9 dejohn Wyot pwr Rd>ard Derby
Itm dc William Parker pwr Robard Thorcotc
Itfw dc Will/iim Warde p0»r John Hcrtelcy
Item dc WiU/ifm Harre pMrr Richard lyon
Itm de Richard Screyth pmrr Richard Sadcrsall
ItMv dejohn Brykles pMr John Stokker
\Um dejohn Wotton p«rr Thonurs de Brunne
ItM dc Reynold WiU/Vm p^vr Peter Calcote
^^Jtm de Alexander Childe pmr John Fowlcre
Itflw de Williiim Creke pwr Water langrysh
\Xgm dc Thonus Ryddl pmvr Emound Bendish
\Um de Robard Tadirsall p^«r Water Morton
' The workmen or jonmeymen, bat whether they are Drapers is doabrfnl,
apfiarently subscribe to building of the Hall. Cf. also previous pge, where a wife
Of one ' doone a le Hall ' subscribes.
iij" vj» Tdij*
xxvij* ix*"
xiij*iiijd
iij-ilijo
iij» iiij^
iij'ilij*'
v^ viij**
iij»iiij«»
iij»iiij<i
iij»iUj«>
vj-viiji
XX*
xx«
xx»
xx»
xx»
xx«
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
XX*
Digitized by
Google
gio The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
\Um dc ThoniifS Ynglond pwr Jobn Ynglond xx»
\Xjnn de Robard Qoptoa p^ivr son prentirr xx*
SMRMKi xxiju
lez payments de le Box de Dieu
Empr/m/V paie a s/r William Sawgere p«rr j anne rj*" xiij« iiij<*
Itfiw paic a s/r John Walsman p«rr j anne di' paymevt iij'^ yj» vii/
It«w paie a dit s/r John p«w ij Roll de wex xvj*^
\\jtm paie a dit s/r John potrr ij preketts de wcx xv, '
d
J
Itrw paie a dit s/r John pwr iiij" de Candill vj**
ItMv paie a le chaundeler p^vr le Braunche iij ffoys xiij* x^
\t€m paie a lez Chaunters & lez prests pmrr le derge & le Qerke xj* viij^'
\\.em pale pwr quyte Rent pMvr le tenement in Chepe a scynt matfaeus
pMvr j anne a Sqrnt Jcrim Baptiste xx*
ItMv paie pMrr quyte Rent pMrr le tenement in Candewykstrete a Sowth-
cote pMvr j anne a Seynt John Baptiste xx*
\Xtm paie a John longle in ahnys vj* viij"^
Itm paie a Watfr hounspell in almys xiij* iiij<^
It^mi paie a Brekelvyle pour j anne p«ivr son SaleP iiij^'
\Xgm paie pwr j Chapm)n pwr Breklvyle iij*
\Um paie poirr j Chevawe mrr le dit Brekelvyle iij fioys iij*
Smmrtf xviij^ xiiij* viij<*
lez payments de le schoppe apres le Bakhous
£mpr/m/r j laborer iij io«rs le ioifr vd ob' SmmM xvj<^ ob'
ItMv p0»r iiij quarters pmvr j Benche le quarUr ij^' ob' x^
Itfiw pwr ij Boordis pwr le Benche ps' xij**
\Xgm pottr i j Peesis pour le Staler ps' xij^
lUm pour ij Boordis pour j doore ps' viij^^
It«» pour Schelly & le ffete pour ij fformys ps' viij<*
Item pour j c de Beche latthis ps' v^
lUm pour Naylis & White Nayle pour le latys ps* xvj^
lUm pour j Ryng Crompe & j lacdie p«rr le door ij**
Itew pour j Payr hengys pwrr le doore iiij**
Item pour j Carponter yj iours le ioirr viij** ob' Summa iiij* uj**
It^Mi pour yj CartftiU Robys le Cart iij^ Summa xviij**
Summa xiij* vj<* ob'
lez Coostis de le Bakhous
It#w j dawber vj iours le ioirr viij^ ob* Summa iiij» iij**
Item j laboorer vj iours le iour v<* ob* Summa ij* ix<*
It€m pour V loodb lombe le loode iiij** Summa xx**
Item pour j loode lymbe ps* xj**
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 311
\Um pwr j bode schonde ps v**
Item pwr j mason iij iours Ic ioar viij** ob' Simtma ij» j^ oV
Item poitr j labourer iij ioars Ic io^rr v^ ob* Summa xvj^
Item poitr j dawber iiij iours Ic io:w viij* ob' Stmrna if x^
Item poftr j laboorer iiij iours le iojyr v^ ob' Simma xxij<^
Item petir ij m* Tyle ps le m* v« Summa x*
Item pwr iiij Tylers vj iours le ioirr chekoa viij^ ob' Summa xvij*
Item p«rr iij laboores vj iours Ic io«r v^ oV Summa viij» iif*
Item poitr v Tylers vj iowx le io«r viij<* ob* Sitmma xxj» iij<*
Item poftr iiij laborers vj iettrs Ic ioitr v^ oV Sitmma xj*
Item poitr iij loodis schonde le loode v^* Sspnma xv^
Item poitr ij Bosshell Tyle pynnys ps* xijp
Item poitr Ixij Coorner tylis le ps'chccoa ob* q* Summa hf xjj^
Item peitr m* Tyle & le Cariage v« v^
Item paic a j Carpontfr poitr le Tymbir & lez Tynnys iif^ v^ viij<*
Item poitr j laborer v iours le ioitr v^ ob* Summa if iij^ oV
Item peur Crochetis pettr lez pewes j^
Item pour ij peesix & ij pasis dc tymbir pour le Steyer ps' if iiij**
Item poitr ij Carponters iiij iours le untr viij<* ob* Summa v» viij<^
Item pour iij masons j iour le iour viij^ ob' Summa if 'f ob'
Item pour ij labores j ioar le iour vj^ ob* Summa xiij<*
Item pour m* de Tyle ps* v»
Item pour iij Tylers vj iours le io«r viij* ob* Summa xif ix^
Item pour iij laooores vj io jrs le iour v'f ob* Summa ix» ix*
Item pour viij Roff tylis ps* vj**
Item poitr j dawber vj lours le i<wr viij<i ob* Summa iiijp iij^
Item pour j laboorer vj iours le iow vj** ob* Summa iij" iij**
Item pour iij Cartys de lombc ps* xij^
Item pour ij Cartys dc schonde ps* x<*
Item pour C ij loodis & ij schalekys de lymbc ps* vij* iiij^
Item pour ij 11 de Sawdor pour le Gooter ps* xij<*
Item pour ffermyng de le Rrevy xxij tons le ton iij" Summa iif* vj"
Item paic a Roger kelsey pour latthis & Naylc xx^ iij**
Item pour Cariag de x loaiis dc Robys ps* ij" vj<*
Item pour Planl^s Borde & Nayle & le Carpoatw* poitr le ko jcryng le
prrvy X* iij**
Summa xvji« iij" ij<*
lez Payments & lez Costis dc le Halle '
Item pour viij m* Tyle le m^ v" Su?ima xl"
Item pour j (ftaxtroa dc Roff tyle ps* xv<*
' For the New Hall which is being rcx>fed.
Digitized by
Google
3 IX The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Item pMfT ij Bosshell & ij^ de tyle pynnys ps' xiiij^
Item piwr ij tylers vj iouit le iotfr viij^ ob' Sttmms viij* vj^
Item pMfT ij laboorers vj iours le ioirr v^ ob' Smmm v* vj^
Item poitr xj m' & vC de Roff nayle le m^ zij^^ Smmm xj* i^
Item pwr m* de hcrt latthis ps' vj* viij<*
Item potfr Nayle x^
Item pour j loode lymbe ps' xj^
Item paw j loode schoade ps' v^
Item doone a lez Girponters par le comaundenient de lez Aldennen xx^
Item paie a Robard Alwvn ' & six de son compacons vj iours le ionr viij<^
ob* & le Wardcyn u4 Smmma xxx»
Item le dit cemeyne iij Carponters v iours le ioirr viij*^ ob' Semma
x» vijl^ ob*
Item paie a Cooprr & Ccerle pwr Preysyng de k tremer vj* viij<*
Item paie le mcsme tempt pwrr virne ix^'
Item paie pwr xiiij U de Candill le 11 j' ob' Summa xxj<*
Item paie pmrr Cariage de viij loodis de tymbir xx<^
Item paie a Robard Alwyn & ix de son companoas v ioifrs le ioirr viij<i
ob' Smrnns xxxv* v^
Item poitr ij masons vj iours le io«r viij' ob' Smmma viij* vy^
Item pMfT ij labooreris vj iours le ioirr v^ ob' Smmma v* vj^
Item pwr vj masons vj iours le io«r viij«> ob* Summa xxv» v'f
Item pour iiij laboores vj iours le ioirr v^ ob' St/muuf xj*
Item pour j Boote de Chalke ps* xiiij*
Item pour vij masons vj iours le ioirr vii^ ob' Summa xxix* ix<^
Item pour v laboorers vj iours le ioirr v<* ob* Somma xiij* ix«*
Item pour Cariage de xvij loodis Chalke ps* iij* iiij<i
Item pour wharfiage de dit Chalke viij<i
Item pour di* C loodis schonde ps* xiij* iiij«*
Item pour iij laboorers vj iours le iorvr v^ ob' Summa viij* iij<^
Item pour meddyng de lez pykes iiij^
Item pour Bydyng de ij wat^ tnbbys viij*
Item j stone p^irr whettyng de lez axis de lez masons iiij<^
Item pour j loode Chalk & le Cariage ij* j<*
Item pour di' m^ de Brek & le Cariage iij* ix^
Item pour iij hopis poirr le wat^ tyne ij<*
Item pour j labrorer vj iours le iottr v]^ ob' Summa iij* iij<i
Item pour iij masons ij iours le io»r viij<> ob* Summa iiij* iij**
Item pour iiij laboores ij iours le ioirr vj* ob* Summa iiij* iiij<*
Item pour ij laboores v iours le ioirr vj** ob* Summa v* v<*
Item pour ij labooreres v iours le ioirr vj** ob* Summa vj* vj**
Item pour j laboorer iiij iours le ioirr vj** cb* Summa ij* ij**
* Probably the Foreman.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 313
Item pMrr Boothir a Grenewiche & tutre choste xvj'
\\jtm pour xij m^ Brek le m' v* vj<^ Summa iij^ vj*
Item paie a Warlow mason pour le viwe iiij* xiij* iii^^
Item pour iij laboorers yj iours le tour vj^ ob' Summa ix* ix'
Item pour Cariage de xxilij loodis Breke vjF
Item pour Whaiffage de dit Breke idf
Item pour j laboorer v iours le ioirr vj** ob* Summa ij» viij^ ob*
Item paie a le Smyzt in apechirchelane xi* x^
Item paie a diufrs flfoys a lez Carponters & masons done pour Bever
iiij« viij<*
Item paie pour yf & vj loodys lymbe xxxvij*
Summa xxviij" v« viij4
Paie a Symond Eyre C^
lez payments a lez Costis de Temporall Box
Item paie a Thomiis Donyngton pour le flair de Bartilmewe iij* mj^
Item paie pour j Barge pour le terment de le Roy ^ iiij*
Item paie prar j homme pour achevacher pour lez mynstrall v*
Item paie pour vj mynstrall & a le person vf viij^ SirnmM xliij* iiij^
Item paie pwr vj v^ge & di' pour Chaperons le verge xix5* Summa x» iiij<*
Item paie pour le ffacion de lez Chaperons ij* ij^
Item paie pour le ffavr a Westcmostfr pour wamyng ij"
Item paie pour Bootnir a Westmost^ a Mons/firr de Bedfixd xif^
Item paie a Claydis pour j noote de ij endentours iij obligacio»s j quetaunce
j noote j le condicion ij* viij<^
Item paie a Robard Streuener pour le entr' in le grand paper lez ordo-
nauncez ffetz ouesk totz le company xij^
Item paie a le Gierke de Richard Osborne pofirj BiUe de lez prentices lafi
Item paie a Richard Colman Gierke pour Itz comaundeme»t de totz le
company xx*
Item paie a dit Richard j verge & di* pour j chaperon le verge is* Summa
xiij" vj^
Item paie a Scheriaunts pour Syniond Eyr & John Seynt John xvj^
Item paie a j Scheriaunt pour John leget xij<^
Item paie pour le dener pour lez mynstrall vj* iiij^
Item pour alewer pour le mayer messe 3d'
Summa vif" xviij* viij^
Paie a William Growmer hvp xiij* iiij^
lez dettours de lez Promys
Robard Whittynhitm doit pour son promys viip xiij" iiij^ Sol x marc/
^ Terment, probably ' cerment *, oath, as on p. 301. The young Kine Heniy,
thoQgh still very young, did, we are told, keep his royal state darmg tms year 5
Fabyan^ Concordance of Histories^ ed. 181 1, p. 594.
1603*1 S S
fl
Digitized by
Google
314 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Will/^rm NottOQ doit pmr son promys va^ xiij* iiij<*
Necolas Wotton doit pmrr son promys I*
Tbomjs Isselh^m doit pa»r son promys iiij" vif
Raffe Holland doit pmrr son promys xx*
Richard Waldgraue doit p0»r son promys liij* iiij*^
Sir J(An Thorpe person de scynt Swethenys doit ^owr son promys xxiij* iiij^
Will/tfm Weston doit ^mar son promys lv« v<*
John « Rodogge dettour pwrr Will/4rm Weston xxvij* ix<*
John Claverynge doit pmvr son promys x> Sol
William fiooster doit pwrr son promys xxziij* iiij<^
Thonus Baker doit pwr son promys v^^ SoIt^
John Gooldhawke doit pMfr son promys zx«
WillMm Twyer doit ^tmr son promys xrrf ynf
Thoniiis Clement doit pmr son promys x*
John fifaroh^rm doit pMr son promys yf viif
Thonuis Yve doit pmvr son promys xl*
John Mayston doit p^^r son promys if vvif
Reynold Williimi doit pmvr son promys xx*
^umrna xlij" xiij» ij^ ■
lez dettours de lez Prentis
John Massy doit p^r John Harry son prent/^e xx*
John Wynne doit pmrr John Merston son prent/^ xx*
William Sewale ddt y^ur John Sewale son prentire xx*
John Blake doit pmr Will/ivm Delwoorth son prent/^e xx*
Gameley Gawen doit pMrr Jd)n Spenser son prent/<» xx*
Galfrydus Zermowth doit pmrr Will/^rm Scheriaunt son prent/rr xx*
Hugonys fleliotte doit dmt Jcdin Warde son prent/^ xx*
Jcdin Gedney doit p^^r Wilj/^m Peryngton son prent/<» xx*
John lubenh#m doit pmrr Jacobus mortcmer son prent/<te xx*
Svmond £^e pMrr Robard Spenser doit pmr son prent/x xx*
Will/^m Twyer doit pmr Robard Jacobbe son prentis xx«
SwmMxf
lez Dettours de Qturtrage
le person de Bawe John Tukfelde
Will/iim Crowmer Williifm Breton
Necolas Wotton Thomiis Downc
Water Gawtron Steuene Hull
Richard Baynard Thom^ Aueray
' This entiy is crossed throoeh in the origbaL
* Corrected to xlj*" t« ▼<* in the originaL
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts giy
Alexaunder Anne John fiarahitni
ThoniifS Issdh^rm John Buknam
John Somer John £lvysh
Water Redder John Woodc
John Bowoode Richard Bokdond
Raff HoUond Harr* Herte
Ridiard Cieie
Resf in der a phylyp malpas & son compaynouns xxvij^ ij* r^
viijyer of Kyng Harry thrvj- ^^^^^
Ceste la Compte de Will/^im Crowm^re Will/«m Weston John Heygbtm presented
& Ric* atte lee fiait le xxvj io«r dottobre Ian de gr^ce m'iiij^ xxix & Ian Not. 1429,
de nme Sripmtr le Roy Herr' Sisme puis le conquest viij« for the year
Aag. 14x8-
lez Rest de box de dieu ^"8- '^*^-
£n primez rescu de John Gedneye John Bettfronden Alisaund^ Chyld
& John Norman en le box de dieu iiij" xix« ij^
It^m rescu de Reynold Will/ifm pow la rente en Chcpe pwrr j an vij"
Ittm rescu de Jdin Glowcest<r ipaitr la rente en Candewykstr' yj^
lX£m resc' de Wlll/^cm Stokdale ^ur la rente en S. Swythunez lane ipomr
j an XXV*
\Um resc' de harr* Barton demAvrminte en le mesm rente pMrr j an
xxvj* viij^
Itim rescu de Andrew Trot dem^M-^runt en le mesm rent pMrr j an xx*
\Um resc' de John Bothawe demfwrmint en la mesm rente pour j an xxx*
\X£m resc' de Thonus Halman demf»raunt en la mesm rente ipour j an
xlvj« viij^
It^w resc* de John Wolfals deaiAvriiunt en la mesm rente pmrr j an xx*
item resc* de Alson Algar demAvrirunt en la mesm reat pmrr j qi^rtfr v«
It«n resc* de iiij^xyj p^rsonez pwr lo«r q»4Tt^age iiij" xvj*
It«n resc* de viij prrsonez pwr loirr entrc liij* iiij**
Summa xxxiiij** xxij** pr^b*
lez Rest de la temporal Box
cy ben de fynez come dez altrez chosez '
£n pivmez Rescu de diu^rs gentz pMrr fynez a la fieyre de Seynt Bartholl
xj* viij<*
item rescu de Edmond Salle pMfr j fjrne p^freutr* luy & Gallaran xx*
Ittm resc' de Bentt Harlewene pmrr j fyne encontre lez maisterez xx*
' In this year, as in 1430 and 1434, there is no balance paid into the Temporal
Box from preTioiis year, bat only one to Le Box de dieo.
Digitized by
Google
3i6 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
It#m rescu de Nicholl' Wotton en pleyn payement de son pr^mys I'
\Xgm Tes€^ de ThoniifS Islh^m en plevn paeme^t de son pr#mys xl*
lUm rcsc* de Willum Myddylton dcmnraoDt auesq' Cloptoa pwr son
friiuncbyse xl*
lUm rescu de Croocton mason pwrr Ixij feet leggement taUe ps le fbote iij'^
Itna rescu de Jane Eyre p^irr WHUam Wodebous son apprentys xx*
lUm resc* de Thonufs P«rtre pwrr Nicboll' Waller son apprentys xx*
Item resc* de Aumery Mataney pmrr laurence firauncez son apprentys xx*
It^MP resc* de Hionus Aylisby pcttr Rankyn Jossdyn son apprrat/x xx*
Item resc' de John Goldhauk pour Jamys Newborugh son apprrat^s xx*
Item resc* de Scher' Salman pinrr Thomiis Qwyk son apprent/r xx*
Item resc* de William Russell prnvr Jcba Dayn & John Wecherley son
appr#nt// xl"
Item rcsc" de Will/^m Waryn pour V/iUiam Waldeby son apprmt/x xx*
Item resc* de Will/^m Piirker pMrr John French son zppreotys xx*
Item resc* de WQlism Chenrell pmrr William Terry son apprmt/x xx*
Item resc* de Robert Coton poitr Michell Hewet son appr#nt/x xx*
Item resc* de John Nankelly pwr John Marchall son apprmt/x xx*
Item resc* de Jdin Whytbood poitr John Wyndysley & Robert Whichad
son apprm^x x*
Item resc* de Kobrrt Bamborgh poitr Robert Schelley son apprent/x xx*
Item resc' de John WiUiam pMrr ThomifS langelev son apprent/x xx*
Stfmma xxv]^ xvij* ij<* prtb
Stfmaut tosalif Rest* amonte Ix^ xix* preb'
Lez payements cy bien de le Box de dieu oxne de le TewperaU Box
Prime paie a lez Prestis de Bowe pour loirr salerie x^
It#m paie a le Waxchaundell' p^^r rep^racion de le Branch a le Bowe
& pottr viij lib* de Roll wax & ij pr/ketts ps* tut xvj*
Item paie pwrr iiij lib' talwe Candell pour le quer ps* vj<i
Itew paie p«rr j Chevall poitr le Bedell poitr Chevach* ouesq' le mayr ps* xij**
Item paye a le Pr/ovr de Cristcherche pwr quytrent de le Bakhous v*
Item paie a lez Wardayne de lesglyse de S. Math' de quit rent peirr j an xx*
Item paie a John Suthoote peur quy trente pour GcSrye zememowthe xx^
Item paie a John Brykoyle Bedell pmrr son salerie pour j an iiij^'
Item paie lez Clerkys <fe la Bowe prnvr loirr labor pour tout Ian yj* viij<^
Itew paie a Water Hounspdl en almcsse pour iij temps Iiij* iiij**
Item paie pwr viij vergex nuvrre pe«r lez Prestes ps* le verg iiij* xxxij*
Item paie pour j Chaperon pe»r le Bedell de nexre leuere ps^ v* viij<*
Itew paie pour j verge & di* m«rr* & russ* pour j Chaperon pour Alisaundr*
Anne ps* xij* v<*
Item paie pour alowunse de le Mayr messe xl*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 317
\\jtm paie poirr j nove boket ligate auesq' ferr & ij Iynk]rs ^our le Cheyne
dc le dyt Bokct ps' tout iiij* \^
Item paie pour iiij grauntz perys pmrr le ovene en le Bakhous ps' x*
Item paye pour le facdon de le mesme perys vj' viij<^
hem paye pour iiij« ij lib' yryn pour le dyt Ouvcne a j^ ob* quarter xj» viij^
Item paye p^^r iiij oyletts pour le panterie & boterie ps* vj**
Item paie p«r j loade lymc & j loade sande pMfr le dit Ovene ps* xviii**
Item paie pour j labourer pour vj iours le iour v<* ob* ij* ix^
Item paie pMfr Candell & servoyse pMrr lez masons vj^
Item paie poirr amendement de le pentys en Chepe xij^
Item paie a WiUidm Plomere pour le ledyng de lez bataylement & le
hautpas en le suthpiirt de la sale ps* tout. xxiij'* vf viij<*
Item paie a luy pour ij pypis de nove plomb en le hautpas & poisent i]^ di'
viij lib* ps* le C viij* Summa xx» vij**
Item paie a luy pour xxj lib* soudoirr pour lez ditz pipis ps* le lib* [? v'f]
x» vj«
Item paie a luy pour xxviij lib* de nove plomb pour Cou^ng de le
Rcsonpcce vers le gardyn de Rankyn Valentyn ps* ij*
Item paie a maistfr Nicfaoll pour amendement de j sam desuth le pantere
& le nove gistyng de le hautpas de le suth p^rt de le sale x*
Item paye a luy pour le feste de le trape dor & le rebatyng de le bay
wyndowe v»
Item paie pour bose & leggis pour le dit trappe dor ij« vj<*
Item paie pour di* «x pcny nayle ps* v*
Item paye pour di* «yj peny nayle ps* lij**
Item paie pwr iiij*' \** nayle pwr lez fencstrcs de Ic swelerie & altr*
chosez XX**
Item paie pour ij payr gametts pour le trappe dore oucsqiv# lez dowys ps*
xviij**
Item paie pour j payr garnett p«r le prr^ry dor en le Chambrc ps* iiij<*
hem paie pour j look & j rvng pour le mcsme dor ps* ix*
hem paie p^«r sowdeletts de lez fenestra de Watfr Gavtron xx**
Item paie pour sowddetts de lez fenestra/ de John Brokkde iij* iiij<*
Item paie pour sowddett lez fenestra/ de John Hyh^m xx<*
Item paie pour sowddetts pour kz fencstrez Baynard Basse & Bangor
iij» iiij^
hem paie pour ledyng de glas a le fencstre al N/oying-pIase xij**
Item paie pour latisyng de lez fenestrez de panterie £oterie & lardesh^m
vj»
Item paie pour xvj« ij^ nayle pour lez ditz latysez ij* viij**
hem paie pour v« transon nayle pour le Glas qe iiij^ ob*
Item paie pour amendement de le look de le parlour dor iij<*
Item paye pour v payr hengis & iiij payr hokys pour le swelerie ps* c«ez
ij» iiij**
Digitized by
Google
giS The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
\\jtm paye iiij<^ m^ nayle pMfr le mesme swelerie ps' xvj^
\\,em paie a WiUi^rm Osbeme pMfr le scripte de lez nomez dez appr^ntys
\\gm paic a Donyxrgton s^ant pwr Ic scher* de S. Bartlwl ficyr iij* iiij*
Itfw cxpn* en payne & vyne p<ir Crownvr Gedneye Tatfrsallc Whctyng*
hifm & altrez gentz de m/re CTirft a le popis bed prnvr n^/re liiure
\Xgm paie p0»r Batylage a le feyr de S. BarthoU v\if
Vum paie pMfr j Barge prnvr le zertyd de ntfTre siakt le Roy en notre tempz
iij* viij*
Wem paie p^rr j Barge & pmrr Batyllege pwrr la fieyre de Westm' ij*
Item paie p^vr Whassyng de lez naperey x<^
\\jtm paie a John Wotton de veyl dcttc xiij* iiijd
]Xjtm paie p^rr iiij Chapelletts ij*
Sinvnw tof^d/x Paie amont' Iv'" viij« viij* ob*
[Altered from Iv** ix« yf* ob*]
tt ency Rest dr v" xvj» xj<* do*
[Altered from v« x« iij* ob*]
Ceux sonnt lez dettoirrs de ^v^rterage & des apprentys
pjmez Richard Baynard xij^
Water Gavtron xij*
John Enotte xij**
Ric* Swanesseye xij*
Alysaundre Anne xij'
Symond CopstheflF xij*
ThondiKS Gameley de veyle & nouell ij*
Stephen Hulle de veyl & novell Ij*
ThoniifS Avcray xij**
Thomas Pvke Junior xij*
Johne Geaney ' doit pa«r Robert Qerk son apprentj'x xx*
\\jtm doit peifr John Dowbele son apprent;^/ xx*
John Grisley doit pmrr John Bud ley son apprent/x xx^
Robert flfytz Andrew doit pwr Will/#m Dyxson son apprent/x xx»
John Stanton doit ^ur Thomas Salle son apprentyx xx*
Deliuere a Robert Cristcndom & a Jolui fitmyll in pjrti de payment de
viju yj» j<* a eux p^ le mist' de dr^iperz pe«r plumb' ducz lez v le doz
aprentis au^rnt ditz a netre acompt le xxyj ioirr doct' Ian ynf le
R.H.yj«
lez Nowmez de novell gentz
Sir John Pcche John Whythone
' This and fear following entries are crossed throagh in the origmaL
Digitized by
Google
o.
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 319
St<ph^ Dalmtn Geffry Chytcok
Williifm Rapere WiU/ifm Northufmpton
WillMin Russell Hugh Asthull
ThoniiKS Thomdon
Ajwo ix« Henrid yj« Accounts
Ccux sonnt lez Resseits quex Robert Tctersalc John lyng Will/iini presented
Creke & Will/iim AyloflF onnt Rescieux lour tempz pwr Icz meistrs Not. 1430,
dc drapers in le Box de dieu ^ Y^^^
Enprimez Resc* en le Box de dieu par lez maynez de V/iWiam Crowmer -^"S- '4*9-
William Weston John Heyhiim & Ric' Att ley veylez maystrs de ^"8- '^^'^
drapers v"* xvj» xj* ob'
Resc' de Reynold WillMin pmrr la Rent in Schcpe p^irr j Ane vij"
Resc. de John Qowsettfr pour la Rent in Candwykstrede po$ir j A#ne
Resc' de John Wolfale pmrr la Rent in Swythenx lane pour j Anie xx*
Resc* de Alyson Akar pour la Rent in swythens lane pMrr j Asne xx*
Rcsc' de Thonus l£dman pwr la Rent in swytkens lane pwr iij qir^frtfrs
xvj* viij**
Resc' de WiBiam Stobdale po$ir la Rent in swythenx lane pmr iij qtfsrters
xxiij* ix**
Resc* de Henry Barton poitr la Rent in Swythens lane pmr iij qwatters
Resc' de Andrew Trot pMrr la Rent en swythevx lane pottr iij qirirrt^s xv*
Resc' de John Bothaw pwr la Rent en swythenx lane pottr iij quarters
xxij»yj<*
Resc' de lez quartfragez de iiij'^ vij p^rsonez iiij" vij*
SMmma xxxj'* vj» x<*
lez Resseits de la temporal Box
Resc' dc Baron de Resset de le Roy poitr son ffredam yj« viij^
Resc' de John Bitterden pour ffredam de son hoKfime xx*
Resc* de Symkyn Walter pottr son ffredam iiiji*
Resc' de Will/^rm Cvrtenale de Covyntre pour son flFredam viij"
Resc' de Barnard Beke pour son entr# yj* viij<i
Resc' de Stokuz de Abyndon pour j Brodur xx*
Resc' de John Tetfrsale pour son entre yj* viij*"
Summa xiiij" xiij* iiij<*
Resc' de ffynez A le ffayr^ de Seynt Barthelmew Autres tempz de dyurrz
gentez xxxf iiij**
Resc' de Phylyp Sate pour lez wyrbez' de Salle xx«
Resc* de Ric' Sutton pour lez wyrbez de Sail xx»
Digitized by
Google
gxo The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
Rcsc* de John Billysdon pww- j fync yj* viij*
Rcsc* dc Will/^m Pap pwr j ^ne xx*
Resc* ds Robert Erghiim pwr j ffync dc ij obytes xiiif*
Rcsc' de dyufrez gentez pwr Ic drape dc Arraz vj^ xv«
Rcsc' de dyiiercz gcntcz pwr Ic stvllyng dc Prcatesbodcz xlv* mf
Simima xiip zviij*^
lez Resscits dc ^enMas
Rcsc' dc John Knyght p0»r John Sayere son Apprmtix xx«
Rcsc* dc John Bilysdon poivr John fiynchyngfeld xx*
Resc* dc Symkya Rowel prnvr John Gylmcr & John Alyn son Aprentez
xl»
Resc* de John Brokdey p«r Ric* Vcnton & Wato* Walgr^nrc son
Aprentez x>
Resc* dc Ric* Scharp pwr Thom/KS Rodok son apprent/x xi^
Resc* dc Hew Hasthool ^ut CrystoTur Banastur son Apprmt/x xx*
Rcsc' dc John Dabcram pMrr John Biytc son Apprmt/x xx*
Resc* dc John Browne pwr WillMm Nichol son Apprwit/x xx«
Resc* de John Spensar p«w Will/Wm Stokmcde son Apprent/x xx«
Resc* dc Thonus Ardyng John Julyan son Appr#nt/x xx«
Resc' dc John Nankellcy pwr Ric* Gybbon son Apprent/x xx«
Rcsc* dc Will/iim Botreux pwr Thonuis Rede son Apprent/x xx«
Resc' dc Willwrn Schcrwell pwr Remond Podewyn son Appr«it/x xx«
Resc* de Williifm Edy pmrr Thonus Bill son Apprent/x xx*
Rcsc* de Roger Kclsay po^r Ric' Tymcrden soa Appentix X3?
Sinvma xvij^
Sifflvma tox^Jix dc lez toutcz Rcsccitx Amouf Ixxvj'^ xx^
lez payments dc le Box de dieu
Enprimez pay A lez prcstcz de Bo;v pwr lo»r salar x"
Item pay A le waxchaiuidcler p^^r Rep^rac/on dc le Branch A bow
xvj« vij*
Item pay a Donyngtoa Sariant peirr son labour in Barthclmew fair
Uj- iiij<»
Item pay A Seynt Barthclmew fayre paw expensez ij«
Item pay A Water Honyspel pwr son Almez dc nrtre tempz liij* iiij*
Item pay ^mr lez Bargez povr le terment ' dc le Roy iij* viij^
Item pay j Barge & povr Batelagc A Seynt Edward hiyr ij*
Item pay pe«r ij Chywallez pour Ic Bedel A ij foiz ij«
Item pay A le pryovre de Crychirdi p«iw quite Rente dc Bachowz v«
■ Read * serment ' as on pp. 301 and 313$ Not. <J, 1419, the yoang Henry VI
was crowned at Westminster,
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest JFardens^ Accounts gii
Itf m pay A John Sowthcote poirr quite Rent de Btchowz xx*
Itrm pay A lez Wardenz de Seynt Mathew Chirdi p^irr qitfte Rent en
chepe XX*
item pay A Crystendome & a ffemale de veyl dett xlvj* f
Item pay p0«r le drape de Arras in le parkr x^^ xv*
Item pay A le Mayr pwr le stvUyng de Apprenteshedez iij'" yj" viij^
Item pay A Sowthcote ^wr quite Kent prnvr le postonrne in Scbirbocrrne
lane v*
Item pay A lez prestez de Bowdiirch peivr de dirige iilj*
Item pay A lez Schavntterz £c lez derkez de Bow poifr tout Ajme x* vif
Item pay pewr players A ne^e ffeste viij*
Item pay A lex mynstrellz prnvr ne/re £feste vj* ij<^
Item pay A Will/iim Hosbome pmrr cope de lez nomez de pprenteshodez
xx<*
Item pay pmrr iiij Chapletts xf
Item pay pMfr Alowans de le Mayrs Messe xl*
Item pay A Brykfeld Bedel pwrr son salare iiij"
Item pay poirr liij"^ tyle pmrr Reparaaon de ne/re rent xix* iij<^
Item pay pwr j tyler & ij hoi»mes pour ix io«rez xiiij* vij<> ob*
Item pay peifr j laborer pour vj lo«rez ij* ix^
Item pay pwr ij tylerz pwr vij io«rez le ioirr viij<* ob' ix* xj<*
Item pay pwr ij laborers pwr vij ioirrez le io^r v<* ob* yj* v*
Item pay peirr viij" Sowde A le Plumare peirr le Bachouz iiij*
Item pay A j tyler pwr yj iovrez le iow viij* ob* iiij* iij<*
Item pay a j laborer p0«r yj iourez ij* viij^
Item pay a j tylar pwr v io«rez le iour viij** ob* iij* yj^ ob'
Item pay pmrr ij laborers p^vr v ioirrez iiij*
Item pay peirr vij lodez lyme yj* viij^
Item pay ^omr iiij lodez Sande xx^
Item pay pe«r ij lodez lome viij<>
Item pay ^omr j mason p0»r ij io«rez xvij<^
Item pay pmrr j latx>rer peirr ij iourez xj^
Item pay pe*r j petit tabul yj peyr trestekz viij<*
Item pay peirr iij<: j q»if rteron pavyng tyle peirr le salle a vij* xxix* ix<*
Item pay peirr j m^ & q^rteron pavyng tyle peirr le tresanz xxix* ix<^
Item pay pwr cariage de \tz tylez viij<*
Item pay prnvr j mason pewr viij iourez pavyng de la Salle v* viij^
Item pay pwr j laborer pwrr viij io«rez iij* viij«*
Item pay pe«r iiij lodez lyme le lode xij* iiij*
Item pay pwr j laborer pe*r yj ioivrez le ioirr v* ob* ij* ix«*
Item pay pe*r yj Davbare pe«r j ioirrez le ioirr viij* ob* iiij* iij*
Item pay peirr iij lodez lome le lode iiij* xij*
Item pay p^vr iij lodez Sande le lode v* xv*
Item peir iiij« Bcch lathez le c vij* ij* iiij*
lMt*l T t
Digitized by
Google
3 IX The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
\\jem poitr ijf 8c di' de davbyng naill le m^ ix^ xxxj^
lUm four le Davbar poitr pardiettyng de le kjdion iiij*
Item pMTT le iij lodez lyme le lode 3dj^ iij*
Item pMfT ij lodez Sande le lode i^ x^
Item pwr j laborer pwr iij ioifrez le ioirr v^ ob* xvj<* ob*
Item pour lokez keyez & hoping prnvr toubbuz iij* x^
Item pay A Thomiis Wyndiecowbe carpevter pour le tabul in le saUe
trestellez A wyndyng stayr Avnsyng de bey deyz & peirr j Dowr
iiju vjt viij<i
Item pay A Wyncheoonibe carpenter pour j latez in le parlar viij*
Item pa^ A ThoniifS Wvnchecowbe & A son compayn peifr le fesang de
lez iiij Stolez & iiij ropeyz xvf iij<^
Item pay pmrr caring de ij popeez ouek iiij Aiigdlez v*
Item pay pwr ix Estryach Berduz le borde vj^^ peirr lez stolez iiij* vj^
Item pay peirr cariage de lez Borduz pour Naylez & glew ij* j^
Item ray A le paynter pour payntteng de le tat^ trestelez & peirr
iiij ropez & gylten de iiij Aungeliz xv*
Item pay pour iiij elmen Borduz pour le sper* in le kichon pour legs
& naill iij*
Item pay a WynchecoMibe carpenter peirr son labowr de le sper xx^
Item pay pwr j laborer pe»r vj io»rez ij* ix*
Item pay pour Barrz de hym pwr iij Wyndowz in le Salle vij*
Item pay peirr glasyng de j wyndow & ai' xxx*
Item pay a Brykefeld pour j carteful Sande & lode lyme & j sac xix<^
Item pay a Brykefeld pour m* tylcz v* vj**
Item pay pe«r le wassyng de Napere viij<*
Item pay pwr iij" Sowde A le plumware xviij<*
Sufftma ix** viij* v<* ob*
Summa toiaVf de lez payments Amout' Iviij"* vij* viij<* ob*
Et Ency Rest cler* in or Summa xvij" xiij* xj** ob'
lez detterez de la Rent
Brykfeld Wiiliam Stocdale doit peirr j qv^frter de midsomer yj* iij«*
pleg*. Henry Barton doit pe*r j quarter de midsomer yj* viij**
Andrew Trot doit pour j qir^rrter de midsomer v*
John Bothhaw doit pwr j qir^rter de midsomer vij* vj**
lez detterez de Apprentices
Benet Arllewvn doit pour Jacob Waldeby son Apprent/x xx*
John R^nola doit pour William Roper son ApprentiV xx*
Henry Wotton doit pe«r John carter son Apprent/x xx*
John Wardewyk doit pmrr John Wyndesour son Apprentis xx*
Ric* Stone doit peirr Ric* Nevcl son ApprentiV xx*
Simnn^f v^
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 3x3
lez detto*ez de qMrtmige
le Parson dc Bow xij<* John Adsale xij^
Ric* Hcrsv xij^ John Tvkvylc xij^
Thomas Coke xij** Alysande r Anne poirr ij A#nez ij»
Symond Copchese xij<* Stevyn Hwl pairr iij Aiinez iij*
ThoniifS Pyke junior xij<* ThoniifS Avery pwr ij A#ncz ij"
ThooiiTS Gamdey pwrr iij Ric' Wantengfcld xij**
Aiinez iij'
ThomifS Hyslam pour ij
A^nez ij*
^umma de dett^ez de Rent Prenteshodez & de q^rUrage de Bredorne
yjjU yl \^
Sumsia tofalis de ore & de lez toutez dettez xxiiij" xix* iiij<> ob'
Awn* xiijo Henr* vj^ Accounts
Ceux sonnt lez resseitys quex Nicholas yoo Thomas Skot John knyght 510*^*^
& Nicholas Barton onnt rcsseux de Walt«- Cherteseyc Symound Eyre foryca/i^
Richard fibrdell & John Gladwyn en lour temps poitr lez maisterys dez ^^ ^ ^'
drapers en le Box de deu 1433-^.
Cestassavoir en le mesme Box v^ ix» j^
Item ressu de Rolvrt Thorp pour vn Anne xx»
Item ressu de Henr" Barton pour vn Anne xxiij* iiij<*
Item ressu de William Guyke pour vn Anne xx*
Item ressu de Raynold Welhiim pour vn Anne vj^* xiij* iiij^
Item ressu de Thomas Halman peirr vn Anne iij^ yj* viij<|
Item ressu de John Bywater peirr vn Anne vj^
Item ressu de Williatn Farson pour vn Anne xxyj« vilj**
Item ressu de Andrew Trot peirr vn Anne xxviij*
Item ressu pour le qiriirtfrage de iiij'* & x persones ilij^ x*
Item ressu de lez executours de WiHam Crowmer pour sonn byquest a le
Craft xM
Item ressu dez le executours del p^frson de Saynt Edmundys pour sonn
Biquest a le Craft yj« viij<*
Summa xlij** iij* ix^
lez rcsseitis de lez prentisehodis
Item ressu de WUlism Edy pe*r Willwm Wolfe xx»
Item ressu de Hew Astull pour WilUam West xx*
Item ressu de Williifm paichemener pour Raff Radish xx*
Item ressu de dit WUUam pour Nich^ Knyfeton xx*
Item ressu de Richard Streth pour ThoixMS Gylys xx*
Item ressu de Richard Chaundeler pour Rogger Haywarde xx*
Digitized by
Google
3X4- The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
\\jem rcssu de Robert Cristemasse pmr Richard Sprever zx*
It^m ressu dd dit Robert pmrr John Bunndy Z3l"
Item ressu de John Knyght pmrr John Martyn xx'
Item ressu de John leget pmrr Jc^ fibrster xx*
Item ressu de Thonviis Baker pm^r Thomr^rs Baker xx*
Item ressu de Svmound Rowell pmrr William Tolasse xx*
Item ressu de Richard Onhand pmrr Water Malton xx*
Item ressu de Robert Bamburgh pMfr Thomas Rows xx*
Item rcssu de WillAim Wardc pwr WiU/iim Holme xx*
Item ressu de Henr* longespe povr Thomr^ Briggewater xx*
Item ressu de Will/ifm Middelton pmvr Hom^sBadger xx*
Item ressu de Robert Clopton p^vr Will/ifm Hayward xx*
%ymma xviij^
Lez resseitis del Temp^rall Box
Item ressu de John kocke pmrr sonn Entr' iiij"
Item ressu de Richard Smythecote prnvr sonn Entr' yj* viij<^
* Item ressu del P^frson de Saynt Edmundys p^vr sonn Entr* vj* vilj^
* Item ressu del afrson de Saynt Mary Woolnove pMfr sonn Entr* yj* y\if
Item ressu de Cxxxviij persones prnvr lez mynstrellys pmrrle rydynge
de lez Shirevys xlvj*
Item ressu de Cxliij persones peirr lez mynstrellys poirr le rydynge del
mayre xlvij* viij*
StmrciA ix** xiij* vilj<^
lez resseitys del Temp^rall Boxe p^ivr lez ffinys
Item rcssu a le ffair de Saynt Barth' p««r diuers fiynys iiij* viij^
Item ressu de WillAim kyrton peirr le faute del rydyng de lez Shirevys
iij*iiij*
Item ressu de William p^rchemener p0»r le mesme faute iij* iiij^
Item ressu de Richard streth ^awr le mesme faute xij<^
Item ressu de John Derby pwr le mesme faute xij**
Summa xiij* iiij^
Summa tofslis de lez reseitys Amount en toute Ixx" x* bfi
lez paiementis del Box de dieu
En primez paie peirr bothir dc batilage a le terment del Roy iij* iij<^
Item paie a John Woode Siirgeaunt p0»r le Serche del ttair de Saynt
Barth iij* iiij<*
Item paie a John Malhifm S^rgeaunt p^^r le Serche del mesow"* de
BosWorth & del mesow de Adm' Semy et p^ivr vyn p0»r diuers huxvmez
del Craft iij** vj**
' Two clergymen enteredj paying only 6t. Bd,
* The measure.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 3x5-
It^m paie pMrr vyn a le Sale dez driipfrs pour la fac' del paaell del dit
Bosworth xyj<* ob'
It^m paie ^owr la fac* de iij polys de verre ^mtr le hallyng xij<^
Item paie pmrr Bothir a Westmyst^ & arr/fre ^our le C&syng del lyverey
del mair ij* iiij<i
Itrm paie a le Bedell pMrr Vn Cheuaul pmrr le rydyng de lez Shirevys jxf
Item paie a le Stayno^r pMfr le takyngdomie de lez draperz Steyoe & pour
le rollyng del mesmez xiji^
Smmxu xyj» ix** ob*
Item paie a viij minstrellys pe«r le rydyng dez shirevys liij< iiij<i
Item paie peivr boyr de lez ditz mijistrellys iiij* j^
Item paie peirr viij Chaprons pMrr lez ditz minstrellys & pour di' Chapron
pwrr ThoffiMS oue le Trumpe p's xxj» iij<*
Item paie pour xyj minstrellys pour le rydyng del mair v'* vj» viij<*
Item paie pour xyj Chaprons pour lez ditz minstrellys & peirr vn Chapron
peirr le dit Thomas xxxix* viij<^
Item paie pour boyr de lez ditz minstrellys vij* ij<*
Item paie a le Bedell pour va Cheuaul pour le rydyng del mair xi]^
Item paie a Hungate & a Aston pour le mater Bosworth xiij* iiij^
Item paie a Thomas Bassat pour le dit mater de Bosworth vj« viij**
Item paie a deux autrez hu^rmez de Greysyn pour le dit mater vj* viij^
Item paie a Holgr^ve sergeaunt peirr le somnyng del ynquest ij fbiez v*
Item paie a vn autre sergeaunt peivr le Serche del mason de Ad^im Semy
Sherman ij*
Item paie a John Carpinter pour vn Copy de vn bille de mortisement &
pour le mater de Bosworth xl*
Item paie pour vn dyner a John Gednev Robert Whityngham 8c autrez de
notre Conseill pe«r le dit mater de Bosworth xxxiiij* vj<*
Item paie a Alisaunder Anne ij vergez sanguayn cngrayn a ix* la verge &
ij vergex mell a v» x** la verge xxix* viij<*
Item paie pour writyng de diuers dcdys de Thomas Pyke a Hem' Hert a
Richard Claidich iij« vj<*
Item paie peirr bothire & Batilage pour le warmyng vp del ffaire de Saynt
Edward a Westm' ij« iiij<*
Item paie a Asche vn hui»me de lawe peirr le matfr de Bosworth vj* viij<*
Item paie pour ij verge/ de blanket pour Chaux & pour la facoxr del mesmez
peirr lez polys pour le hallyng ij« vj**
Summa idsfi vj«
Item paie peirr la facon de vn Chest Sc pour yron Staplys peirr lez dr^rperz
Steyne p's iij*
Item paie a lez prestis del Bowe peirr vn Anne x^
Digitized by
Google
^x6 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Itan ptie a lez prestis & a lez Qerkys del Bowe povr le dirige p's
iiij»iiij*
It^m ptie a lez Clerkvs del Bowe poar va Anne vjp vii}^
It^m paie a lez ditz Uerkys povr le ringyng del dirige & s^rvoise xv]^
Itan paie a Waltynsflfeld Almesman povr vn Anne liiij* iiij^
Itmi paie a le BedeU pour sonn Salary pMr vn Anne iiij"
Itan paie a le Waxchaundeler pMr Tapris & Syngyng candels povr
vn Anne xvj« v<*
XXjtm a lez Svngers del messe de n^re dame a Bowcherch yjp viij^
Itrm paie a le Chercfaewardeins de Saynt Mathews poatr quite rent pMr vn
Anne p*s rs^
Itnn paie a Sowthecote pour quite rent pMr vn Anne p's V
It^m paie a fe person de Saynt Swytheyns pMr sonn Offryng pcwr vn
Anne p«w le place dez drapers yj» viij*
Itrm paie a Will/#m Osborne pMr vn bille de prentishodys de vn Anne
p*s xs^
Itrm paie a hol^#ve sergeaunt pMr le Serche de lez yerdis de tailovrs xx<^
It^m paie a le BedeU pwr bromys & pennys pMr vn Anne vj^
It^m paie prnvr vn ton vyn dmt le nudr p's vj"
Item paie pmr Alowaunce del messe del dit mair ' xl*
Itrm paie povr wasshyng de diu^rs Napry for th* meyrs table ' iij*
It^m paie a lez players minstrelfys & pMv Russhis xxyj* viif'
\Xem pate a le Bedell prnvr iiij verg#x del meyrysrydynglyvrey viij*
Item paie pAKr takyng de possession de norre meson en Chep' p^r ThomMS
Hardyng iij* vij<*
Zumma xxx" viij« rf
Itrm paie a John Carpinter pMr le Rdlyng de vn dede pMr le Bake-
hows p*s If vf
Item paie pMr expens' a le ffiur de Saynt Barth' xij^
Item paie pmrr Bothir deux foicz a WestnMi/fr cum le mair povr le
Custum' p's xvj*
Item paie a John Bederenden & autrez prnvr le Endemakyng entre le
CnSt & Symound Eyr viij» iiij^
Item pfl»r j key pe«r le p^rlow dore iii j^
SMnmu xiij* rf
la reparacion de diuers plads
Item paie pew lamendyng del flowr del Ovyn en le bakehows yj* viij^
Item paie pew lamencfyn^ de Stairys en la dit Bakehows xi}^
Item paie pew pavyng del mesme Bakehows vij'
' John Brokly, a Draper, was Mayor this year.
' The last fi>ur words added in another hand.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 317
XXjgta paic pMr pavyng de xx teys le Teys viij<i Summa xiij* iiij^
Item paie prar zij fbote de plaj/ii Ston pmr castjng de watfr iij'
It#m piie pMT iij Cartefifull de pavyngston oucsqir^z le Cariage viij'
Itan pale pwr xj lodys de Gravaile le lode a s^ Smppiiu iUj^ vij^
Item pale pMr vn lokke en vn plate pMr le halle dore towarde le kechjm
& pour ij Rennyng staplis a le vtterhalle dore & pMr ij Clampis & vn
plate pMT vn fburme en le Sale p's vj*
Item paie peirr lamendyng de vn lokke del gr^unde Chest & vn bolt pewr
le Seler dore p's xiij*
Stmma !• viij<*
SMvmif de lez paymentis en tout Amount liij" xv* v^ ob'
lez dettoirrs de veile qir^rterage
Symound Coppesheve iiij*
John Gameleve de Colchestre vj*
John Edsale ae Saynt Edmundhisbury V
John Towkevyle v«
Alisaunder Anne v*
Thomas Emery v«
Heniy Hert viij»
Edmunde Salle ij*
Sifflvm#xl>
lez dettoirrs de lez apprentishodis
Henry Wotton pe«r John Carpinter xx»
ThonvtfS Hardyng pwr WiUi^m de lahaye qiri fiiist le apprentise de John
Glyn xx»
John firiklys pmr Tho»MS Bri' Northeffolke xx*
John Wardewyke pew Will/* m Hytchyn xx»
ThoM^ Acris pew Nich' Tetersale xx«
John Brockele pe«r Robert Marchaunt & Henr^ tenterden xl'
Symound « Eyre pe«r Henry Ber* & John Dryflfeld xl»
John Sebam peirr John Beredog xx*
Willi^mi Risseby peirr Will/4im Edwyn xx»
Richard Smythcote peirr John kynge xx*
Robert Shirborn pew John Eyrlyngton xx»
Smmn* xiij'^
%ummm totalis de (letters xv"
This entry is crossed through in the originaL
Digitized by
Google
^xS The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Rest en Ore & Argent deliuere a Nich' yoo Thomas Skot John knyght
& a Nich* fiarton xvf xv« iij^
Item Rest en diu^rs Detto«rs xv^^
SioNini# tof«li/ & Rest en Ore Argntf et en diivrs
DettoiTS amount en toiite nxp xv* nf^
La' acompte de Wat^ Cherteseye Symoimd Eyr* Richard fibrdell
& John Gladwyn Acompte en le vigill de Sayntz Symound & Jude Ian
du reigne le Roy Henr* Sisme puis le conquest treszysme
La' AcoHnpte de Nicholas yoo John knyeht Thonus Scot & Nicholas
Barton fait le iiij^ lour de Nouembre Ian du R^ne le Roy Henr* Sisme
puis le Conquest xiiip
Accoants Ian xiiij de Roy Henr* vj*
Aug. i43f Ceux sonnt lez Resseitz queux WiU/iim Parchemener Will/jfm Kyrton
fer year ' Benet Flarlewyn & Ric Sharpe onnt Resseux de Nich' yoo John
Ang.to Aug. Knyeht Thonuis Scot & Nich' Barton en Xour temps pMr \tz maistres
i434~5- ^^^ drapers en le Box de Dieu
Cestassauoir en le mesme box xvj*» xv» iij*
\Xitm Rcssu de Robert Thorp pwrr vn Anne xx«
\Xitm Ressu de Henr* Barton pMr vn Anne xxiij* iiij^
\Xjem Ressu de John Ruddok pMr vn Anne xxvjT viij'
\Xjem Ressu de Reynold Wellwrm pwrr vn Anne yj" xiij« iiij^
\Xjem Ressu de Thomiis Halman pmr vn Anne iij" vj> viij^
\X/tm Ressu de John Bytbewater p^irr vn Anne yj^
\\,em Ressu de Will/^m P^irson p^irr vn Anne xx*
\Xem Ressu de iiij" xij persones peirr loirr quarterage iiij" xij«
Siwwmif xlj*" xvij* iij*
lez Resseitz de lez Apprentyshodes
Item Ressu de John Byllesdon peirr John Aleyn xx'
Item Ressu de Ric' langton pe«r Henr^ Eburton xx'
Item Ressu de John Hylle pe«r Thomas Court xx'
Item Ressu de Will/iim Comewykc peirr John Poynnter xx"
Item Ressu de John Shirboume p^irr John Tyrlyngton xx*
Item Ressu de John Bekvogh^m pern* Thomas £mind xx'
Item Ressu de John Brokle pe«r Robert Marchaunt xx*
Item Rcssu de luy pe«r Henr* Tenterden xx»
Item Ressu de Will/^m Rercsby peirr Will/^m Edwyn xx'
' Endorsement on the outer page of the last lea£
^ Endorsement on the outer page of the first leaf.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 319
IXjem Ressu de Thonus Sebemc en p^trtie de paicmeiv^ pmr John Ber-
doggc X*
\Xjtm Ressu de John WiII/#m p^irr John Howet xx*
SM»mif x" x«
lez Resseitz del Temp^rall Box
\tem Ressu de Ric' Oneh^md p0«r son entrc yj* \nf
Item Ressu de Robert Bertyn pour son entre vj» vii^
Item Ressu de Stephene Marchaunt pour son entree vj* viij<*
Item Ressu de Roger Haysand pour son cntrc vj« viij<*
Item Ressu de John Stokker pour son entre vj» viij^
Item Ressu de Will/^m Home pour son entre xlvj* viij<>
Iteni Ressu de John Anntrus pour entrc vj» viij<*
Item Ressu de Barth' lathe pour son entree xl"
Item Ressu de Cxlj persones pour lez minstrell pour le Rydynge de les
viscountz xlvij*
Item Ressu del Argent de les pouerez dones par diufrez persones del
mistier par lez mains de Will' Edy & Stephme Grene Collettoarrz
del dit argent CestassauorV pour le terme de seint Michell Ian xiij«
iij** xij» yj<*
Item Ressu en mesme le fourme del Argent de les pouerez par lez ditz
Wiir Edy & Stephen Grene le veill' de pask Ian xiij« xxx»
Item Ressu de Alisaunder Anne de veil dette xij^
Summa xiij^ xvij* ij^
les Resseitez del Temp^eil box pour lez fynes
Item Ressu de John Derby pour le ffaute del Rydynge oue le mayre viij<^
Summa viij<*
Summa totalis de toutz les Resseitz amou»te Ixv}^ v*
lez paiements del Box de dieu
En primtz paie a Wode serieaunt pour le Serche del feir* de s* Barth*
iij» iiij<*
Item paie pour boier a le fcir* de s* Barth* vij**
Item pa/e pour Batellage & botehir* a Wcstm* al terment del Roy iij» iiij**
. Item past a viij mynstrell pour le Rydynge dez viscountz Ui^iiij*^
Item paie, pour Boier pour lez ditz mynstrell le mesme io«r iij* x^
Item paie pour viij Chaperonz pwr lez ditz mynstrell & pour di' Chaperon
peirr Thom-is oue le Trompe • xix» vij<*
Item paie a Thomirs Bedell peirr vn Chiuall pour Rydynge ou' lez viscountz
txij*
Item paie a luy pour vn Chiuall pour Rydynge ou' le maire xij<^
lfM*l u u
Digitized by
Google
330 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Item p«re a lez prestys del Bowe Cestassauoir a sir John Walker pmrr vn
Aime iif* vj» viij*
Item paie a luy en Reward en la vacacion del autre preste Cestassauoir
pottr ij termcz yf viij*
Item paic a lautre preste poitr demy Anne iif ^ vj* viif
Item pif/e a lez prestys & Qerkys del Bowe pMr le Dirige iiij* uijj^
Item paie a lez Qerkys del Bowe pMr vn Anne yj* viij<^
Item paie a lez Qerks del Bowe pwr Ryngyng & boier al dirige xvf
Item paie a lez Syngers de masse de n^/re aame a Bowe vj* viij^
Item paie a le Cnaundder potfr lez lygfatys and syngynge Candell poitr vn
Anne a Bowechirche xv» J^ ob*
Item paie a Ric* Waldyn^feld almesman pMr vn Anne liij* iiij^^
Item paie a Ric' Stryke ^mesman prar iij quarters dun Anne jd*
Item paie a lez Chirchewardyens de s* Matbewes pMr quyte Rent povr vn
Anne xx*
Item paie a WiU/ifm Sowthecote pMrr quyte rente prar vn Anne v*
Item paie a luy de Rerages del dit quyte Rent pour ij Annes z*
Item paie a le person de Selnt Swytihynes pottr son offiyng poor vn Anne
pwrr lez place dcz drapers yf viij**
Item paie a Thomas Bedell pour son Salar' pwr vn Anne iiif^
SiMinu xxiij** xv» j* ob*
Item paie a Nich' Soutbeccte pear quyte Rent poor vn Anne p0»r le
Bakhous par le vicar de Croydon xx*
Item paie a William Osbarne poor vn bille de apprentyshodes pettr vn
Anne xx*
Item paie pear Alowaunce del messe del mayre xl*
Item paie pear wasshynge de diu^z naperve ij* vj*
Item paie a lez pleyers mvnstrell & pear Kusshes xxiiij*
Item pMe pear vn copye del Charter de lez Tayloi^rs xix* iii|*
Item paie a John veysy almesman poor di' Anne xiij* iiij*
Item paie a WUUam bonoar almesman poor j qv^irter dun Anne vj* viij*
Item paie pear payn & vyn pear mons* Ponyngs & Madame oue loar
gentz ijp
Item paie pear ffewell & hangynge vppe del Hallynge & pear takynge
doun del Hallynge arer* pear mons* i^
Item paie pear botehir* pear le pfsent' del maire a le Roy viij*
Item pme a Hiomas Bedill pear vn Tubbe. viij*
Item paie a John Carpenter iiij verges di' & di' qaaiter sang' eng^ a ix* viij*
Saaana xliiij* viij* ob'
Item paie a Alisaundre Anne ij verges sang* eng' a ix* viij* & ij verges
scarlet le verge a xij* Summa xliij* iUj*
Item paie a lez ij prestys viij verges sang* eng* le vfrge a V]« Smtnna xlviij*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 331
Wem p^ie a Thomas Qement Bedell di' vfrge & di' o^uat^jtr scarlet & di'
vw'gc & di' qir^frtfr sang* eng* pris toutz x«
It*wi prf/c a John Rcyncwell demy v«^e & di* x^arXjer sang' engfiiia Ic
Vfrge a ix« viij^ xiij« yj^ ob'
\Xgm p^c pwrr hangynge vppe takynge doun & foldynge vppe del hallynge
a le feste xvj<*
Itov ptre pMT Amendynge dun lok j keye & j bolt pwr le hautpas dore
yjd
StfMnui xilij" xiij* yj^
lez Reptfracions de diuerez placez
\Xitm paic poitr vn lokke oue j keye pottr le meison de Ruddok v)^
Item pjiie pmrr vn horde oue le werkemanshipp pwr amender le hautepas
del parlour tang' a le kechene ij<i
Item paic a vn mason poitr iiij ioi^rz & di' poitr amendynge de lez herthes
en lez Rentez & en le Bakhous p^srur^nt cheson iottr viij<^ oh. iij* i}^
Item paie a vn seruitnt laborer a dit mason paitr le mesme temps xiij^
Item paie p^irr ij lodez lyme poitr le dit werke ij*
Item paie poitr vn lode sonde pmrr lez ditz werkes v^
Item pait pour j lib* Candell poitr le dit werke j* oh*
Item paie pour Cariage de ij lodez Robous vj<i
Item paie a vn Tyler pour Tylynge del Bakhous & lez Chamber soirx le
parloi^r pour ix io«rz vj» vij* ob*
Item paie a vn laborer s^ru^mt a dit Tyler pour le dit werke & pour Tyle
pynnez iij» vj* ob*
Item paie pour vn w} Tyles & pour certeyns Rofe tylcs v» x^
Item paie pour lyme & sapde pour le dit werke iij* viij<*
Item paie pour Cariage de Robows & pour boier xxij^*
Item paie pour naylez pour le Goter a le Bakhous xvj<i
Item paie pour feisare de none parte dun Goter partable p^xrentre John
WelJys & nous a le Bakhous vij*
Item paie a vn plomer pour Sowdynge dun Goter soirx le Chamber del
ptfrIo«r iij» x^
Item paie pour vn Cartefiill Stonys pour le Bakhous xvj^
Item paie pour feisure dun Chemeney en le hostiell de Reynold Welh^m
en Chepe xxj» viij<*
Item paie pour vn Sak lyme pour le iburneys en le Squelerye ij^
Item paie pour freston pour le foumeys en le Squelerye xij*
Item paie pour j barre de ferre pour le dit foi^neys pois vij^ x^ ob'
Item pah pour herthelome pour amendyng del Ovene en le kechene ij<>
Summa iij" vij« vij^
Digitized by
Google
53^ The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
\Xtm ptie pMT werkemanshippe del <iit foifraeys & amendyng del mesme
Ovene xx*
\Xitm paie t vn Tyler poarr v ioarrz pwr poyntynge del Sale & pMr Qosynge
del Chemeney en lostiell de Reynold Welh^m p^munt le ioirr vlij<^
^umcam iijp iiij*^
\Xem p«re a vn laborer seru^nt a dit Tyler pwrr v ioirrz ij* vj*
\Xjtm p«e p«w vn pekke de Tyle^^nnes p«irr le Sale 'f ob*
It^Mi p«re pMT vj<^ Ro£Fenayles & dtmy C latthes & vn horde p^»r le Botine
del Goter en le meison en Chepe ziij^ ob'
\Xitm pose pour demy m* Tylcs pottr loftiell de Reynold Wellum ij* ix*
Item p«rc pour demy c Tylez pour le Sale iif* ob*
lUm paie pour cc Solatte Stones pour le Sale zvj'
Item paie pour iij Sakks lyme & vn lode sande pomr le Sale & loftiell de
Reynold Welhirm xj^
Summa xiiij* ob'
Summm totaUs de toutz les paiementz Amounte xlij^ x* iiy^
lez Dettoirrz de veill quarterage
Symond Coppesheve iiij*
John Gameleye vj"
John Edsale de Seint Edmundes Bury v*
J<An Totrkevyle v«
Alisaundre Anne iiij"
Thomas Emerye v«
Hcnr* Hert viij«
Emund Salle ij*
Sifflinuxxxix*
lez Detto^rs de lez Apprentyshodes
Henr* Wotton pour John Carter xx«
ThomifS Hardynge pour Will/#m de lahay qw iuist apprentys de John
Glyn xx«
John Brikkclys pour Thorns Northcfolk xx«
John Wardewyke pour Williitm Hytchyn xx»
ThoniifS Acrys pour Nich* Tatersalc xx»
Jdm Sebeme pMrr John Beredogge x«
Ric* Smythecote pour John kynge xx»
John Pake pour John Pake Jun* xx«
John Wotton pour Robert Borwyke xx»
Emery Matany pMr Thonus Moreton xx"
Will/4f m » Russell pwr John Wase xi?
' Against this entry is a note in the margin, 'Ressn p4r pardummer*.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 335
ThoniifS Bremhill poarr John Pekerynge xx*
Rolvrt^ Cristemasse potr ThoniifS Ncsse xx»
Ric* Hyght p«w Jdm Hydiccok xx«
Will/#m Raper p^»r TboniifS Joyous xx*
RogfT Talbot p«»r Will/Vfm Wolryche Barth* Cowpcr & John lyon iij«
John Gedney pwr ThoniifS Garwardeby & Robrrt Whitehill xl*
Nicholas yoo p«w Nich* Wardc & Ecunund Rusby xl»
Ric* ' Onchand pwr WiUi^f m Twyvill xx«
Water ^ Thorpe p«w Thonus Elys xx»
John * Wyot pwrr ThoniifS Mongomery xx»
Benet Harlewyn pwr ThoniifS ffenwyk xx*
Roger ' Haysand p^rr Alisaundre Haysand xx"
Ric^ Shaipe pmvr philip keiy & John knyght xl*
John « Cok pour John Holder . xx*
Zumma xxix" X*
les DettOfl^rs prar Rent
It«f» Andrew Trotte Taylo«r p«w vn Anne entier xxviij*
^umma xxviij*
^umma XotMs de toutz les Dettwrez Amonte xxxij" xvij*
Rest en Ore & Aigent deliufre a William parchemen^ Will/^fm kyrton
Benet Harlewyn & Ric* Sharpc xxiip xiiij* x^ *
\Um Rest en Diufrz Dettovrz xxxij^* xvij*
Swmnif to/ifl/x q«i Resten Ore Argent & en Diuerz Detto^rz Amount en
tout IvjJ* xj* X*
Thys accompt y made the ix day of Nouembre the xix**« yer* of kyng Accounts
Harry the vj**»* by John Gedney ^ maist^ John Wotton John Derby presented
Robert Bertyn & Thomas Cook Wardeyncs of the craft of drapercs for Not. 1440,
the yer last past ffurst resceyued by the accompt of the olde Wardeynes *>r y«af
in the box xvj^ x* ^i\^^ir
Also resceyued of diufrs p^sonys for fynys y mad for the feyr of seynt
mary ovcrey as hit enseweth
Of Richard Thomebery xx^
Of Edmund Miles iiij<^
OfWylliawComcwyk viij<*
Of John HiUe \\if
Of Rob^ Awnell iiij<>
' Against each of these entries s a: note in the margin, 'Ressn p^r jMrch*-
mmtt*.
* The balance h id. too much.
^ John Gadney was the first AUunr.
I 43 9-40-
Digitized by
Google
334 ^^^ Earliest Wardens' Accounts
Of Wylliaw Thyrston iiij«
OfWyUiawWardc viij*
Of Wylliaiw Mcwc iiij*
Of John Dowbyll iiij'*
Of Robert ffytz Andrew iiij^
Of ThomifS Brtcy iiij^
Of WyUiaw WaltyngfUd 'vxf
Of Thoniiis Pcrctrc viij*
Of John Pake iiij^
Of ThoiKiifS Salman iiij^
Of John Crappy ng iiij**
vijp viij<*
Also rcsceyued of dufrs p^sonys for mrrccments for diu^rs causis
Of parchemcner iiij*
Of Northampton iiij<*
Of Harry longespee iiij*
Of John Whyt iuj^
Of Thomifs W ellys xx<*
Of John parker iiij**
iiij«iiij<*
[Summa totalis] acvijB xiiij<*
Also rcsceyued for fynys of hem thii^ fayled tt th# mayris rydynge
Of Emery Matany ij»
Of Thomiis Cook the elder xx^
Of John Stystede xx<*
Of Stephen MarcLfunt viij^
OfRic'Onhand xx*
Of John Wykys xx*
Of Ric* Thornberye xvj^
Of Roger Hayzand xij*
Of Thomas Thornton x^
Of ThomifS Bemewey xvj<*
Of John Hyghitm xij<>
Of John Norman xij*"
xvj'iiij*
Also resceyued of diu^rs personys for the schrevys mynstrallys that is to
seye of eche p^rsone iiij<^ whicbe amounteth xlix* iiij'^
Also resceyued of Robert Derby for a fyn yj« viij<*
Also resceyued of Rauf Asteley for his entre by rempcfon xl'
Also resceyued of Richard Bayly for his entr# by redempcron vj^ xiij* iiij<^
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts ^jy
Also resceyued of Thonus Crosse for his entre
Also resceyued for newe quarteragys of iiij" iij p^rsonys
xviH XV* iiii^
v]« viij*
iiij^iiij*
Also resceyued of Old «
OfWyll/ifmEdy
OfWyllLfmCieiv . . .
Of WyllLfin Par . . .
Of John D . . .
Of John ff . . .
Of Thorn . . .
Of John . . .
Of
O
O ...
O
O
her yer* dewe
Also resceyued of r[e]ntys to the craft belongynge
Of ThoMMS Halman . • • • for an hool yer
Of Harry Barton for .... ol yer
Of ThojvMS Scott for an hool yer
Of John Ruddok for an hool yer
Of John Derby for an Hool yer
Of Aldonce Scherman for an hool yer
Of WylliaMi Broughton for an hool yer
xvU xvj* viij<*
[Summa totalis] xyj'* viij" viij<*
Also resceyued for dyuers is to seye
Of John lynge for Jofai
OfJohnBryklysforRi
Of Wyll/ifm Clerk for Joh#
OfThom^fsHardyngfor
Of Stephen Miirchifunt for Wy . . •
Of Roger Kelseye for John
Of John Stokkcr for R
Of John Stokker for
OfThomifsMalterfor
Of Thomas Aylesby
iiijO xiij* iiij^
xxiij» iiij<*
xlyj* viij^
liij* iiij*
XX*
The marks of omission indicate a lacrnia in the maniucript.
Digitized by
Google
^^6 The Earliest ff^ardens^ Accounts
Of Stephen Salnuv
Of WfUiMm RusscU for John
OfWnUam RusscU for .
Of Will/ifin RusseU for
Of John Cristemasse for
Of Harr/ Brave for Johir
Of Robert Scherbovrne for
Of Wyllum Anvdd for
Of Wyllifm Sampolefor
Of J<An NankclJy for Nug
Tbe SoMrme of alle resceitz aforcseid Ix^^ V ij^
These ben the parcellx payd at diivrs tymes for the vse of th# Craft of
drapers
fior a barge to Westmynster at the myndc of the kyng ij dayes vj*
£br an elle of Spynall to wrappe ynne the baneris iiif^
£for mynstrallys for the schrevvs liij* iiij'
£for the mynstrallys hodys ana drynkyng xix*
ffor a barge to Westmynster for the Cr2ft v«
ffbr boot hire diners tymes yn Sc owt for the aulnage Jiol^
Sot oure coiurseil Sc n>r deuysynge of a bille to the mair & drvnlcynge v*
£fbr huyre of iiij hors for botell of sdet wyn & our costys to Carporter
xiij»iiij*
£fbr a wrytt to discharge Ruddok xif
fibr a Copy of the oth of the aulnage xxf
yeven to leuysLf m for dispcisacibn of the oth for tbe leden aed
xxvjp vuj*
£for a peir endenturs be twene Ruddok & vs mad by Ieuysh#m derkr ij*
fibr a lyne & an banier paid to Ruddok yj* viij'
ffor drynkynge with levesh^m diuers tymes & with his derkis xij<i
fibr endenturs be twene Gladwyn and vs xij^
fibr a box for oure patent ' iij^
fibr ilj yerdis and an half musturells for maister Ric^ Barnet zvij* v]^
fibr the bedellys hors at the mayris rydynge xij<<
fibr wyn at the cardinallis hatt in pesence of otrr maister & our couirsdl
xiiij*
fibr bred and wyn & colys in pesence of our maister & oirr souereyns
aldermen & Gartoirr in Drapers Hall ' ij* ij^
fibr peyntyng of viij scodions ij» viij*
fibr reward to Gartour ^ iip vj» viij*
* The Charter of 17 Hen. VL
' First mention of the Drapers' Hall.
^ For their Grant of Arms. Granted March 1439.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 337
ffor a yerd & half scarlet & musturels for an hood to Garter xij*
jrcven to Garteris ij men \xf iiif*
fibr Gartour is dyner in the pesence of the Wardeynys vj* viij**
fibr portreyyng in diuers wysis of our comune seel xij^
ffbr devysyng and for wryting of our dede of Armys & for a notaries
signe ' vj« viij<*
ffor Tvmnynge of the same dede v«
ffbr Gravinge of the comune seal " xxiij" iiif*
ffor xij vvices & iij qir^frterons silufr therto the vnce ij" \\f rxjxf xj<* ob*
[total of page] xvj*^ iiij« vij^ ob*
ffbr a payre endenturs vndur the comune seel for Carter is hood viij<^
ffor a purs to the seal and a keye to the box vixf
ffor a Copy in the diauiicery of me newe article in the taylovrs charter ^ ij"
ffor ij biUes devysing & writing to the meir for the same article ij"
ffor Haydok man of lawe xx"
ffor boot hire to Westmynstre & hom diuers tymcs yj<*
ffor setting of our Armys in Glas wyndowys in drapers halle vj" viij^
ffbr iiij lib talow candel for our prestis at the lowe churche v<*
ffbr peynting of scochowrs with our Armys in the parlour iij"
ffor xj lode & iij sakkis of lym if
ffor ij tyleris xij dayes the day viij<> xyj"
ffor ij laboreris as many dales a day v^ x"
ffor iiij buschell of tylc pynnys ij"
ffor a Goter ^ of tre in the kechen & the werkmanschipe vj'
ffor X lode of sand iiij" if
ffbr iiij lode and iiij sak of Ivm iiij" viij<*
ffbr v™*' of large tylys the ml* vj" iiij<* xxxj" viij<*
ffor ij°>i* tylys the thousand v» vj<* xj"
for iij buschellys of tyle pynnys xviij<*
ffbr vij evys bordis ij" iiij<*
ffor m* & half roof nayl xvj<i ob'
ffbr carryynge of tyles to the halle xvj<*
ffbr ij tyleris vj dayes the day viij<* viij"
ffor ij laboreris yj dayes the day v<* v"
ffbr ij tyleris viiij dayes the day wnf x" viij<*
ffor ij laboreris as longe the day v^ vj" viij<*
ffor carvyng awey of xiiij lodis robus iiij" iiij**
ffor a darpenter a day viij ob'
ffor ledgis and bordys x<*
ffbr a cSasp and a bolt to the wyndowe 'if
^ For their Grant of Anns. Granted March 1439. .
" They were given the right to have a Common Seal by Patent 17 Hen. VI.
^ Charter to Tayfors, cf. Clode, Merchant Taybrs, pt. i, p. 35. ^ Gutter.
1808.1 XX
Digitized by
Google
338 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
Sox niTlis mf ob'
fh>r a boUe ij<*
fibr a peyre of garnettx and hokis th^o v'f
flbr ij staplis ij*
Sox pych and rosjrn and workmansdup to th^ goter i\xf
[total of page] viij» xv]« x« ob*
Sox loder to the Goter in the stret f
ffor makyng of a tynde ^
£R>r nuncions among werkmen ij« if
ffor \if latthis ij«
fibr a lode of lomb iiij<^
fior a dawber and his man xiij<*
fibr a mason ij dayes xvij^
ffor his laborer ij dayes xj*'
fibr traunsom nayl vif
flbr a trestcl foot f
fibr bord in the gable ende of the halle iiij<^
fior naylis f
Sox the werkmanschip th^rof iiij<i
flfbr refresching of the cotidyan hallyng xx^
fior bromys and for a schovele iiij<i
fibr a keye to derbv is schoppe dore mf
fibr hopis to the olde tubbis )if
Sox a lokk to the lede & for a bolt & mending of a lok in chepe x^
fibr vj burdons of ruschen & the berynge xviij<^
fibr hanging vp & taking don of the halljmg xvj<^
ffor a quarton of roof tyle xviij^
flfor \f tylys xiij^
fior oure ij prestis sineinge at bowe Churche x"
fior Ric' Waldyngfeld liij» iiij«*
fior Thoniifs Clement iiij^
ffor our wax for the yere at bowe Churche xvij«
ffor mynstrallis and pleyeris at your feste xvj» \\if
ffor wasching of naperie ij*
fibr the derkis of the bowe for all# the yer# vj» viij^
fior the singeris at our masse v"
fibr p^rrson and derkis at our dirige & masse \Axf
Sox ringeris at bowe diurdie & drinking xij<i
ffor allowaunceofthemeiris messe xl'
fibrallowaunce of aldermen of othfr craftisbyalle the company nempned
and assigned xl*
fior lym & werkmanschip at bowe comer \j^
[total of page] xxiiij'^ xvij* xj**
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts ggp
for ij gamettis for a Gapyas yj<*
ffor quarter bordis & ledgis viij<*
ffor half an hundred of vj peny nayl iij<^
fibr planke borers and fylctts v^
ffor a Carpenter a day v\xf ob*
ffor quit rente to seynt mathewe for a yere xx*
fibr taking dou» & setting on of glas wyndows at yoivr feste viij^
ffor led to the Goter in the kechen and thoruz the larder xxxix* iij'^
ffor quyt rente of the bakhous ' xx«
ffor quyt rente of the posteme v«
ffor the persun of Seynt swy thyns yj« viij^
ffor a bylle owt of the dambr^ for apprentys hodis xx^
ffor an obligacon and defesauncez to Derby and for wax xiiij'i
[total of page] iiij" xvj» xj<> ob'
The somme of all the expence^ aforesdd liiij" xvj» iiij^ ob'
The Somwe in money in the box is v"* viij« ix<* ob*
These ben the detours to th^ craft dewe by th# sessing of th/x » oi^r yere
Rob^t Qopton iij" yj» viij**
Symond Eyre v"
Rob^ Cristendom and Staundon iiij^
John ffabyan xx'
Harry longespee yj« viij<*
John Wh;^ iij» iiij<*
Wylli4«n Horn xx»
Raynold Welam xx«
John Wyot xx»
Ric' ffbrdel xx«
Will/ifm Alyf xxvj« viij^
Benet Harlewvn iij"
John Ryngcfield xiij» iiij<*
Nicho/tfs Barton xx«
John firidges yj» viij<*
Thonus Cook the elder xl«
John Hille of Comhille vj« viij<*
John Cristemasse of Cornhille xx*
John Wottun xl«
Middelam of Suffolk xx*
Smwrm xxx" X'
' Amount altered in original from t*.
' First notice 6f assessing. Probably for a < riding' on some public occasion.
Digitized by
Google
34-0 The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
These ben the dettours of olde quarterage
Rcrfvrt Whitinghitm xij<*
Rauf Holand xij<^
S/r Wyll/tfm Gerveys xij**
ThoniifS Haseley 3dj<*
John fiytterden xij<*
Ric* Swayncseye xij<*
Thom^fS Fyk vi)» xij^
[total of page] xxx" 3cvij«
Wylliifm Surcx>ty8 xij^
Wyll/tfm Baron xij**
Thomifs Burgon xij<^
Wyll/^m Mund xij<*
iiij*
These ben the dettours of Apprentyshodys^
my maister Brokley for Rob^ Seyken xiij* iiij**
my maistfr Brokley for Walter xiij* iiij<*
my maistere Brokley for Thomijs Hapthorp xiij» iuj<*
Symond Eyre for Robert ffyscher xiij« iiij<*
Wylli^m Edy for evbod £dy xiij* iiij**
Wyll/4fm Norhampton for Thomiis Dou xiij« iiij**
Wyll/^m Norhampton for ThoimfS yonge xiij* iiij<*
Wyll/^m Parchemener for Ric' flfoot xiij* iiij**
Wyll/tfm Chervel for John Richer xiij» iiij<*
ThomtfS Pyke for John Marven xiij» iiij^
ThomifS Pyke for Rob«l Stowke xiij« iiij^
Raynold Welam for Thom^is Maryot xiij» iiij<*
John Cokke for Hariy £lderton xiij« iiij^
John Wyot for John Brandon xiij« iiij^
Edmuna Pountvyne for Robert Rewel xiij« iiij<*
John Ruddok for Jamys Compe xiij* iiij^^
John Ruddok for John beauchampe xiij' iiij<^
John Dene for Thom^ts Crosse xiij» iiij**
NichoAfS Mason for Ric' Danscombe xiij« iiij<*
Jolm Wardewyk for John Corbett xiji« iiij<>
John Norman for John Dale xiij* iiij^
John Norman for Harry Cunstable xiij* iiij<*
' Fee fer apprenticeship 13/. 4^. So it was in 147^
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 34-1
ThomifS Salman for John firebam
Robwt Hawnd for Hariy Alcyne
xiij* iiij^
xiij« iiij**
[total of page xvj^ iiij»]
xvj"
These ben the quarteragis owynge by diuws personis so
Of my maist^ Nicho/«is Wotton
Of my maistfr John Brokley
Of my maist^* Robert Whitingbim
Of my maister John Raynwelle
Of my maister Rauf Holand
s/r Ric* Thoro
s/> Wyll/jf m uerveys
ThomjfS Haseley
John Bvtterden
John Tatersale
ThomifS Hardyng
John Kyrkcly
GefFray yermowthe
Wyll/ifm Northifmpton
Wyll/ifm Parchemener
John Ramsede
ThomifS Stanus
John Dyer
Ric' Swaneseve
Alexaner Child
NichoAfS Barton
John Spenser
ThomifS Pyke
John Wode
WylJ/if m Sybson
Thomas Brou*
John Style
John Elvysch
Thom^ Uoodhynde
Ric' Hersy
Wyllie Baron
John Cokke
xxxij"
Somi»e of all the dettys is xlviij'^ x . . .
xij"
xij^
xij<^
xij^
xij<^
xij<*
xij**
xij^
xij<*
xij<*
xij<*
xij*^
xij*
xij"
xij**
xij**
xij**
xij^
xij*
xij^
xij^
xij**
xij**
xij**
xij**
xij**
xij*
xij*
xij<*
xij**
xij<*
xij<'
Digitized by
Google
34-^ T^^ Earliest JVardens^ Accounts
Accounts Thys Accompt jr made the vij day of Noumbre the xx«> yere of Kyng
presented Hairy the vj*« » By John Brokley maystcr John Stoker and Roger Haysand
Nov. 1441, Wardens of the Crafte of Drapers jffor the yere last past flyrst rcsceyued
for year by the accompt of the olde Wardens in the Box v« viij« vg^ ob'
1441^^°* Allso Rcsceyued off VfWMam Rysby flbr a fiyne that he made at the
mayrys lydyng xij^
Allso Rcsceyued of Richard Payne.
Rec' off Will/Vim Wantyngffcld ^
Rcc* off" Thomas Bracy [ ffor thayr Entreys X3cvj» viij^
Rec' off Robert A^hiere i
Allso Rcsceyued ffor newe qwartyrage off'iij" and viij personys iij'* viij«
Swwwif x^iiirvdob*
Allso Rcsceyued off" Olde qwartyrage of tluf/ othyr yere dewe Off Thonus
Hardyng xij^
Allso Rcsceyuvd off the revenewys to the Craflc bclongyng
Off Thonux Halman ffor a hole yere for ij tenementys iiij^ xiij« iiij<*
Off Harry Barton ffor a hole vere xxiij* iiij**
Off Thom^f s Cotton ffor a hole yere xx«
Off John Ruddoke flbr di' yere xiij» iiij«*
Off John Darby ffor a hole yere iij^^
Off John Aldowce Schermai» for a hole yere liij* iiij"^
Off Will/Vm Botter for a hole yere xx*
Off Thomas Cowper ffor a hole yere iiij^ xiij* iiij<^
Off Richard Robert Skynner ffor a hole yere xx«
Off Thomifs Cowper ffor the terme of ij yere & di' of owre tenyment
ix** yj« viij*'
xxix^ iij* iiij^
Allso Rcsceyued ffor dyuers Apprenticialecs thif/ ys to Sey
Off my maisttx Brokley flbr Robert Seykyn x» »
Off my nuuster Brokl^ ffor Walter x»
Off my maister Brokley ffor ThoniifS Hapthorpe x»
Off my maister Brokley ffor Thom^ Halbroke x»
Off my maister Brokley flbr Edmund Bykbysworthe x«
Summa xxxj^ xiiij' iiij^
1»
Allso Rec' off my mmstet Nycoloz ys for John Aditm x»
Rec* off Davy Selly ffbr Ric' Hubcrdx x»
' R. Cbpton, a Draper^ was Mayor this year.
^ The fee for apprenticeship is varying between 13X. ^d. and i ox., unless indeed
those paying 10/. are paying the balance of a previous year which had been unpaid |
cf. account of 141 3-1 4.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 543
Rs* of ThoniifS Portre for ThoniifS Gooderyche xiij« iiij**
Rcc' off Thomas Portre ffor John Wenflfrey xiij» iiij<*
Rcc' off Will/if m Waldyngffeld ffor John Morton x«
Rec' off Benet Harwyn ffor Geffrey Gernon xiij* iiij<*
Rec' off Will/ifin Rysby ffor Ric' Scman xiij* iiij<»
Rec* off Will/ifm Thurston ffor Will/«w Holthitm xiij» iiij<*
Rcc* off Symond Knell ffor John Rumbold xiij» iiij<*
Rec' off John Willyam ffor Ric* Mason xiij* iiij<*
Rec' off John Willyam ffor Will/iim Hyde xiij« iiij^
Rec* off Ric' Skrey ffor John Eston xiij» iiij<*
Rec* off Robert Edolffe ffor Robert Osbom x*
Rec* off John Dawe ffor Hewe Page xiij* iiij<*
Rec' off Thonus Salman ffor John ffrebarn x«
Rcc* off John Pake ffor ThomifS Basse x»
Rec' off WillLim Parchmener ffor Ric' ffbtc x«
Rcc' off Robert Hawnell fibr Harry Alcyn x»
Rcc* off John Stoker ffor Alexander Swynborn x«
Rcc' off Emery Mateny ffor Ric' Barnardcston x»
xj" xiij* iiij**
The Somwe of all the resseyts a ffbre Seyd liij^ xij» f ob'
Ress' off the Executovrs off" Thom<f s Aylysby at hys beqwest xl»
Thez be the p^rcells payd at dyuers tymez ffor the vse off the crafte of
draperye
ffyrst ffor a Baige to Westmy»styr to the mynde off the kyne ij dayes v»
All so ffor a Barge to Wcstmynstyr wyth the Scheryffys ffor the Crafte v»
Itew ffor bote hyre to Westmynstyr ffor my lord off Salysbery dyuers
tymes vj^
Itew ffor the Bedylls hors at the mayrs rydyng xij<*
Itew ffor a qware off papyr iij**
Itew ffor iiij lb. talow candyll ffor yowr prystys at the Bowe vj^
Itew ffor yj Byrthyn off* rysnen for yow Hall xviij<*
Itew ffor havyng vp & takyne downe of the hallyng xvj<|
Itew to the ij prystys off the Bowe ffor the yere x"
Itew to Ric' Waldyngffeld liij» iiij**
Itew to Watkyn ffrebarne Iiij" iiij«"
Itew to Thonuis Clement Bedyll iiij"
Itew ffor wax to the Bowe chyrche for the yere xvij* vj^
Itew ffor mynstrylls & players at owr ffcst xyj» viij<>
Itewr ffor waschyng off napery ij"
Itew to the Clerk of Bowe ffor all the yere vj» \]xf
Itew ffor Syngers at owre masse v»
Digitized by
Google
344- T^^ Earliest Wardens^ Accounts
IXem ffor Prystys & Clerkys at owre dyryge iiij»
\Xjtm flfor ryngers & drynke xij<*
Item flbr a lowans off the mayrys mese xl*
\Xiem fior a lowans off alldyrmors mess off odyr Craftys xl«
[total of page] xxvj** xiiij* vij<*
Pif/d ffor the qwyte rente to Seynt Matheus for a yere xx»
ffor qwyte rente off the Bakhouce xx»
ffor qwyte rente off the postrcn v»
To the pifTSon off Seynt Swythyns ffor offeryng yj» viij**
flbr a Garnet to John Darby Schop in chepe iiij<*
To John Darby ffor wrytyng off a copy for the crafte viij^
To the Glasyer ffor takyng off & Settyxg on of a wyardow viij^
ffor a byll owte off the Chtmbyr for prentyshodys xx*"
ffor hokys & naylys ffor the diambyr f ob'
ffor Sawdyng off gotcrs off Cowpcrs howse iij» iij*
ffor yj yerdys off vyolet at xij« the yerde flbr my lorde ot Salysbery
iiju xij«
flbr nurx/er Ad^fm Molens yj yerds of vyolet at xij' ^Mmrna iij^ xij*
ffor John Carpentyr a yerde & di' dff vyolet at xij» ^mmma xviij»
ffor \Amst€X Ric* Bamet a yerde & j qiwrrter vyolet price x« v<*
ffor Will/irtn Chadworth a yerde & j qv^frter Scarlet & vyolet pr/ce
xiij* iiij*
ffbr Burgeyn ma» off lawe a yerde & j qv^frter Scarlet & vyolet price
xiij* iiij<*
ffor vylton mai» off lawe a yerde & j qv^f rter Scarlet & vyolet price
xiij« iiij<^
ffor viij yerdys of vyolet ffbr the prest/s gownez xlviij*
ffor the bedylls hode jyerde & j qviirter Scarlet & vyolet price xij» viij<*
To Thoniifs Cowper ffor certeyn reparacibns done viip xix« xf^
paid to maister Ric* Bamat ffor a Entryng & ij copyes iij» iiij<*
[total of page] xxv" xiij» [viij^ ob']
The Somme off all the expences a ffore Sayd lij^' viij* iij<* ob'
The Somme in the Box ys iij" iij* x^
Thez bene the Dettoivrs to the Craft by the sessing off the yerys be ffore
Seyd
My maister Qopton iij^ yj« viij^
Symond Eyre v^
Robert Crystyndom & Staunton iiij^^
John ffabyan xx*
Harry longespee yj« viij^
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens' Accounts 547
John Whyte
Will/iim Home
Reynolde Wdham
John Wyot
Richard fibrdell
WmUm Alyflfe
Benet Harlwyn
John Rvngficld
Nvcho^s Barton
JohnBiyges
Thonuis Coke y« Elder
John Hyll in Comhyll
John Crystmas in Comhyll
Jdin Wotton
Myddylton in Suiiolke
ili
[total of page] xxx^* x«
iij* iiij*
xx«
xx»
XX*
xxvj* viijd
uf
xiij» iiij<*
xx»
yj» viij*"
xl«
vj« viij^
xx»
xl»
XX*
Thcs bene the Dettoirrs off olde quarterages wych ware gyfyn to vs
My Truttstex Brokley
Robert Whyttynghif m
RafFe Holand
^r Will/iim Gervyse
Thoniifs Hasley
John Byttysden
Richard dwaynseye
Thoniiis Pyke
Will/i»m Surcotys
WillMm Baron
Thoniiis Burgone
Will/iim Mounde
My maifter Nycbo/as Wotton
My mmster John Raynwell
John Tatyrsall
John Kyrkeby
Gefftay yermowthe
Will/^m norhixmton
Will/jim Parchmener
Jdin Ramsed
ThomifS Stanns
John Dyer
Alysaundyr Chylde
Nycho/tfs Barton
John Spenser
xij^
ij'
ij*
ij'
ij*
ij'
ij"
ij'
xij^
ij*
xij^
xij**
xij<*
xijd
xij<*
xij^
xij^*
xij<*
xijd
xij^*
xij*"
xij^
xij^
xij<*
xij*
ICOS'l
Yy
Digitized by
Google
34-^ The Earliest Wardens' Accounts
Tboous Browne zij^
John Dodde xi}*
Will/ifin Sybson zif^
John Style xy*
John Elvyche xij*
Thonus Godehynde z^
Richard Hersy xy**
John Cokke xij*
Sir Ridiard Thorpe xij*
3dij«
Thcs bene the Detto^rs of apprentyshodys
My nuttfter Norman ffor John Dale xiij* iiij^
My auaster norman ffor Herry Oinstabyll xiij* iiij^
Symonde Evrc ffor Robert ftycfaer xiij« iiij**
V/ilVam Edy jffor Ewbot Edy xiij» iiij^
WUliam Norhamton flor Tbom^es Don«e zi^* iiij^
Wm/irtn C3iervell ffor John Rycher xiij» iiij^
Thonus Pyke ffbr John marven xiij» iiij**
Thonus Pyke ffor Robert Stowke xiij' iiij^
Reynolde Welham for Thonus maryot xiij* iiij^
John Cokke ffbr Herry Eldyrton xiij* iiij<^
John Wvot ffbr John Brandon xiij* iiij<*
E^monde poyntvyne ffor Robert Rewell xiij* iiij^
John Ruddoke ffor Jamys Compe xiij* iiij^
John Ruddoke ffor John Beaucfaampe xilj* iiij<*
John Dene ffor Thonus Crosse xiij* iiij<^
Nydio/ifS mason ffor Richard Danscombe xiij* iiij<^
Joon Wardewyke ffor John Corbet xiij* iiij<*
Thonus Goold ffor Herry Rote xiij* iiij<*
My nudstet Gedney ffbr John wyndie xiij* iiij<*
My maister Gedney ffor Thonus Bothe xiij* iiij^ x*
Davy Selly ffor Nycolas Goldyne xiij* iiij<*
Thonus Wynsk>w ffor Waltyr Qwyke xiij* iiij<*
John Awntrus ffbr Robert Braddele xiij* iiij<i
John Walshami ffor Robert Beanforde xuj* iiij^
Roger Beauchamp ffor John Beauchamp xiij* iiij^
[total of page] xvij** yj* viij**
Richard Thombery ffor Ric* Thorpe xiq* iiij<*
Richard Thombery ffor Willi-^m Knyght xiij* iiij*"
RiciarJ Thombery ffor Jdin Owvn xiij* iiij**
Williiim Home ffor Thonus Webbe xiij* iiij<*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Wardens^ Accounts 347
Emery * matcny fibr YtSdhari Bernardcston xiij* iiij*
Edt' Pctcvyn fior Rogw- mathewe xiij« Wf
[total of page] iij*^ rf viij^
Thes bene the Quartyragys owyng by Dyu^rs personz thys yer
My mmsux i^Y^olas Wotton xij^
My xnaister Robert Whyttyngluni xij^
My maifter John Raynwcll xij<*
Maister Raffc Holand xijo
Sir Willwm Gcrvys xij<>
ThoniifS Haslcy xij^
John Hyghiim xij^
John ffemall xij<*
John Byttyrden xij«*
John Tatyrsall xijo
John Kyrkby xij<>
Geffray yermowthe xij<*
John Ramsede xif
ThomifS Stanus xij<»
John Dyer xij^
Alysaundyr Chyldc xij^
Nycolcs Barton xij^
John Spenser xij^
Thonus Pyke xij^
John Woode xij<*
Williiim Sybson xij<»
Ihonws Browne xij^
John Style xij<*
John Elwychc xij^
Thomifs Goodehynde xij<*
Richard Hersy xij^
V/illiam Baron xij^
[total of page] xxvij*
WiUiifm Sampowle ^H^
John Awntrus xij^
Ptfrkar th^ yonger xij**
WilliitmBraklcy xij<i
Will/itm Wyxetys xij^
Thomifs Goolde xij<>
Bartylmewe Plumer xij<»
lasy Dyer xij^ per laysand.
' This entry is crossed throagh in original.
Digitized by
Google
34-8 The Earliest Wardens Accounts
Brambyll Dyer
Gylyam de loynes
John Gryslcy
Reynold Welhifm
Rooert Scherbome
Will/iim Bcnct
John Whytc
Robrrt Crystmas
ThoniifS Bakere
Jeffrey Chyttok
Harry longcspy
per Haysand. Thorns Burgoyne ma» off' la we '
Aspley maff off lawe '
per thumow. [total of page] xviij»
The Some off all th^ detts ys Iv** x» iiij^
All to John Ruddoke owyth ffor di' a yer rent xiij* iiij^
xij^
xij**
xij^
xij**
xij**
xij^
XIX
NOTE ON GRANT OF THE SITE OF THE FIRST
DRAPERS' HALL
In the reign of Edward I, Robert Ayguylon left a ^ tenter ground ',
i. e. a plot where clothes are stretched after fiilling or dyeing, which had
apparently once belonged to Fitzalwyn, first Mayor of London, to the
(Jhapel or Watton atte Stone in frankalmoigne.' This Chapel granted
the site in the same reign to Fulk St Edmund at the rent of % marks to
the Chapel and 6s. id. to the King, and his descendants held it till the
reign of Ridiard IL It was then declared forfeited as having been
devised in mortmain by Robert Ayguylon and first given by the King
into the custody of John Hende, a Draper, and then granted to Sir John
Beauchamp (1384.) with a rent of ; marks payable to &e ChapeL It had
then certain shops built on part of it.
In 1 38 J* Sir Jdin granted it to Ridiard Forster, Thomas Charleton,
and two others for 6 score marks. But Hende continued to occupy
a piece of the ground 38 ft. by 8 ft. abutting on his own house.^
In 14.08 Richard Forster and Hiomas Charleton granted the plot
to the following joint tenants : Elias Bockyng, John Botiller, Walter
* N.B. — Two lawyers, members.
» Sharpe, Calendar of Wilb, ii. ^01.
^ A. viiL 177.
Digitized by
Google
The first Drapers^ Hall 34-9
Gawtron, William Denardeston, William Weston, Richard Coroner,
John Gcdney, Robert Luton, and John Prentout, reserving a yearly
rent of £y for Forstcr's life and the Livery of the Company.*
In i+Kf (y Henry VI) John Gedney, William Weston, and
Walter Gawtron released their share to John Botiller and Richard
Coroner.*
In the same year John Botiller and Richard Coroner granted it to
William Growmer, John Gedney, Robert Tattcrsall, Sir Thomas Cooke,
and thirty-six others.
In 1483 (i Richard III) ^ the death of the other joint tenants the land
was in the hands of Philip Cooke, son of Sir Thomas, and he granted it
under the name of ^Drapers' Hall' to Sir William Stokker, Harry
Eburton, and others. Cf.+og, fo. 33b, * Great dcde with letter of attorney
of Philip Cook to Sir Wm. Stokker and other of the crafte \
In 14.89 (y Henry VII) tilie others released their share to Eburton, and
in 14.90 Eburton devised it to the Fraternity, as well as other tenements.
This will is referred to in the Accounts of 14.85^90, * Item paid to Harry
Wodecock scrivener for making a testament and other devises to put
Drapers' Hall and other tenements into mortmayn and other expenses
£% los. 4i/.* Cf. Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 601.
Now it is to be observed that, of the grantees in 1408, the names
of all, with the exception of Elias Bockyng, Robert Luton, and William
Denardeston, appear in the Accounts of 14.13-14 and 1423-4, while of
the grantees of i^%^^ all appear in the Accounts between i^i'i^x6.
As we have no Accounts between 1408-13, it is no wild supposition
to make that the three, whose names do not appear in or after 141;, had
died between 1408-1;. And if so all the grantees in joint tenancy were
Drapers. It is also noticeable that the terms on which Forster granted
the land was that he should be granted the Livery of the Brotherhood,
which shows that he was, or became, a member. Thus it appears that
from 138; the land belonged entirely to members of the Fraternity, and
was no doubt held in trust for it. Further, the Accounts of the year i^i6
mention a sum of £66 13/. 4^. paid to William Crowmer. We are not
told why, yet as the land had been valued in 138 y at d score marks QC80),
it seems most probable that the sum paid to drowmer was for the land or
for a balance yet unpaid. This is rendered all the more likely bv the
fact that in that year, as is proved by the Accounts, the Brotherhood oegin
to build their Hall, which is called Drapers* Hall in 1440. There
is also notice of a quit-rent of 6f. iJ. paid to the Parsons of St. Swithin's
for the Hall in 1433-4 *^^ ^^ ^^ following years, which probably repre-
sents the 6f. iJ. originally owing to the Crown. Cf. the Documents
quoted and abstracted in Catalogue, vol. ii, p. 385, Drapers' Hall.
* A. viii. iiy. 'A. viii. ii6.
Digitized by
Google
5 TO Kote on Grant of the Site of
The explanation of this curious and complicated transaction appears to
be this:
By the Charter of Henry VI (14+1) the Fraternity had been authorized
to purchase lands, tenements, rents, and other possessions^ while that of
Edward IV had given them licence to hold lands, tenements, and rents
up to the value of £xo per annum, for the payment of their two chap-
lains and other purposes. But beyond this, by the custom of London,
citizens enjoyed the peculiar privilege of devising or leaving by will
(though not by grant inter vivos) » lands and tenements within the City
in mortmain up to any value and without any licence. It appears that
this custom was disputed at this date, since Elyas Bokkyng, a Draper,
when devising a tenement to the Rector of St. Swithin's in 14.10, espe-
cially provided ^that if at the time of his death the citizens were
prevented from devising on mortmain as of old they were accustomed %
the tenement should be sold by the Rector to four trusty parishioners for
the time being and the proceeds devoted to charitable uses." The original
intention, therefore, of the co-tenants in 1408 had probably been that the
survivor of them should devise the land in question to the Fraternity and
so evade the mortmain laws. In the year 14.34 (13 Henry VI), however,
an Act of the Common Council forbad the enrolment of any testament
of lands which had come to the devisor by a side or fraudulent testa-
ment for this purpose. The Company were therefore unable to complete
the transaction. As it was not proposed to attach any burdens on the
possessors of the land in question, it was doubtful whether a grant of it
would be covered by the terms of Edward IV's licence. Moreover,
a general licence to hold in mortmain did not supersede the necessity of
a special licence to the grantor to grant lands in mortmain in each case.
They were therefore unable or unwilling to receive the land in that way,
while a devise would have been contrary to the Act of the Common
Council of 14.34- They were therefore obliged to wait, and the system
of repeated re-grants was continued till 14.90. In that year, however.
Justice Brian ruled that citizens being freemen could devise lands to
Gilds or Corporations within the City ,3 and as the said lands were at
that moment in the possession of one man, Eburton, they seized the
opportunity to have the devise executed.
The same kind of transaction was also completed at the same time
' Stat, i^ Ric. II. c. 5. Apparently before that statute Gilds were allowed to
receive lands by grant.
« Sharpe, Calendar of Wills, ii. 387.
^ Roll. Abr. 55^. Brian decided that this privilese only extended to citizens
being freemen, not to ^ foreigners ', and in Elizabeth s reign it was more plainly
stated that it only referred to lands within the City. Cf; Sharpe, Calendar of
Wills, i, p. xzxvii.
Digitized by
Google
thejirst Drapers' Hall 35-1
with regard to a piece of land in Candelwick Street in the parish of
St. Mary Bothaw^ which curiously enough had also been the property of
Fitzalwyn, and for which a quit-rent of yx. was owing to the Prior
of Christdiurdi. This site in 14.28-9 was in the hands of W. Cromer,
T. Gedney, W. Weston, and Sir Thos. Cook, who were also the nominal
owners of the site of Drapers' Hall. With that site it eventually and by
the same process passed into Eburton's hands, who left the two properties
to the Fraternity.*
There are other instances of similar transactions. Thus in 15 15
Maister Cally gives lands to the Company.. Maister Carter takes them
over on their behalf, promising to devise them to the Company."
In If 12 Aydrop, a Draper, devises to the Company a house which
they had previously bought of Will. Haryot. Rep. 7, pp. 129, 279.
Another method by which Civic companies obtained lands in mortmain
was by having lands conveyed to trustees in trust to convey the same to
the Company ; cf. Wm. Dummcr's grant of tenements to certain persons,
on trust to pay the rents to the Rentor for distribution among poor
Drapers, with a proviso that, when the Company by their learned counsel
are advised that they are capable by Law, the feofiees or their survivors
shall transfer the estate to the Company .^
XX A
THE WARDENS' ACCOUNTS. Anno diSl 1+81-2, No. +03. ^ j,
In tempore Thome Stalbroke Militis Magistri artis Pannarioru),
Johannis ffynkell, Johannis Tutsm», Willi Isac Et Ricardi Batte
Gardiano]^ anno xxj^ Regis E^ iiij^ a flesto assumpf bte marie virginis
KvP dni vt sup' vsq^ ad idm) f(estG) tuc pS sequeii) silf in An<> Dn9 14.82
Et 2JDP regis ^cD xxif
This is thaccompt of John ffynkell John Tutsi'n Will'm Isac and Ric
Batte Wardeins of the crafte of Drapers of London begynnyng at the
ffeste of thassumpcion of oure Lady in the xxj yere of kyng Edward iiij''*
And endyng at the same ffeste of thassumpcon the xxij yere of the same
' Caulo0ie,ii. 303, A. viii. 327 ; p* 39^3 A. yiii iii. Cf. Appendix, vol. i,
No. VIII, Grant of quit-rent by Fitzalwyn.
» Rep. 7, pp. 33, 34.
^ Book of Ordinances, p. 133 j Devise, No. 19 j Sharpe, Calendar of Wills,
i, p. xxxrii j Livery Companies Commission, i. 13.
Digitized by
Google
35"^ The Wardens^ Accounts^ i^Si-x
kyng Which is by an hoole yere that is to say of alle their receipts and
payments by reason of their office by alle the same yere.
Receipts,
flyrste the seyde Wardeins char^en them to haue resseyued of Mighell
Harryes John Hawkyn Ric Hawkyns and Thomas Wynh*m their pre-
decessours Wardeins for the yere laste paste of the £R>ote of their
accompte Sm» lxxx*» xj» yj<*
Spone siluer.
Receiued of Ric Ryse apprentice of maistcr John Stocker Alderman
iij» iiij^
Itffii of Thom»s Puppelot apprentice of Willm Peryn iij» iiij^
itfii of Harold Stavnte apprentice of Rye Langton iij» iiij^
Itift of John Martyn apprentice of John Worsop iij« iiij**
Itfii of John Dawson apprentice of Will»m White iij» iiij^
H of Robt Helgey apprentice of in) Willfli Heryst Alderman iij» iiij*"
Itft of Martyn Thwyng apprentice of Thomas Kysby iij* iiij^
Itffi of Percevale Woddiows apprentice of Will»m Wodehows iij' iiij**
Itm of Will»m Walgrave Apprentice of Willm White iij» iiij*"
Itiii of Will»m Heende apprentice of Will»m White iij« iiij^
Itffi of John Nychavele apprentice of Herr £burton iij* iiij**
Itili of Wa? Maykyn apprentice of John Bartelot iij» iiij**
Itm of Thorn's Aleyn apprentice of Maister Drope Alderman \xf iiij^
Itm of Antony Wardolf apprentice of Will'm Browne iij» iiij^
Itfii of J hn Hille apprentice of John Hille iij« iiij^
Itm of Will'm Couper apprentice of ni) S Willffii Stocker iij» iiij**
Itm of Thomas Rakon Apprentice of Will'm Sibson iij* iiij^
Itm of John Prentyce apprentice of Thom»s Pecnde iij* iiij**
Itm of Willfii Mawncett apprentice of John Jakes iij» iiij*
Itm of John Squycr Apprentice of John fl^nkett iij« iiij<*
Itm of Her? Maldon apprentice of John flynkett iij« iiij<*
Itm of Ric Andrewe apprentice of Thorn's Bronn iij« iiij<*
Itm of John Halle apprentice of Petre Johnson iij« iiij^
Itiil of John Towncsend apprentice of Will*m Isac iij* iiij^
Itm of Ric fliillebury Apprentice of Will'm kendati ivf \Sxf
Itm of Piers Lewys apprentice of Rauf Genet iij* iiij**
Itm of Thom»s Sampt^n Apprentice of Thom»s Sampton iij* iiij*'
Itm of WiH Shingylton apprentice of Rauf Costantyn iij« iiij^
Itffi of Robt flynkett apprentice of Williii Sibson iij» iiij^"
Summa iiij" xyj» viij^
Apprentyshodys.
Receiued of Ric Hawkyns for Thomas Wymark xiij» iiij^
Digitized by
Google
The Wardens' Accounts^ i^Si-x i^i
Receiued of Maister White for Edmond Grcvylt xiij* iiij<*
Receiued of Maister White for Thomas Grawicte xiij» iiij<*
Rec of Robt Godewyn for John Daldy xiij« iiij**
Rcc of Robt Godewyn for Thomas Hamerton xiij« iiij**
Rec of Thomas Langrych for John Wytewang xiijj* iiij<*
Rcc of Symond Stevinsoa for Edmona Hayes xiij« iiij**
Rcc of Will»m Isac for John Wodecok xiij* iiij**
Rec of Ric Isac for Thomas Wodecok xiij» iiij^
Receiued of TTiom^s Wattys for Thomas Adam xiij» iiij<*
Rec of Hugh Bilby for William Sherman xiij« iiij<^
Receiued of John Brampston for Robt Este xiij« iiij<*
Rcc of John Wodechirche for Ric Harryson xiij» iiij**
Rec of Kateryn Thomdon for Launceley Thirkytt xiij« iiij<*
Rcc of Nycholas Bachiller for Thomas London xiij* iiij<*
Receyued of Piers Joye for Robt Walden xiij* iiij<'
Receyued of Thomas Dixon for Robt Massett xiij* iiij^
Receiued of William Qerke for Will*m Bronn xiij* iiij<*
Rec of John Beauch»mp for John Steward xiij« iiij<*
Rcc of Will»m Peende for Edward Lane xiij* iiij<*
Rcc of Ric Chapett for Roger Melys xiij* iiij<*
Rcc of John Hills Chelder for John leveson xiij* iiij<*
Rec of Jamys Hoope for John Coo xiij« iiij*
Rcc of Thomas Notson for Thomas Everard xiij« iiij^
Summa xvj*"
Receiued of John Brampston admitted by Redcmpcion fe ti K
Summa iiij" xyj« viij<*
Receiued of Raynold Ruttur for a ffyn vj« viij^ ) ^ .
Receiued of John Bartelot for a ffyn uj» iiij^ \ ^u"™» *
Receiued certein personys for mynstrclls money xviij* iiij^
XX
Receiued of iiij and xij personys beyng in the clothing for q^rtage
iiij" xij«
Receiued of xlj personys oute of the clothing for q^rterages
Receiued of TTiom^s Notson
K of John Tiler
n of Nye Bachiller
ItofRicWotton
K of Willa Wotton
It of Thomas Hunte
It of John lice
It of John Betts
ltofWill»mCowper
It of John Middelton
ItofWillmLcwys
16W*1 Z Z
Digitized by
Google
3^4 ^^^ Wardens^ Accounts^ i^Si-x
RofWittEkyngtoa
ItofWillffiColIyn
H of T Broughton
Itffi of John Thecr
HofRicWhitehcd
It of Ric Aadrewe
If of Thom«s Cave
ItofHcrPflfawnte
It of James Hope
ItofThom*sStanys
ItofRicKnoUys
If of Petre Watson
ItofRaufGenet
It of Thom*s Aylward
ItofWm*maerk
It of Thomas Hiot
It ot John Banaster
It of Kateryn Thorndon
ItofRicChapell
It of John Anteknap
It of £dmoQd Qerke
n of Wa? Mower
If ofWillmStryng
ItofRobt Smyth
ItofWillmHobson
If of John Cowper
If of Jamys framlode
If ofWiJlAWeUys
If of Jamys Nesfeld
If ofRaufCostantyn
Summaxlj*
Receiued of certein personys for thef entre into the clothing
Rec of Thomas Langriche yj« viij<*
It of John Bartelot vj» viij<*
It of John Colred. vj» viij<*
If of John Bayle vj» viij<*
If of Will'm Bremong yj« viij<*
Itm of Rauf fodcryngey yj» viij<*
Itffii of Raynold Ruttur vj» viij<*
Itm of R(»t Rowchcster yj» viij<*
Itfli of John Skypw' vj» viij<*
Summa iip
Digitized by
Google
The Wardens' Accounts^ I48i-x gjTT
Reccyued Of Robt Godewyn in fulle payment of A Bille of fbure pounde fe. 13 a.
for the dette of Thorn's Strotyng xl»
Receiued of Robt Manzorc of A Rerage of his accompt of the tyme of
John Pake and his ffelawship xxxj* viij^
Receiued of George Bulstrede for his appntP John Wcthipott xiij* iiij<*
Summa totalis of alle oure ReceiptP jcxxj^ xj» if
Payments and discharges
fiyrste payde to the mynstrellis for the mayre Sr Will'm Heriot knyght
to Westminster lv« iiij^
Itm payde for a reward to the bargemen to Westmynster with ye Sherife
and after with more Chawrey ageyn with the mayre aforseyd ij» iiij<*
» Itm payde to Sr Thomas Appulby tor Cristemas quarter xxxiij* iiij<*
' Itm to Sir Alisaundre for aystem*s (Cristemas ?) quarter xxxiij* iiij<^
» Itm to John flSurley for a quarter wage xrv«
Itdl to the bowse of Cobham in Kent for the quyte Rent goyng oute ot
the howse yt Gylbert fiFranke dwellyd in In Comhill as apperith b^
acqittaunce xxyj« viij<*
Itm payd to Robt OIneys counceill for makyng of the indenture
xxyj* viij^
Itm for parchement and Wax x<*
Itm for brede and malvesey at the sealing of the seid indenture vij^
Itiii paide to Will'm Bremonger for bargehirc at thre tymys to Westfiih
xxxvj* viij^
Itm for ij billys of the chambreleyn of ApprenstishodP xx^
^Itm payde to Will'm Bracebryg for A Res? of the Walle money
viij" x« iiij<*
Itm payde to Piers Caldecot for A reward graunted by alle ye crafte
▼j** xjij* iiij^
ltd! for hangyng of the halle and Chamberys ij"
Itm for mafamg of thendentures to Her? Wodecok of Gilbert frankes
hows and for drawing of noote for the Goote iij* iiij^
Itm paid to John Assh Sergeant for his flee yj» viij<*
Itm paid for brede in this place the yj day of marche A<> xxij<* j^
Itm ye same day for A Galon of Osey xij<*
y^ tyme beyng here maister Drope ^ Stalbroke nil sir Wilt Stocker mais?
John Stocker my maisters the Wardens & ye counceill of ye crafte
Itm payde for a repaste made to Robt Olney by consent of the crafte after fe. i^ b.
the discression of William Sibson iiij*
' These are the two chaplains of the Company.
* Their clerk.
^ Money paid to repair the walls of the City, a daty imposed on the Greater
Livery Companies.
Digitized by
Google
^S6 The Wardens' Accounts^ I48i-x
ItA ptide uppon Shore thursday when mj maisters ye wardeins were
afore the Chamburleyn and iij or iii j mo ot worshipfiill men of the crafte
with maister Parker for yer brekefiist in an Ale hows by cause of ther
longe tarying yvif ob
ItA paide for A repaste made to Robt Obiey to her? Ashbome and to
other lernyd men of his counceill by the wille and agrement of our
maisters thaldremen & ye counceill of ye crafte xx*
ItA paid for hoopyngof tubbys yrf
ItA for makyng dene of the leeds and gutters abowte ye place and for
carying of dust ij"
ItA for P^pcr and Inke for alle ye yere xij^
It A for W asshing of napery xx<i
ItA we aske allowaunce for the meyrys messe mynstrells players and
russhls for the halle and Chamberys yj^^ xiij* \nf
ItA for John Aarley for gaderyng of quarterage of men beyng oute of the
clothing ij*
Summa tot: of oure pavmentP and dischargP xxxyj^ iiij* ob
Rest due vnto the crafte Ixzxv^i vij> j<^ ob
Dettours to the crafte
Ric Langton by a bille ensealed iiij"
Cristofre Cdyns by a bille ensealed xl*
ItA Rauf Genet for ij apprentices xxvj* viij<*
IjtA Robt Manzore for A rerage of an old accompt iij"
ItA Thom*s kyppyng xiij* iiij<*
ItA George Bulstrode for ij Apprentices
XX B
THE EARLIEST RENTERS' ACCOUNTS, i+8i-a. No. 141
. This is thaccompt of Symond Stephenson & Richard Stewkeley
Renters of the Craft of Drapers of london of all manere Receyts &
payments by them Receyued & paide of & for the Rents belonging
vnto the saide Craft from the ffest of Cristemas the yere of oure lorde
god m> iiij* Ixxxj vnto the ffest of Cristemas the yere of our krde god m^
iiij* Ixxxij Sir Thomas Stalbroke knyght than beyng maister of the saide
Craft John ffynkell Jdin Tuttesham William Isaac & Richard Batte
than beyng wardeyns of the same Craft Anno regni regis Edwardi
quarti xxj.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Renters^ Accounts ^ I48i-x gn
Cmdelwyk-
strete.
Saint Swy-
thens lane.
Reccyts of the rents in london
ffirst receyued of WilJiam Dey Cdcc for a ycre
Item receyued of John Thomson for a hole yere
Summa iij'» yj» viij<* p's
xlvj« viij<*
ComhylL
ffirst receyued of William Roydon for a hole yere xx«
Item receyued of Tytmarsshes wife for a hole year xiiij*
Item receyued of Robert Manser for a bole yere xxlij* iiij^
Item receyued of William Barker for a hole yere xxiij* iiij**
Item receyued of Thomas Strowtyng for a hole ytx^
UJH yjt viijd
Item receyued of William Colder for a bole yere xx*
Summa viij"* vij» iiij<* p*s
ffirst receyued of Gilbert firank for half a yere xxx*
Item receyued of hym for a nother half yere xxxiij* iiij<*
Summa iij"* iij* iiij<*
Hony lane« ffirst receyued of John Hawes for a whole yere v** yj» viij<^
Item receyued of William Eton for a hole yere iiij^"
Summa ix** vj» viij**
iu
Bowe.
Item receyued of William Eton mercer for a hole yere for
the shop
Summa pttet
uj"
Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in bndon this yere
xxvij'* iiij«
Reparacions & payments done vpon the rents in london
withyn the said yere
Candelwyk- ffirst paide for t monell (mullion or post) for the botry dore
strete. of William Dey iiij**
Item paide for a quarter of Oke j** ob
Item paide for a ledge of Elme j^
Item paide for viij fote of elmyn borde for the same werke vif
Item paide for xiiij fote of quarter borde for the same werke v**
id
Item paide for nayle to the same werke
Item paide to a Carpenter for a day to the same werke
Item paide for iij hengcs and iij hokcs to the same werke
Item paide for a new bolt iiij staples & for a new key
Summa iij* yj<* ob
VllJ'
xij**
vij**
Digitized by
Google
3r8 The Earliest Renters^ Accounts^ 1481-1
Qayte Rem ffirst paide to my lady weldon for A hole yere xx*
in Candel- Item paide to the pryour of Cristchirch in london for a yere v*
wykstrete. Summa xzv*
Saint Swy- ffirst paide for a m^ of tyle v« vj^
thens lane Item paide to William Roydon tyler for xiij dayes & di'
& Drapers tylyn^ ix^
halL Item paide to his labourer for the same xiij dayes & di' V vif ob
Item paide for ix Rofe tyles is^
Item paide for xiij Comer tyles for the kychen in Drapers
hall yjxf
Item paide for ij lode of Sande xij<>
Item paide for iij lode & v sakkys of lyme iij* viij^
Item paide for a plate of tymber for the Sege hous ' at Drapers
Item paide to ij Carpenters for a day to make the same xvj*^
Item paide to a mason for the vnder pynnyng of the same
Sege hous v^ ob
Item paide to hugh Ingram for lath & dawbyng of the same
Scgehous ij^ ob
Item paide for vlb. of Sowder for the gutters atte drapers
halle 'if yf
Item paide for ffaggetts to the same werke j^
Item paide for ij quarters of Oke for the partable dividing)
gutter betwene the Rents of maistres fiermary oc drapers
halle iiij^
Item paide for xlyj fote of planch borde for the same gutter yy^
Item paide for xiiiij fote of lyre borde for the same gutter
Xyjd
Item paide to a Carpenter for ij dayes werke in the s&ide
gutter xvj<*
Item paide to a nother man for ij dayes werke in the same
gutter xij**
Item paide for xxv fote of quarter borde to the same gutter ix<^
Item paide to a man for to dresse the same gutter ij^
Item paide for a C of v peny naylc to the same gutter v*
Item paide for a C of iiij peny nayle to the same gutter iiij^
Item paide for di* C of vj peny nayle to the same gutter iij<*
Item paide for iij peny nayle j^
Item paide for Oirrying away of the Rubbes of the same
gutter iiij**
Item paide for makyng dene of the yarde at Drapers hall j<*
' A Privy.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Renters' Accounts y i48i-x gj-p
Item paide to John ihirley for the Carying away of the Rubbes
atte Drapers balle viij<i
Item paide for the werkyng of \f di' & xviij"» of old lede of
the saide partable gutter Uie C xyj<^ Suinma iij* yj<^ ob
Item paide for a quarter & x\r lb. of new lede to the same
gutter ij" viij<*
Summa xlyj" ij<*
Qoite Rent Item paide to my lady Weldon for the postern at Drapers
ofbrapers hall yj" viij^
halL Summa patet
Charges lor ^^^^ paide to the parson of Saint Swythens for the oflferyng of
the Craft of Drapers halle for a hole yere yj» viij<*
Drapen. Item paide to sir Alysaunder Dowdale for his Salary for mid-
somer mighelmasse & Cristemas v^
Item paide to John ffarley for his Salary for the same iij
quarters iip xv«
Item paide to Thomas Batter atte diuerse tymes when he was
in prison xiij" iiij**
Item paide to Gabriell the Clerk of Saint Mighells for the
kepyng of our lady masse atte Drapers ffest and for the
dirige & masse kept the same tyme ix* iiij<>
Item paide to x prests & to the Scxteyn (sexton) of Saynt
mighells for the saide Dirige & masse iij* viij<i
Summa x*^ viij»
ComhylL Item paide for the makyng of the one part of the endentures
of lease of the hous which Roger Acheley now holdith yj*
Summa patet
Quite Rent Item paide to the maister of Cobham for a hole yere xxyj« viij*
in ComhylL Summa patet
Hony lane, f&rst paide for ix quarters of oke for a pentice (penthouse)
ij» iij*
Item paide for di' C & v fote of quarter horde to the same xx*
Item paide to ij Carpenters for ij dayes werke of the same
pentice ij» viij*
Item paide for \xf & viij fote of quarter horde to the same
werke ix» j*
Item paide to ij Carpenters for ij dayes & di' for makyng of
the same werke iij* iiij*
Digitized by
Google
3^0 The Earliest Renters' Accounts ^ i48i-x
Item paide for the Carying of the old hordes of the said
pcntice vnto Drapers halle ij<* ob*
Summa xix» ij<* ob'
Obite of ffirst paide to maister Stalbroke than maister of the saide
maisterjohn Crdt Uj^iiij**
Norman. Item paide lo John ffynkell John Tuttesham William Isaac
& Richard Batte than beyng wardeyns of the same Craft
of Drapers yj» viij<*
Item paide to the parson of bony lane viij<^
Item paide to iiij prests for the dirige & masse xvj<i
Item paide to the Clerk of honey lane for dirige & masse
& for the Ryngynge of the Belles xij<*
Item paide to John ffarley for warnyng of the Craft viij<*
Summa xiij* viij<>
Charges fi>r ffirst paide to the parson of bony lane for to pray for the
maister John sowle of maister John Norman euety Sonday in the yere xx^
Norman. Item paide to the Beame light in bony lane xiij* iiij^
Item paide to Bosoms lune for ij litell gardens for a yere x*
Summa xxv»
Bove. ffirst paide for makyng clene of the Chambers & for havyng
away of the Dust iiij<*
Item paide for a new key & for mendyng of the lok (lock) of
the chamber dore iiij<*
Item paide for ij keves for the hall dore & the hatche y^
Item paide for a Bolt of Iron for the same hatche iiij**
Item paide for a new lok a staple & a grete key for the vtter
dore 3q<>
Summa ij» v<*
Qaite Rent Item paide to the Cbirch wardeyns of Saint Mathewes in
attc Bow. ffrydaystrete for a hole yere xx«
Summa patet
Allowances, ffirst allowed to the Tenants in london atte the gaderyng of
the Rents by alle the saide yere ij*
Item the saide accomptaunts asken AUowaunces for theire
wages by alle the saide yere Iiij* iiij*
Summa lv« iiij<*
Summa totalis of all the Reparacions & payments of the Rents
in london this yere xxij^ xij* ij*
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Renters' Accounts y I48i-x i6\
So the Receyts is more then the payments of the Rents in
london this yere by iiij** xj» x<*
Vacacions of the Rents in london this yere
Vacacxons. ffirst the Tenement which William lyster holdith att Bow
voyde a yere xl»
Summa patet
Receyts of the Rents in Southwerke by alle the saide yere
Soothwerke. fErst receyued of the godeman of the Bell for a hole yere
x" xiij" iiij**
I of Walter Mathew Blaksmyth for a hole yere xl*
■ of Audryan Clerk for a hole yere xxvj" viij**
I of William Vnderwode for a hole yere xx»
of John Harrys Drayman for a hole yere
xxvj" viij**
Item receyued of John Joynour for t hole yere
Item receyued of Arnold Garwvn for a hole yere
Item receyued of John Devyosn for a hole [yere]
Item receyued of John Meller for a hole yere
Item receyued of Margaret Gryffyn for a hole yere
Item receyued <
Item receyued
Item receyued
Item receyued
xiij" iiij<*
XX"
XXX"
viij"
viij"
Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in Southwerke this yere
YY" yj"
XX"
Reparacions & payments done vpon the Rents in South-
werke by alle the saide yere
Soathwerke. ffirst paide for iij lode of lombe (loam)
Item paide to a Dawber for iij dayes
Item paide to his man for the same iij dayes
Item paide for di' m^ of Spry^ (brads)
Item paide for ij lode of Sac
xviij<*
XV**
iij*
xij<*
Item paide to Burton mason for makyng of the berth of the
xiij<*
kechyn in the Bell
Item paide to William Roydon for a m^ or tyle
Item paide to the same William for yj dayes & di' tylyng
iiij" iiij**
V" yj^
Item paide to his labourer for v dayes
Item paide for iiij Rofe tyles
Item paide for a pek of tyle pynnes
Item paide for ij lode of lyme
ij"j<»
iiij**
jdob'
Item paide for brede & Ale atte diucrse tymes vpon the
Digitized by
Google
gdx The Earliest Renters' Accounts y i48i-x
Carpenters & masons when they come for to see the saide
Rents (houses) iiij«* ob'
Item paide to Byrde the plomer for the grete lede in the Bell
which Robert Manser shuld haue paide in his tyme viij*
Item paide for di' C & iiij fote of quarter borde for wyn-
dowes xix**ob'
Item paide for a p^ce of tymber for to flFurre the stall iiij*
Item paide for ledges for the wyndowes vij**
Item paide for navies for the same werke viij*
Item paide to a Carpenter for iij dayes werke to the saide
werke 'if
Item paide for a plate for the Belle dore v**
Item paide for a quarter for to here vp the Rafters in the hey
loft j*
Item paide for nayles to the same werke ob'
Item paide to a Carpenter for di' a day in the same werke iiij*'
Item paide for ij new keyes & ij new staples for the skynners
hous viij*
Item paide for a latche & A Cache & a Crampe for the Dray-
mans hous ij*'
Item paide for A new key for the same dore iij**
Item paide for a henge & a hoke for the kechyn dore iiij**
Item paide for brede & Ale when John Jaks William Sybson
& Richard Hawkyns come for to see the lyvelod of the
bell iiij*
Summa xxxvij* viij<*
Oblte of fHrst paide for a doseyn of white Cuppes v* ob*
Bcnct Item paide for a doseyn & di* of Bonnes * xviij*
Harlewyn. Item paide for iij galons & a quarte of Rede wyne & white
wyne vf ij*
Item paide for a kylderkyn of gode Ale \f ij*
Item paide to John ffynkell John Tuttesham William Isaac
& Richard Batte than beyng wardeyns of the saide Craft of
Drapers yj» viij*
Item paide to the parson of Saint xpofres xx*
Item paide to viij prests & ij Clerks for the dirige & masse
iij* iiij*
Item paide to the Clerk for Rynging of the Belles viij**
Item paide to John ffarley for warnyng of the Craft viij*
Item paide for the makyng & wast of ij Tapers yj**
Summa xix" ix* ob'
' Bonny-clabber. Son milk.
Digitized by
Google
The Earliest Renters' Accounts y i48i-x 363
Quite Rent. Item paide to Saint Awstens of Caunterbury for quite Rent
goyng oute of the saidc Rents in Southwerke for A ycre xxij*
Summa patet
Charges for fgrst paide for x galons of lampe Oyle for the lampe atte
Benet
Harlewyn.
Allow-
aonces.
White-
crostrete.
Obite of
maister
Richard
Norman.
Saint Xpofrcs x»
Item paide to sir Thomas Appulton for his wages for iij
quarters of a yere v^»
Item paide to William Wylson the £scheters man of South
werke iij" iiij**
Item paide to the Baylyf of Southwerk for the mercyments of
Oiemeneys » v"
Summa v^* xviij* iiij**
iij Oiemeneys »
Vacaciom.
Item allowed to the Tenants in gaderyng of the Rents by alle
the saide yere xx^"
Summa patet
Summa totalis of all the Reparacions & payments of the
Rents in Southwerke the ycre ix** xix« v<* ob'
So the Receyts of the Rents in Southwerk is more than the
payments this yere by x" yj" rf ob'
Receyts of the Rents in Whitecrostrete by all the said yere
fErst receyued of John hosycr for iij quarters xv»
Item receyued Morys Cordyncr for A yere xx»
Item receyued of William Senderby for A yere v»
Summa totalis receyued of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this
yere xl»
Payments of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this ycre
ffirst paide to maister Robert Drope than beyng maister of
the saide Craft of Drapers vj» y\xf
Item paide to Robert Godewyn Edmond Rigon John Hyll &
John langrich than wardeyns of the same Craft xx>
Item paide to the flfryer Awstens of london xxyj* viij<*
Summa totalis of all the payments in Whitecrostrete this
ycre liij" iiij**
So the payments is more then the Receyts of the Rents in
Whitecrostrete this yere by xiij* iiij**
Vacacions of the Rents in Whitecrostrete this yere
ffiist the hous which John hosyer late held voydc A quarter v"
Digitized by
Google
3^4 The Earliest Renters' Accounts^ I48i-x
Item the bous which William Sendeby late held voyde iij
quarters of A yere xv»
Item the hous next the saide William Sendeby voyde a yere xx«
Summa xl*
Summa totalis receyued of alle the Rents in london South-
werke & Whitecrostrcte by alle the saide yere xlix** x»
Summa totalis paide of & for the Reparadons & payments
of the saide Rents by all the saide yere xxxv"* iiij* xj** ob*
So the Reccyts of all the saide Rents is more than the pay-
ments this yere by xiiip v» ob'
The wages are interesting :
A carpenter %d.
A Tyler %d.
A Tyler's labourer %d.
A Dawber %d.
A Dawber*s man 54/.
XXI
LIST OF MEMBERS, 1+93
Wardens' Accounts (No. 403, fb. 4 a).
Jhesus Maria 1^5)3 et anno regni regis hcnrici Septimi viijo.
m' Wynham x
mrN/gh^n^ale [wardcyns.
m' Banast j
The Names of them that be of the Crafte of Drapers of london in
clothing Anno 1493
Maister White Alderman & maister
Maister fiynkell Alderman
Maister Capell Alderman
Maister Isac Alderman
Maister £Fabyan Alderman
John Beauchamp
John Tutsam
Jdin Ltngrith
John Hill
John Saunders
John Bounde
John Wodechirch
John Dryland
John Spylman
John Bramston
John Bartelot
John Bracebtyg
John Banaster
Digitized by
Google
Ust of Members y 1493
3^r
John Holden
Jamys Ncsscfcid
John Skypwith
John Bettes
John Croke
John Gierke
John Squyer
John MyJleborae
Thomas Peend
Thomas Wynham
Thomas Wattes
Thomas Bowan
Thomas Botsell
Thomas Crcme
Thomas Hcrtcwell
Thomas Huntc
Thomas Wollesby
Thomas Awbrey
Thomas Notson
Tliomas Rathebon
Laurence Aylmer
Piers Joye
George Bulstrode
William Brqgreve
William Bracebryg
William Shukburgh
William Sybson senior
William Sparke
William Holme
William Herist
WilUam Wylcokkes
William Brotte
William Edward
William Nyghtyngale
William Norton
William Aydrop
William Sibson junior
William Worthyngton
William Venablys
William Spynk
WiUiam Qerk
Robert fHtzherbert
Robert flfabyan '
Richard Hawkyns
Richard Odyham
Robert Drayton
Robert Gowdeby
Richard Stickeley
Robert Galson
Richard Tripland
Rauf ffoderyngey
Richard Croke
Roger Achilley
Richard Cloos
Richard Knollys
Richard Shoore
Richard Wotton
John Bruges
Robert Wattes
Harry Eburton
Symond Hogan
Symond Stevynson
Piers Johnson
Harry Axstell
Edward fivnkell
Symond fifypper
Geffrey kend
Giles GreviU
Petre Watson
Piers Starkey
Thomas Gylbert
Edmonde Biydges
Thomas Wattes
William Game
Water Mowar
Thomas Corbett
William Dixon
Harry Chard
Thomas Carter
William Wotton
Edward Bernard
Wylliam Scochdon
Wylliam Lcwys
John Nychavell
Strack oat in original.
Digitized by
Google
^66
List of MemberSy 1493
William Courteman
William CaUey
William Brogreve
Robert Thyrkyll
Gylbcrt Gentyll
John Devycke
Henry Patner
Thomas Woodeward
£dmund Burton
John Browne
John Witwang
John Botnani
Rychard Charlys
John ToUc
Richard Andrewe
John Game
Henry GoUyngham
Water Blaunchard
Xpofer Askewe
Jhcsus Maria Anno 1493 the Names of men that be of the Broderhed
of Drapers oute of the Clothyng
Thomas Wodeward \
Edmond Grebill
Edmond Medcalff
Launcelet Chyrkyll
Harry flfabute
William Cosgrave
John MarchaU
William ffreman
John Middelton
Jamys Hoope
John Sutton
Nycholas Vycary
Harry Snowe
John Smalleward
Thomas ftox
John Anteknap
Robert Tilleworth
John Stokes
Thomas Knottyng
Thomas Say
Edmond Leesson
Thomas Derby
Edward Johnson
JohnCowper
Thomas Hiot
Nvcholas Bachiller
John Tyler
Richard Whitehed
John Leveson
John Ely
Wardeyns of the
Bachillers.
John Mapulton
John WeUys
Harry Bagot
Robert Waldyng
John Cornour
Richard NychoU
Richard Charlys
Nvcholas Wychc
John Baker
Brian Stotisbury
John Style
John Wyttewang
Edmond Casse
John Tolle
William Garett
John Smyth
William Wyseman
Nycholas Layke
Harry Patemer
Thomas Richardson
Richard Andrewe
John Baldly
Raynold Wodeshawe
Arnold Babyngton
Richard Lucie
William Prout
Digitized by
Google
Ust of Members y 1493
z6n
Symond Auncell
John Browne
Edmond Burton
John Euerard
Richard Ely
John Dunwyche
Water Maykyn
Xpofer Ayskcwe
Symond Tiler
William Mynett
Stevyn flreendc
John White
Edmond Smyth
Thomas Howe
William Neelc
Richard Hy%
William Noreys
Richard Noreys
John Barker
Hewe Couper *
John Cheer
William Sprynget
Robert Oke
Roger Lute
Thomas Hilton
John Devyk
John Daske
Edmond Hayes
Robert ffalowfeld
John Sonnyng
John Wymer
Robert Est
John A more
Thomas Gerard
Thomas Puplot
Robert Helgey
Martyn Thwyng
Parcevall Wodehous
William Heende
John Hancok
Water Blaunchard
Thomas Vske
John Betenham
William Stratton
Nycholas Hoo '
John Heddesdon
John ffurneys
John Brydge '
Richard Drynkemylk
John Awedon
Nycholas Heriot '
William Alman
William larke
Harry Colyngham
Richard Prowe
William Lavcrok
John Rabyn
Robert Waldyng
William Soper
Robert Harryes
Alisamid Wellys
William Saxby
Robert Horneby
William Chadkyrk
John Game
Edward Skelton
Thomas Wayte
XXII A
WARDENS' ACCOUNTS, No. +03
An® dnl. lyoS. An® dni. 15" 05^. An® 14.. An** pmo.
Tcmpe Georgij Monoux Aldermanm ac magri mistere pannarioij-
london Johannis Banaster Jofiis Brugge Cristoferi Askue & Jofiis Toll
eiusdfii mistere Gardianoij- An« Dni. 15:08 Et anno Regni RegP
' Struck oat in original.
fo. 8^ a.
Digitized by
Google
gdS Wardens' Accounts ^ 15-08-9
Henrici Septimi vicesimo quarto. £t An^ pmo H. octaui vidett a die
lune pS post ffestui Assumpcois btS marie virginis An<> Did) & KoP rrs
vt sup* vsqj ad finem Bmini vai^ anni tuc px sequen.
RcceytP
ffirst where ou' pdecessou^ the last Wardens diargP them for the fote of
59 Monoux i^ John Milborn nf) patmer and nil Wylkynson Accompt
We charge vs w^ the same fote and dischargP them wmch Am^ to the
S<^e of xxx^ xvij* v<*
1? where ou' said pdeccssotf ' the last Wardens chargP them for the fote
of nf) Hawkins 59 Watson 59 Carter and 59 Qiarlys Accompt we
chaise vs w* the same fote whiche Am* Ixij^
I? we diarge vs to haue receyved of ou' pdecessou'' the last Wardens for
keping of a Just accompt for the hole fote of 59 Hawkins 59 Watson
59 Carter & 59 Charlys Accompt w* a Jewell of 59 ffabyans whiche
heth in plegge of v" Sm» w' the said Jewell Am* xiij^ ix*
1? more receyved of ou' pdccessou"* the last Wardens in redy money at
ij tymes vppon the? accompt xxiiij'*
1? we charge vs for the fote of ou' pdecessou'*^ the last Wardens accompt
for keping of a due order therin xxxix* v^ ob
I? we charge vs w* a bill of John WetewangP for Willfii ffowler his appn?
which ou' pdecessotf*^ dS (dedit) to vs xiij* iiij*"
1? we charge vs for the fote of 59 Monoux 59 John Milborn 59 Pat59
& 59 Whylkynson accompt af? a custom iij* iiij<^
I? we charge vs after the same Custom for the fote of Robert £5tzherberds
accompt and xvi yerP past iiij^ x» j<*
R we charge vs aft the sam custom for the fote of Willfii Nyghtingalys
accompt & XV yerP past ix» x<*
I? of the pakkers flfelliship in pty (part) of payment of xl» due at mydson9
An® xxiij® xx»
I? of the p)or (prior) of Elsyn Spytyll in pty of payment of Ixv'* for the hous
that he bought of vs and John Braybro^e w* hym at ther takyng of posses-
sion of the same hous sett in the old Jury in Saynt laurence layn at the
ensealing of ou' WritiagP about ovt \sic\ lady day in lent An« xxiijo v*>
Itm of Walter Aprice in ptie of payment of xx^ lent to hym w* his hovs
callyd the Gote to be paid aycn q?ly euy ^xx» as apperP by his writing
So am* that we haue receyved for iij q*fP endyd at mydsomer An®
primo Hen** viij Sm» (Summa) iij^
Itm of John Wetwang and Richard NychoUP Collecto'^' for Riding money
and other chargP at the Beriall of King Henry the vij* 3q^ xvj» viij*^
And more that 59 Askue & 59 Toll were Sessed at x» a man Sm*
xij"* xvj» viij<*
I? that 59 lauf (Lawrence) Starky ow* for the same sessing vj» viij<i
Thom*s Boughe vj» viij** & Ric Cradok iiij* Sm xvij* iiij*
Digitized by
Google
JVardens^ Accounts ^ 15-08-9 369
Spone Syluer
Rcc* of Edward Mathcn thappnt of Thomas Crcmor iij* iiij<>
1? of Robrt Nicholson thappnt of Gilbert Gentyll iij* iiij<*
1? of Stcphn Thurstone thappnt of John Bartelot theldcr iij* iiij*
I? of John poret thappnt of Richard Cloos iij* iiij<^
I? of Thomas StowcU thappnt of John Hyll iij« iiij^
1? of Richard Achillejr thappnt of John Smyth thelder iij* iiij<*
I? of Willm Hartwcll Sonn of Thomas Hartwcll Drap iij* iiij<*
K of John £dwyn thappnt of Willfil Isaak iij» iiij<*
The lyuiey. Bleue and Scarlet
Rec' of Jamys Bodenh^m for his £ntree in to the same lyuey for dius
consideracions vj» viij<>
AppntishodP fo- 8^'>-
Rec* of Willfll Sprynget for Robert Hayward his Appntice yj» viij<*
Itfil of WiUia Game for Rychard Aym yj* viij<*
Itfii of John Wylkynson for Edward Dalby yj» viij<*
Itm of Thomas flBude for Rauf RokP yj» viij^
Itift of Robrt Haylys for Willm Manson vj» viij<»
Itift of Nicholas CJowper for Willfll North vj» viij<*
Itfli of Edmund Burton for Richard Keekwiche yj* ynf
Itfli of Gcflfrcv Sponer for Thorn's Taylyor vj» viij<*
Itfii of John Banaster for Willni Kent yj» viij<*
Itfii of Walter Champyon for Thom«s Brade vj» vnf
Itm of Edmund Brugge for Robrt Baker at Nele vj« viij(>
Itfii of Willfii Roche for John Taylyor vj» viij<>
Itfii of Thom»s Bowre for Robrt Hardy vj" viij*
ItA of iiil Monouxfor John Consyte . . .
Itfii of Ric fforth for Thom*s Style
Itfii of Peter Watson for Walter Walcot pd in An® 1517 to fflt Burton
Itfii of Raphaell papworth for John Clerk * . .
Redempcioners
Rec' of SD Rychard Sutton Squyere and of the Kings Counsell except
the QerkP fiic n^
Itfii of Otnell Ratclyf Gentylman Steward of Saynt Gyles in the ffeeld
except the QerkP flFee n>
Itfii of Nycholas Hurlton Gentylman Qerk of the Spycery w* the king
iij* iiij**
Itfii of John Adams Su*nt (servant) w* Sir Willfii Capell n>
Itfii of Roger Sadler except the ClerkP flFee n>
Itfii of WiUfii lay nard of Westmynster x*
ieo8*i } B
Digitized by
Google
370 Wardens^ AccountSy 15-08-9
Quarterage
Rec* of Ivj psones being of the Maistcrs lyuey af? iij» cuy (every) psone
Sm» to the place viij" viij*
Sin» to** of all ou' Recey tP Am*»» clxxv^ Trif ix* ob
fe. 87 a. PaymentP and DischargP
Itm lent to Walter App Rysse Drap for dius (divers) consideracions by
thassent of this place to be paid qBly ayen xx* euy q? as by seuall
wrytingP more playnly appcreth Sm* xx^
I? to Morgayn for making of a Statute and apaire of EndentoF' of
defesauntP for the said &n» iij* iiij^
1? to Richard White for his ffee being ou' §geaunt for this hole yere
yj» viijd
It for potacion aft ou' serche at ou' ladye day the Natiuite in the iHiyre
at Southwark xx^
I? for the ofii-ing of the iiij* newe Wardens at Robrt Morleys Masse of
Requiem iiij**
I? for a lood of loggP a lood of Byllet & x q«ts Colys for the plo' for this
yere viij* viij*'
I? for Bargehire to Ric Adams for nil Exmewe & 53 Smyth ShirefiPP and
af? for 55) Genyngs Maire to WestnB for potacion & aJl Sm» xl«
I? for mP [Mistress] Wylds Obyte kept at the flfrerP Augustyns for this
yere xvj« viij*"
K to the Maister and Brethem of Saynt Gyles by yond holbom for & in
foil payment of the lytyll hovs next to tne Gote in chepe as aperP by
wryting Sm» xxjg**
I? for botehyrP WritingP & other costP & rewardP spent or we cowd
agre for the said hows Sm* xxig*
I? for j" of reed wax for the hole yere viij*
I? for surche of ctayn (certain) deedP bytwene vs and the por (prior) of
Elsyn Spytyll for the derenes (clearance) of the hows that we boujt of
HartweU in Saynt laurens layn in the old Jury and ai? we sold the said
hows to the said por Sm* Uj* iiij*^
K for ou' pte of suche WrytingP as were made bitwen vs and the said por
& John Braybroke for the fore said hows which we sold to them Sm*
iiij"
I? paid to them of the lyuey (livery) that dyned nother at the Shireflfs
ffeste nore mairP this yere xxvj* iiij*" o&
I? for half apece Creste clothe for iiij<« table clothes in the haU for the
Bachillers brekefast tuysday xvj»
I? to Thom*s Smart Carpent for the fote of Edward BarnardP Accompt
viju ij» v<> and more yppon a Rakenyng xvij* vij** Sm» viip*
H to Thom*s Smart in arnest for making of ou' hows in Chepe newe
Digitized by
Google
Wardens' Accounts y 15-08-9 371
callyd the gote & for making of viij newe kychingP ia Soutbwark &
for potadon v<*
I? for diuising & wryting of dius NotP bitwen the said Thomas Smert &
vs for the making newe of the said hows callyd the gote in Chepe
Sm* v«
R for potacion w* certayn Carpenters that vewed the bidding of the said
gote iiij^
I? to Thom*s Smert in pty of payment of lx*« for the making of the said
hovs xx^
I? to the said Thom*s Smert in fall payment for making of the viij
kechingP in Southwark v"
I? for xij torches for the beryall of Henry the vij* weying ccxx** & j q?
whereof was wasted xxxiij" at iiij<* le li & xij<* for making of euy
(every) torche Sm» xxiij«
I? for carying of vij carpettP to ou' standing to cover the Ravles and
for potacion af? the syght at the draps hall w* the Counscll wnere the
endent'^ bitwcne vs & Smert were redd openly for the making of the
Gote in Chepe & they were content w* the same Sm» xij<*
I? for Ixxxiiij* yerdP or iiro [narrow] white for xij gownys and hoodP
yevcn to xij torchberers of our own company at v<* ayerd Sm» xxxv«
I? for xij paire of grete blake beedP for the said torche berers euy man
apayre xix^
I? to Thom*s Newport for making of xij gownys and hoodP for the said
torche berers vj«
K to Andrue Zule that attendyd the af? nown & the next fore nowne
vppon the said torche berers and to kepe them in order xx^
I? to xij Ryders momers of ou' ffeliship at the said Beryall that is to say
to SO Banas? nO John Brugge Wardens SO Hawkins SO Cremor ixO
Holden 60 Cally fiO Starky iB Game SO Burton 50 patmer 50 Wylkyn-
son & SO Carter to euy (every) of them towardP there chargP xiij« iiij^
Sm* viijM
I? to John Wetewang & Ric NichollP for the colleccion of the said
Ryciing money for there labo'^ xiiij<*
Itm to Swyft the MairP Sgeant for arresting Jamys Bronn for disobediens fo. 87 b.
to the Wardens vvJ^
Itffi spent at Walter Aprysse tavern af? our serche of our lyvelod
vj« viij<*
I? to the Clerk of Saynt MichaellP in Comhyll for a Solempn Masse there
the Sonday next af ? thassumpcion of our lady & a masse of Requiem
on the morowe xv» vj<*
I? to Robrt Bromfeld for cariage of x tonn order (ordure) out of the gote
in chepe at xvj<* le tonn & iiij^ over xiij" viij<*
I? to Margaret wyf of John Chyld plu Aer for fall payment of a newe
Systron (cistern) in 50 Hawe hows xyj» x<*
Digitized by
Google
37^ Warden^ Account Sy 1^08-9
I{ to WillA Tull bryklayer for making of' viij Chymnqrs in Southwark
Xlsjd
I? to WillA Tull for vndpynnyng the long Wall next the chirche yarde
in Southwark xiij" mf^
I? to Ric Rowly Smyth for nalys hengP hookP latchis catchis boItP &
staples as apcrP by his byll xvj» iij<*
I? to Cristofer Malyn glasyer for Iv fote glas in the gote at iiij^ in hony
layn xix fote glace in ComhyU for mending of xij paynes & in Saynt
laur (Lawrence) layn for xx fote neweglas & mending there the old
gas coni xxxij fote & for the draps hall for iiij« yerP amending the
utP there sm» xliij»
Whcrof ou' Bdcccssou'^ paid hym x« and we paid xxxiij"
I? to Thom^ Brytt for ix<^ lyme at v« sm» xlv» wherof Barnard pd xx» and
we paid xxv«
I? for a lood of hart lathe w^ the cariage x* v/^
I? to Thom*s Alynson for x m' tyle for Southwark at iiij* Vf sm» xlv»
wherof Barnard payd xv* and we paid xxx"
I? to ni) £burtons preste for a q*? (quarter) wagP endyd at Midielmas An<^
h. vij"^ xxiiij® xxxiij* iiij**
I? to ffi) BoundP preste for the same q*? xxxiij* iiif*
K to 3 Willfli Qynche & § Nicholas pyke our Chapelayns for the same
q»? iij** vj» viij<*
I? to § Wyllffi HaryotP preste for the same q*? xxxv«
H to Thom*s Rvchardson our Qcrk for the same q*? xx*
I? of Ric Stukeicy Beedman for the same q»? xiij« iiij<*
R to Willm Avdrope beedman for the same q»? xiij« iiij<*
I? to Thom*s Hayward beedman for the same q*? x«
K to Geflfrey Kent Bedeman for the same q*? xiij» iiij<*
R to Thom"s payn of Denocyon for the same q»? sf viij<*
R to Raynold Sampton vnd bedell for the same q»? vj» viiy*
R to the Abbot of Evesham for quytrent for di yere endyd at Michelmas
An® h. vij"" xxiiij<> liij» iiij^
R for Ric Normans Obyte at the flfrere Augustyns for this yere liij» iiij*|
R for jB BoundP preste for iij q»?P endyd at mydsofii An<>. h. viij°" pmo v*"
R to ou' ij Chapelayns aforesaid for a q*? enayd at mydsc^ An<> pmo. h.
viijmi iiju vjf viij**
R to S Willfii Haryots preste for the same q*? xxxv«
R to John Bavns for Ixvij m' & di [tf7,yoo] Bryk pcell of jc m* [100,000]
that he sold vnto vs af? iij* vuj<* the m* [1000] clere of all caryage
whiche am**» xij" vij» yf wherof the owdyto^^ abatP for that cariage
that was aUowed hym in his accompt this yere Edward Barnard the
whiche Edward paid by the oomandment of the Wardens vj» for cariage
of xij lood whiche ought not to be paid for it was bought free of all
cariage so RestP clere xij*» xviij<*
Digitized by
Google
Wardens^ Accounts y 15^08-9 373
I? to harselet by aggrement in grete for all the toll at london Brige for
brvk & sand & ct xiij^ iiij<^
I? allowed to S) John Brugge for our pte of the costP for a placard
purchaced for the old made clothes to h^ sold by mcers draps Taylyo^'
& Sheremen as by his bill of pcellP aperethe whiche Am**» to xxij* iiii<*
wherof ou' pte coAys to v» vij**
I? allowed vnto the said 50 Brugge onely for his own costP & chargP that
he had for the purchesshing of the said placard as other compaynes
aforenamed dyd in the pmisses yj« viij**
I? to Richardson for pap & Ink for the hole yere iij* iiij<i
I? for keping clene the place Sellers ChafilbrP & hanging of the hall by
all the yere except the ffcste ij* v\\f
K for keping clene the gutters and leedP aboute the place for all the
yere \f
I? to the Canell raker for the hole yere for all the place xvj<*
Itiii for the clerks wagP of Saynt Swythunys for the hole yere for all the fi>. 88 a.
place \f viij^
I? for engrossing of this Accompt iij* iiij<^
I? for Wasshing of our Napery for the hole yere to m' [Mistress] Banaster
ij* viij<*
R we aske allowance for the fote of lii Hawkins 50 Watson 59 Carter &
5i) Charlys Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successou'' the next
Wardens whiche fote Am**» w* a Jewell of 5i) fiibyans for v>« sm» xiij*' ix»
I? we aske allowance for the fote of 50 Monoux SO Milbom 50 patnO &
SO Wylkynsons Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successours the
next W ardens iij* iiij<*
I? for the fote of 60 flvtzherbertP accompt we ask allowance for we remyt
it to the next Wardens our Successor' & xvj yerP past Sm» iiij>« x« f
M we ask allowance for the fote of SO Nyghtingalys accompt & xy yerP
past whiche we remytt to our Successou'^ the next Wardens Sm» ix» x<*
R we ask allowance for John WetewangP byll for Willfli flbwler his
appntice which we remytt to our Successou'^ the next Wardens xiij* iii j*
K we aske allowance for the fote oi 50 WillA Milbom 50 Cally nO
hasylwod & SO Rudston Accompt whiche we remytt to our Successou'^
the next wardens xxxix« v<* ob
Sm» to** of all ou' paymentP and dyschargP Am'^ dxxviip x« v'f
So restP derely to thies accomptantP Sm» lij* viij^ c*
Avdido^^^ of this Accompt,
50 Cremor SO Peter Starky 50 Wylkynson & 50 Carter
Md that the foresaid Rest of lij* yiij<^ ob was paid in man & fourm
folowing that is to say ffirst must be abatyd therof for a playn table
Digitized by
Google
374- Wardens^ Accounts^ 1^08-9
cloth cont xiij ellP at viij^ the ell whiche iB BanastcrP Su*ntP (servant)
lost in the wasshing & he was paid for the wasshing of all our napry
as the custom ys Sm* Am* viij* viij^ ob
Itm 1x9 Dixson being Warden paid to nO Mattok Chamblayn at the
request and for nO John Brugge to accomplysh the ftiU payment of xl"
where vnto he was scssed for the iij<^ Sougeo^' (soldiers) that went for
this Cite in to ffrau»nce w' the king Henry the vij**» Sm» xx»
K 50 Perpount being Warden paid to 50 Askue for the clere rest of the
said lij» viij<* ob xxiiif
Dettou'' for Sessing towardP the chargP of the kingP beryall
SO laurens Starky dcl^ vj« viij^ Thom*s Bowgh debj rf wnf & Ric
Cradok debj iiij» Sm* xvij» iiij<*
Whiche the foresaid accomptannP hathe paid for vnto this place as
apperP by this accompt.
XXII B
RENTERS' ACCOUNTS, 1^08-9.
An® xxiijo. An® xxiiij®. An® p*mo h. viiij". An® dm. if 08. lyoj
No. + 14.1.
Edward Barnard Rentor
M'Baaaster \ M' Hawkynsx
M' John Brugge ^Tr^,j^„. M'Cremor I
M' Askue ^ Wardens. M' Rudston [
M'Toll ) M' Askue )
Thes Auditors ^ estymaeion fynd that Edward Bernard owth xyj^ iiij' vij^
for his ij accompts for a yere (3 j qtJ endyd at ou' lady day in lent An®
xxiiij® H, vij.
The viij**» day of Aprell in the iiij'** yere of the Reign of King henry
the viij**> Edward Barnard brought in to this place and delyvered to
M' Roche in party of payment of this Accompt viij" the which Eyghte
fomdes ys in parte of payment of a more son^
per me William Roche.
' AH the parts in italics are bter additions. Those crossed through are
items altered.
Digitized by
Google
Renters' AccountSy 1^08-9 Vl^
J.
Agreed we pay unto the Cbirchwardens of Sa]mt Dynyse Bakchirch of
london for a quyterent gcying out of the ij houses that were M' Whites
sett in sherebom layn of [illegible] yerely at michelmas xiij" iiij<^.
Agreed that Barnard pd. for a Rof tyle to M*^ Alyson iiij^ for Southwerk.
A° xxiiij*'.
This is thaccompt of Edward Barnard Renter of alle the londes
tenementes and rentes parteynyng and belongyng to the ftelaship of
drapers set lying and beyng in the Citee of london^ White Crosse Strete
and in Southwerk aswele of alle his Resceites as of his discharges pay-
mentes and Reparacons, that is to say from the 6feste of the Anundacon
of our lady An° iyo8 in the xxiij*« yere of the Reigne of kyng harry the
vij*^ unto the ffeste of the Anunciacon of our lady Atif* 1J09 in the xxiiij**
yeve of the said kyng ^&in the first yirt^K b. tit> vtij'^ that is (or the
Space of an hole yere. A Than beying George Momwx Aldermam (S Wardcyns
John fianaster John Brigge Cnstofre Askue and John ToUe. Anno mu
» > '»« viijft >
The Charche (charge) of the Rentall
Candilwik ffirst receyved of Robert harry s draper for his)
strete. Tenement charged for the said yere ) !■
It. rec. of Thomas flissher for his tenement for the|
said yere J xxiij* iiij<*
Sm. iij** xiij« iiij<*.
Seint Swith- Item, rec of Thomas lyntwhite for an hole yere
ines Lane. for his tenement ) xx'
It. rec. of Annes Somer for hir tenement for thei
same yere ) xiiij»
It. rec of Bartilmew hamonde for his tenement)
for the same yere ) xxiij* iiij^
It. rec. of Richard Call for an bole yere for his|
tenement } xxiij« iiij^
It of the same Richard for an other tenement for j
the same yere J xxiij* iiij^
It. rec. of Robert Sherman for his tenement for
the same yere
It. the litle house next the gate which the Renter
dwelleth in by yere
S" vii** xiiij*
xxx«
XX*
Digitized by
Google
37^
Dowgate.
Comehill.
Cheapside.
Honylane.
Bassynge-
shaw.
liij* iiij*
xxyj* viij**
xxyj« viij<*
xiij« iiij^
Renters^ AccountSy 1^08-9
Item rec of William Whcler for his tenement
that John Ax sumtyme occupied for the said
ycre ,
It. rec. of William Geffrey for his tenement for
the same yere
Item rec. cf John Clerk for his tenement the
same yere
It. rec. of a little shop that parcell of Whelersj
house for the same yere }
S" xiij** idiij*
Item rec. of Maister Acheley for his tenement fori
the same yere )iij^ vj» viij<*
Item rec. of Scint Christofers Church iif iiij**
Sm iiju xi
Item the tenement called the Gote that M^les^
Broun held for di yere of this accompt iiip x*
Also Walter ap Rice for the same tenement -
for the other di yere of this accompt after x"*
by yere that is v»i / ix" x«
It. of Thomas Rothewode Girdiller for his tene-|
ment there for the said holcyere }iiij**xiij»iiij*
It. of Rauf of Opowlcston Goldsmyth for his
tenement for the same yer v**
S" xix*^ iij* iiij**
It. rec. of M' hawys for the rent of his place for
the said hoole yere
It. of Thomas Keel for the Rent of his tenement
for the same yere
S" xxxj^ vj» viij^
■ ^fi yjs viijd
iijU yjs yiijd
viij"xiifiiij<*
Item of Adam Shirry for his tenement for the|
said yere Jiij^
Item of John Belle Taillor for his tenement the|
said yere | xvj«
It. of John hywode for his tenement for the said)
yere J xx«
It. of Robert Galy for his tenement for the said)
yere j xxxiij* iiif*
Digitized by
Google
Renters^ Account s^ 15^08-9 377
SmythfeUe. Item of Marearete harryson for her tenementj
caUed the fiuU for the said yere J vij^
S»
White Item of William Arrard for his tenement for the)
Crosse said yere J xl»
Stretc. It, of John Goodwyn for his tenement for the)
said yere J xl*
S wiiM y ijii iMfiiijft
Theam- Item of John lawden for his place for the said|
St rete. yere J iiij^xiij* iiij^
Item of John Roo for his tenement for the same)
yere j xxyj» viij**
OOfCK
Item of Elizabeth ff a g a lf for hir tenement fori
the same yere j xxxij*
S»
Sooth werL Item of John hargill for his tenement and wharf)
for Itc yere of this accompt j iij" vj« viij<»
It« of moder Elizabeth for her tenement for the)
same yere J ix«
c
It. of i^layer Joynor for his tenement for the same)
yere ) 3cvj»
It. of Rowley Smyth for his tenement xvj»
It. of Thomas Waterman for his tenement for)
the said yere j xv» viij^
It. of William Bosom for his tenement 3cv«
It. of Henry Godfrey for his tenement for tiie)
same yere J xx«
It. of the same Henry for an other tenement xxxiij* iiij^
It. of the same Henry for an other tenement i^ viij^
It. of Antoay Gastoyne for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij^^
It. of Stephen Joynor for his tenement xxxiij* iiij^
It. of Thomas Barbour for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij<^
It. of Cristian TaiUor for hir tenement xxxiij» iiij<*
It. of the said Cristian for a little yerd by yere xirj*"
S« xxiiij** nxf
Item of henry Carver for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij<*
It. of Nicholas Peynter for his tenement xmij« iiij^
It of Cornells for his tenement by yere xviij«
It. of Johane hynton for hir tenement xviij*
160S-1 3 c
Digitized by
Google
378 Renters^ Accounts^ 1^08-9
It. of William Bother for his tenement xviif
It. of loy Joynor for his tenement by yere xxxiij* iiij^
S° vij" xiiij*
S» to« of all the Receytes
am**» Ixxxxvij" xviij* iiij<*
The discharges & paymentes.
The obitc of ffirst paid to the iiij wardeyns yj* viij**
henry Ebar- It to the parson viif*
toil holden It. to vj preestes and two derkcs ij» viit*
the xujt»> day it. to the Clerk for Ryngyng y'nf
of Jayn at j^^ to the Wexchaundeler v\if
S h It. to Thomas Richardson viij*»
* ^^ • It. for brede and ale spice wyne and chese and \
other charges J vij« ij*
S~ xix« ijd
TheObiteof Item to the iiij wardeyns vj« viij<*
Alice Har- It. to the parson xx«»
lewyn the it^ to vj preestcs and oon clerk " ij* iiij<*
«iij day of It. to the clerk for Ryngyng xij^
JnynatScint jt^ to Thomas Richardson viij^
Cristolors. j^^ ^^ y,^^ wexchaundeler xij*
It. for brede ale wyne chese and spices & other\
charges | vj« viij*
S"xx«
The obite of Item to M' Monoux alderman iij* iii^
John Nor- It^ to the iiij wardeyns vj» viij<*
man the xrj It. to the parsone of honylane ij» iiij^
day of It to vij preestes and oon clerk ij" viij*
august In it^ to the scxteyne (sexton) ij<«
honylane. j^ ^^ ^^ wexchaundeler xij^
It. to Thomas Richardson viij<^
It. to the clerk for Ryngyng viij*
gm xvij* vf
The Obitc of Item paid to the iiij wardeyns iiij»
M^ Haiiotes It. to the parsons duputie y\xf
thcTiij^^day It. to viij preestes & iiij clerkes iiij* and more^
of ffebrS) at for to drynk x^ S"^ ) iiij* r*
scint dun- It. to xxj pore people xxj*
stonys in the
Est.
Digitized by
Google
Renters' AccountSy 15^08-9 379
M' harriot.
Robert
Sir Mich i lf
Wcstmor- j
land.
Sir
Pike.
M'EbaitQii.
Mr. Boondes
preest.
Robert
Brigges.
Richard
Stnkeley.
William
Aithorp.
Geffrey
Kent.
Thomas
heyward.
Thomas
Payne.
Hugh
Mitton.
It. to the wexchaundeler for wax and candillcs
It. for ryngyng of Belles
It. to Richardson
It. to iij Almos men in drapers hall
It. to Rayndd
S" xiiij» ix^
Paymentes for preestes Salary
ffirst paid to Sir William Clynch for his salary \
for iij quarters \
Also paid to Sir Thomas Box for his wages for j
thre quarters )
Also paid to Sir Nicholas for his wages for]
V wekes service & the Remniant of that quarter I-
was void )
Also paid to Sir Nicholas Pyke for di yere within
the tyme of this accompt
Also paid to Maister £burton chaplein for a
quarter endvng at midsomer a° xxiij^ henry
the vij*^ at tne goyng out of that service ,
Item paid to Thomas Richardson for his wages)
for iij quarters of a yere j
Also paid to Reynold Sampton for his wages for)
iij quarters )
Also paid to Mr Boundes preest for oon quarter
Item paid to Robert Brigges for his almosse for^
a quarter endyng at midsomer a<' xxiij h. vij !-
& than he died ]
Item paid to hym for his wages for iij quarters
xiij^
iiij**
vj-
VH
xj» viij<>
m n
xxxiij* iiij*
iij" XV*
XX*
xxxiij*iiij^
xv»ij<>
xl»
Item paid to hym for his Almose for iij quarters xl*
iij quarters
Item paid to hym for his almose for th t hoto ytm
and than deceessed
Item paid for brede and ale at Drapers hall at
the wardeins commaundement whan the said
Geflfrey was buried goven to the ffeliship ,
Item paid to hym for his almosse for iij quarters!
of this accompt \
Item paid to hym for his almose for iij quarters
Item paid to hym for the masse of our lady and)
for Ryngyng j
xxxvj»vuj<*
xij^
XXX*
XX*
Digitized by
Google
gSo Renters^ AccountSy 1^08-9
Item paid to xij preestes and ij derkes for derige
and masse of Requiem
Item to the sextein for erbes and floures to straw
tbepewes
S«
Item paid for the maisters dynner & wardeyns
both olde and newe with their Counceile at
such tyme as thei went to oversee their landes
and tenementes at the signe of the Cristofer
in cheapeside
Item paid for a lode of colys & money geven in\
almose to the pour folk of the said [Hirissh and
to the almose men of the said ffeliship of/
drapers
S" xxxvij** vij<*
Quytercntes
ffirst paid to her for quyterent oute of Drapers
hall for the hole yere of this accompt
Item paid to the wardeyns of the said chirche
for a yerely Quyterent of a chymney in the
parlour in Drapers hall
Item paid to hym for a yerely quitrent out of the]
tenement called the Gote In Cheapeside for 1-
the yere of this accompt j
Item jnid for a quiterent oute of M' hawys place
fo the yere of this accompt
Item to the Church Wardeins there for quiterent
oute of the corner tenement at Bow chirch for
the yere of this accompt
Item for quiterent oute of the londes and tene
ments In Southwerk for the yere of this
accompt
Seint
Cristofers
parisshe.
M"WeUon.
Abchirch.
William
Rygby.
Bosomes
Inne.
Seint
Mathew in
fndaystrete.
Seint
Awstyns
beside
Cantitbury.
Cristes
Cfaarch in
london.
ffynesbary.
honylane.
=1
Item paid for the londes and tenements in Saynt
Mary Bothowe parish in Candilwykstrete for
the said yere ^
Item paid for quiterent of the landes & tenements
in Whitecrossestrete of this yere passed
Item to the Church Wardeins In hony-lane paid
for the Beamelight for the yere of this accompt
paiable at Mighelmas
iiij* viij^
viij*
jxf viij*
xiij»iiij<*
xx«
xij*
xxvj« viij<*
x«
3£X*
T3\f
ix*
xiij»iiij<*
Digitized by
Google
Renters^ AccountSy 1^08-9 3^^
Seint
Swttnniic.
Seint Mary
Ocrcys.
The Crafte
of talow-
dunndelers.
Evysham.
Seint
James in the
ffelde.
Seint
Johanes in
Walbioke.
The Collage
of Cobham.
Item paid to the parsone there for the OAeringes
of Drapers hall for the yere of this accompt at
mighelmas
Item paid for quiterent outc of the tenement
Gote In the dieape for the hole yere paiable
at mighelmas and our lady day in lent
Item for a quiterent oute of the landes and tene-'
ments at Dowgate for the yere of this accompt
endyd at our lady day in lent
Item paid to the abbot of Evysham for the'
patronage of Seint mighelles Church in
Cornehill for dL yere
Item paid for quitrent for the londes and tene-
ments in Bassyn^eshawe for the yere of this
accompt at oure lady day in lent
Item to the Chirche Wardeyns there for the
quiterentes oute of the londes and tenements
at dovgate for this yere paid at midsomer
Item for quyterent oute of the landes and tene-
ments In Cornehill at our lady day in lent for
the yere of this accompt
Item fMud to the Colectors for the kynges money)
for drapers hall )
vj» viij^
iujM
vj» viij*
liij'iiij^
XX*
xiij« iiij<*
xxvj« viij*
xviij*
S m liiijM iiiji
Sm xvij^ iij« V**
Smi xvffl iij* »^
Reparaciones
W hawys. ffirst to a Tiler after viij^ a day and his laborer^
after v<* a day for viii* dales wcrk for tylyng
the hall diambres and makyng a new berth
In the Kechyn
Item paid for iiij lodes of sand at vi^ p* lode sm.
It. paide for iij lodes of lyme at ix<^ tiie lode
Item for a lode of breeke
Item for a grate of Iron for the Gutter weingj
viij**> j<* ob. a lb sm. \
Item paid to a mason for iij daies work for mak-\
yng of the synk that goith into Bosomes Inne}
It paid for vj fote of gutter stone for the said|
synk at iiij<^ the fote )
Item to a laborer for iij daies there
viij» viij**
ij*
xij*
xv<"
Digitized by
Google
gSx Renters' Accounts ^ 15-08-9
Item for fl lode of lyme ix*
It. for a lode of sand to the same werkes vj<^
this iiij* is Iti fop ij n g gjj afig g rf IroB for a ^l^ fl ^ wyndwv> ..
not allowed M » lW5nii t oKd g c ho yg^"'--'"'''''^'^ f iii^
kcrc. S, XX. ^j.
Item for a new case of tymbre for the grete^
ccstren in the Kechin for stuf & werkmanship} viij*
It. for casting of vij« di of olde lede at xiij<* the^
C. to Thomas child plummer j viij* f ob
It. for a cok of brassc to the same cestren ij* viij<*
Item for a pipesend over the sinke wcing xiiij"> viit* ob
Item to Thomas childe plummer in partie of\
payment of 1 lb. Sowder after v<* the lb. s~
xx« X** for the newe cisteren in M' hawes hous. I
So Testes due to the plummer xvj» x4 'which^
Rest 'was paid tj M' Toll, & Bernard paid hgt\
sisj* ef the said xx* x^ ) iiij*
Candilwik- It. for xxij fote of hard stone for the pavyng of^
strete. the Kechin there at v^ the fote with laying of j-
the same j ix» ij<*
It. for ij lodes of lombc to the same werkes viij<*
It. for a laborer iij dales xv^
It for ij^ sap lath viij*
It. for m* sprig for mendyng of walles yf
It. for iij lodes of lombe xij<*
It. for a lode of lyme & a lode of sonde xiiij<^
It. to John Thurston dawber and his laborer for)
iiij dayes ) iiij* iiij^
S, +1. d, 3
Item for a lode of Breke to perfourmyng the|
Kechyn flore and mending of the hirth J ij* ij**
Item for carving away of iiij lode of Robous viij<*
Item for half a dayes labcKir of a werkman to^
make the berth and lay the breke | iiij*
S»
■ R e pafaoiono i Paten Patensons house
ffirst to a tyler and his laborer iij dayes in Tylyng^
the said house & makyng a new berth In the I
chamber next the Strete ) iij* iij*
It. paid for viij Roof tile to the said house vj*
S, (f . d, ii
Digitized by
Google
Renters^ Accounts y 15^08-9 383
Item paid to John Thurston dawber and bis]
laborer there iiij dayes for mendyng the floresj-
and wasshyng the walles j iiij* iiij<^
Item for iij lodes of lombe liv^
Item for iij Sakkes of lyme iiij**
It. for ij lb Sawder occupied In the gutters x<>
S»
The Corner Item paid to a mason for makyng of two new^
hoosin herthes oon*In the kechyn an other In the I
cheape side. celler and for mending of a towaile of a Sege » j xf*
It. for cariage of a lode of Robous awey (rubbish \
away) \ ij^
S«
S, 7. d, 7.
The Bull In Smythfeld.
ffirst paid for vi« lathe ij»
Item paid for ij m* Sprig xij<*
Item paid for di m^ Sprig iij*
Item for iiij lodes of lombe xvj*
Item to John Thurston dawber & his laborer for|
)
iiij dales dawbyng the walles there J iiij* iiij<*
Item for Voide of xvij ton ordour outc of two)
seges the ton xij<* sm. J xvij*
Item to a man for wachyng there two nyghtes xvj<*
Item for xij hopes for the grete ycllyng Tonnes!
price the pece vj* sm. ) vj*
Item for leyng of lede upon the same yeldyng)
Tonnes j vj<*
Item for paid to a Carpenter for mending of the'
wyndowes in the middvll parlour & setting up •
of a grete in the sege nouse di day j iiij**
S°»
S, 3+. d, j.
Reparacions at Drapers hall.
Item paid to a Tyler and his laborer there for v]
dayes werk for Tyllyng the hall the parlour L
and the Almosc men bwses j v* v*
* A water-closet.
Digitized by
Google
?
384- Renters^ AccountSy 15^08-9
Item for iij lodes of lyme ij* vif"
Item for iij lodes of dand xviiy>
Item for Cariage awey of iij lodes of Robous vj<i
Item for a litle laddyr for the ladys chambre vj^
Item for iij bokes ot Iron to hang on the gretej
laddyr weyng v lb di. jd ob the lb. sm. J viij^'
It. paid for a new key to the wykket iij^
S«
S, II. d, I.
The Gote in Cheapc.
Item paid to William Carpenter for xxxij** fote oi
Tymbre that made postes and bases in the]
celler there and warehouse to here up a flore j V
Item fo C di of v<* naile v j*
Item to the same William for iiij dales werk for)
settyng up the said postes and baces J ijp viij'
Item paid for a new lok and a key to the Bakkj
dorc J viij^
Item paid for a bolt of Iron to the Inner dore f
Item paid to John Thurston dawber for half a|
dales labour to cover the Sege J iiij^
Item for ij lodes of lombe to the same werk viij<^
S, 9. d, 1 1
Item to a Tyler and his laborer for iij daies\
Tylyng the chambres and for makyng of a new I
hertti in the Kechyn and mendyng the wall In [
the dry ware house / iij* iij^
It. for ij lodes of lyme xviif*
Item for x roofe Tylcs for the garret Chamber viij^
Item for ij lodes of Sand xij^^
Item to a laborer to make clene their chambres 1
cellers and gutters for iij dales j xv^
Item for cariage of vj lodes of Robous awey xij*
S»
S^ 8. dy 8.
Reparacions at Seint laurence lane
Item for a lode of pavyng Stone with the cariage xvj^^
Item paid for paving of two taice (days ?) werk di xvif* ob
It. for a lode rfgravell iiij^
S«
Digitized by
Google
Renters' ^ccountSy 15^08-9 38^
Reparadons at Whitcrossestrete
Item paid to a Tyler and his laborer iij dates for)
Tylyng of the Bochers houses J
S3 6. d^ 4^ m.
Item for a lode of lyme and ij lodes of sand
Item for cariage of iiij<^ tyle from Smythfelde
Item paid to laurence Baily pavior for pavyng of^
V taice werk in the strete there at vif the taice \
sm. j
Item for iiij lodes of pavyng stone with the
cariage therof
Item for vj lodes of gravell to reyse the same)
werkes J
Item for clensyng of the diche to convey his)
water J
Item for a newe bokete to the well
S-
S, 14. d, 1.
Do^gate. Item for makyng of iij dores and oon wyndowr
and benches and nailes and other stuff and
w o ffce m anihip of che fame
ij fc t y ti r ij l a chag 8 c c a c fc^ s and a ring t o a da r t.
It for ij new lokkes and ij keyes ij lachis &)
cachis & a ryng to a dore )
iij»iij*
ijd
V»
viij*
viiy*
v» vj<* ob
Reparadons at Seint donstons.
Item paid for a paire of new hengcs to the^
wykket to the grete place there j
Item paid for iiij^ naile tberto
Item paid for yj Rakkes to hane upon dothes in^
fibrsters house for tymber and wcrkmanship |
Item In x^ naile for the same
S«
S, ic. d, I m
Reparacones of Southwerk
Item paid for a dog of Iron and nailes to hold In
the sege house at the Bell wharf weyng vij "
di
In)
1
iiij<*
ij*
ij"
ut«
Digitized by
Google
^S6 Renters' Account s^ 1^08-9
Item pild for % ctse of bordes to close In a pipe)
of kde in Brisg bouse kne j
Item for a new iSk and a kqr for the store home
dore
Item ffeven In Ernest to the mason for makjng'
or Onrmneys
Item paid to Thomas Byrt lyman for Tt^ Ton of
chalk at vj' a Ton
Item paid for a whele Barowe
Item paid for takjng up imF the pavment and)
carirng In of the Stones and GrayeU ij dales ofl
a laoorer I
S, I+. d, I.
Item to Thomas Brete in partfe of payment of\
ix«lvme pceARestes tohjm zz^thatAj
Item paid for mendjrng of iij olde lokkes and a
new kqr
Item for mendyng of ij bkkes for the grete gate
and to oon of Siem a new key
Item to John Thurston for mendyng the waOes
In the tenement next Brigge nouse lane for
a daies werk
Item for a lode of lombe there occupied
Item for iij sakkes of lyme
Item paid to William Cull mason for d^geyng.
aud makyng of the foundacion of the Kc^ynsl
and under pynnyng the Grounsellcs * there by r
Cennement j
Item for viij m> of roof naile for the Tylyog oft
the Kechynes [
Richard RoylW Smyth in Southwtkk for
Mr TM
^doores &
The dmber Coondatioii*
Tiij*
Tij*
f
ziiij«
xx«
viij*
viij*
iiij*
iiij*
iuj>ix^
Digitized by
Google
Renters^ Accounts^ 15^08-9 387
Item more p«id to the said Smyth by Ed. Barnard)
fiw ij«ofiij*nayle )
It. more for xvj m^ spiygg^
S,4+-d,5>.
I for xij paire of henges and xij hokes wc
xxx^jH^i*^ ob the lb sm.
Item for^ytKtus and vj cachis
Item for iiij Bolt^Ss^d iiij staplc|
Also so resteth to the sr
rest M' Toll .
Item for xvj m>'
Item c vj*
Item m*^
■ ij« of iij* naUc
»iij*ob(f whiche)
fm for y^ of iiy naile for dores and wyndowcs
iiij*
viij«
viij«
iij* iiij*'
iiij*"
Item fo/ iij Bussnill of tile pynnes
Item paid to a Tyler for hying of viij m' tylc viij*
Item^to John Thurston dawber for ij werkmen uyi
yj daies werk j viij«
S, i7.d,}.
Item to iij laborers lor vj daies vij» vj*
n^fM. [tem^to TbomavA^alshe Sandeman for xvj Ipdev
of^thd^jMf a lode ^^^^ \ vuj»
«•! fM. Item uvhfn^ xix lodes of lomb^ibftiie walles^
particionhit iiii* the tod^ sm. J vj» iuj*
Item to Th<Mnas Aleynson Tyle maker In parties
of payment of x m^ Tyle had into Southwerk I
for the vij new kechinges after iiij* vj* the mM
Sm paid by Ed. Barnard *
Item paid for Cariage of xij k>od Breke to Thomas)
Gaiyam in to Southwerk
Item for iij« hert lath for the litle kediynl
In the Comer \ xv^
Item for a pek of Tyle pynnes j*ob
Item to a loborer for ix daies lij^ ix4
Item paid to John henley lyme man%
for iij* and di Ivme at v* the c sm. J xvij* yj*
dj jri* d, I m.
j|r
XV*
vj-
f0ff ftf yt 9NU ^
H» hyl^tha thtj
AtUrft^thtuU
^j» O* tbiljtf S§9
fWMJttS^
Digitized by
Google
^88 Renters' Accounts^ 15^08-9
Item to the Sand man at the Tower hyll for xx|
loodes sand at yf a lode sm \ x* wf
Item for mjr wages for a hole yere ended at our)
lady day in lent A<> pdci ) iiij^
Item for potadons upon the Tenements for thlsi
yere J xiij« iiij<^
Item for paper and Ink and makyng of this)
accompt ) vj» viij*
S" v" x« vj*
Sandeman.
Plnmmer.
Glasier.
Goce.
Goce.
Dowgae.
Dowg^ee.
$aynt Swy-
thnn/s layn.
xiij» iiij^
xlvij* viij*
Also there is owen to the sandman Thomas'
Walshe for xvj lode of sand vij' vj' and for
xix lodes of tombe vf iiij* Sm.
Also there is owen to henry Tarsey plummer as
it appereth by his bill
Also to the Glasier in fiynkes layn^^
T^ li 20 S. II. d 5 m for Reparacions Wages Pbtadons etc
Vacadons '
ffirst the said accomptannt asketh alIowaunce>
for the tenement Gote diarged at ix" by yerel
geven to Miles Broun half yeres rent enoyngl
at mighelmas xxiij h. the vij**» / iiij" x»
Item the same tenement Gote letten to Walter)
ap Rice for z^ by yere and voide the quarter}*
from mighdmas to Cristemas J
Also a tenement parcell of the grete house at\
dowgate the upper part diarged at xiij* iiij^ by t
yere voide from mighelmas to our lady dayf
Annunciadon that is half yere '
Also a litle shop that is parcdl of the said upperl
part diarged at xiij* iUj' by yere voide all tfae}*
yere of this accompt )
Also there resteth in the handes of Richard Call)
for a hole yere and a quarter endyng at our I
lady day aforsaid for oon tenement after f
xxiij* mf by there
11, ^. S, 9* d, !•
1«
vj« viij*
xiij»iiij*
' xxix*ij^
N.B. — ^The wages are the same as in 1481-1 : a Tiler, a Mason^
a Carpenter %d. a day, a labourer %L a day.
' The number of tenements vacant is striking. Probably dae to
the sweating sickness, which was severe about that time.
Digitized by
Google
Ift
• ♦
tlM^
) •
'\
#
I
t
1.
^ • '^,
I I
»
|l
TVNews
OpenLibrary